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Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2015 with funding from
Jisc and Wellcome Library
https://archive.org/details/o24750281_ 0004
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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
EDITED BY
E. CAPPS, pu.p., wp. TT. E. PAGE, tircp.
ἵν. H. D. ROUSE, t1r17.p.
PROCOPIUS
IV
PROCOPIUS.
VoLumR® 1.
THE PERSIAN WAR
VoLumRE IT,
THE VANDALIC WAR.
VouumE ITI,
THE GOTHIC WAR.
PROCOPIUS
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
ΗΓΒ DEWING
IN SEVEN VOLUMES
IV
HISTORY OF THE WARS,
BOOKS VI (continued) and VII
LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN
NEW YORK : G. P. PUITNAM’S SONS
MOMXXIY
ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSISIANS 7
LIGRARY
CONTENTS
HISTORY OF THE WARS—
BOOK VI.—THE GOTHIC WAR (continucd)
BOOK VII,—THE GOTHIC WAR (continued) .
INDEX .
Mapr—Norturrn ΤΆΤ.
PAGE.
469
At end
PLEWTGSY 3
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ὃ 2.
᾿ ὃ
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
HISTORY OF THE WARS:
BOOK Yi
THE GOTHIC WAR (continued)
VOL, IV. B
to
4
ITPOKOIIOY KAIZAPEO>
ὙΠῈΡ TON MIOAEMON AOTOS EKTOS
XVI
a /
Βελισάριος δὲ καὶ Ναρσῆς ξὺν ἀμφοτέροις
/ 2 / > / > \ f
στρατεύμασιν ἀλλήλοις ἀνεμίγνυντο ἀμφὶ πόλιν
ἃ lal “ r /
Pippov, ἣ κεῖται μὲν Tapa! τὴν ἠϊόνα τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου
, 5) / \ > os I ς / εῷ
κόλπου, ἀπέχει δὲ Αὐξίμου πόλεως ἡμέρας ὁδόν.
ἐνταῦθα δὲ ξὺν πᾶσι τοῖς τοῦ στρατοῦ ἄρχουσιν
ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιοῦντο, ὅπη ποτὲ σφίσι πρότερον
SN \ / a A a / 9 A
ἐπὶ TOUS πολεμίους ἰοῦσι μᾶλλον ξυνοίσει." HV
τε γὰρ ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Δρίμινον πολιορκοῦντας χωρή-
σειαν, τοὺς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ ὑπώπτευον μὴ κατὰ νώτου
77 rn OG / \ / >
ἰόντες σφᾶς τε καὶ Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ταύτῃ BK
΄ 4
μένους τὰ ἀνήκεστα, ὡς TO εἰκός, δράσωσι, καὶ
ἀμφὶ τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἐδείμαινον μὴ τῇ
ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων δεινόν τι πάθωσιν. οἱ
μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι ᾿Ιωάννῃ χαλεπῶς ἔχοντες ἔποι-
οῦντο τοὺς λόγους. ἐπεκάλουν γάρ οἱ ὅτι θράσει
1 παρὰ K: περὶ L.
5. ξυνοίσει Hoeschel: ξυνοίσειν MSS.
PROCOPIUS, OF “CAESAREA
HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK. VI
THE GOTHIC WAR (continued)
XVI
Bettsarius and Narses came together with their
two armies near the city of Firmum,? which lies on
the shore of the Ionian Gulf, and is one day’s
journey distant from the city of Auximus. [ἢ that
place they began to hold conferences with all the
commanders of the army, considering at what par-
ticular point it would be most to their advantage to
make the first attack upon the enemy. For if, on
the one hand, they should proceed against the forces
besieging Ariminum, they suspected that the Goths
in Auximus would in all probability, taking them in
the rear, inflict irreparable harm both upon them
and upon the Romans who lived in that region ; but,
on the other hand, they were anxious concerning the
besieged, dreading lest by reason of their lack of
provisions they should suffer some great misfortune.
Now the majority were hostile toward John, and
made their speeches accordingly ; and the charge
they brought against him was that he had been
1 Modern Fermo.,
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ΕΣ , \ / - " >
τε ἀλογίστῳ καὶ χρημάτων πολλῶν ἔρωτι ἐς
[2 / > / \ > 3 / > Ae:
τόσον κινδύνου ἀφίκοιτο, καὶ οὐκ ἐν τάξει οὐδὲ ἡ
/ 2 na) Ot \ a / ,
Βελισάριος ἐξηγεῖτο ἐῴη τὰ τοῦ πολέμου περαί-
νεσθαι. Ναρσῆς δὲ (καὶ γάρ οἱ φίλτατος ἣν
Ἢ ΄ τι 9 θ ΄, ε ΄ s , \ B
ὡάννης ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων) δείσας μὴ Βελι-
\ \ al f
σάριος πρὸς τὰ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν εἰρημένα ἐνδοὺς ἐν
\ ᾽ ,ὔ a
δευτέρῳ τὰ ἐν ᾿Αριμίνῳ πράγματα θῆται ἔλεξε
τοιάδε"
“Οὐκ ἐν τοῖς εἰωθόσι διαλογίζεσθε, ἄνδρες
“ » a 7
ἄρχοντες, οὐδὲ ὑπὲρ ὧν av τις εἰκότως ἀμφι-
/ \ \ » 2 9 9, a /
γνοήσειε τὴν βουλὴν ἔχετε, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν οἷς πάρεστι
καὶ τοῖς ἐς πολέμου πεῖραν οὐδεμίαν ἐλθοῦσι τὴν
αἵρεσιν αὐτοσχεδιάζουσιν ἑλέσθαι τὰ κρείσσω.
/ 3 a
εἰ μὲν yap 6 Te κίνδυνος ἐν ἴσῳ εἶναι δοκεῖ καὶ
βλάβος ἑκατέρωθεν τοῖς γε ἀποτυχοῦσιν ἀντί-
παλον, βουλεύεσθαί τε ἱκανῶς ἄξιον καὶ λογί-
σμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἰοῦσιν 5 οὕτω ποιεῖσθαι τὴν
ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων διάγνωσιν. ἡμεῖς δὲ εἰ μὲν
τὴν ἐς Αὔξιμον προσβολὴν ἐς ἄλλον τινὰ χρόνον
2 / / \ / > r >
ἀποθέσθαι βουλοίμεθα, τὴν ζημίαν ἐν τοῖς avay-
καίοις οὐδαμῶς ἕξομεν: τί γὰρ ἂν μεταξὺ τὸ
΄ ν 2 ? ΄ , - \ 3. i,
διαλλάσσον ein; ἐν ᾿Αριμίνῳ δέ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
/ » \ ,ὔ Ν > a Ss \
σφαλέντες, εἰ μὴ λίαν πικρὸν εἰπεῖν ἢ, τὴν
€ , > \ , > \ Wan) ,
Ρωμαίων ἰσχὺν καταλύσομεν. εἰ μὲν οὖν ᾿Ιωάν-
9 \ \ 2 Ν Ὁ“ » /
νης ἐς τὰς σᾶς ἐντολὰς ὕβρισεν, ἀριστε Βελισάριε,
/ A / » ’ 2 / 4
πολλήν γε τὴν δίκην ἔχεις παρ᾽ ἐκείνου λαβών,
ἐπεί σοι πάρεστι σώζειν τε τὸν ἐπταικότα καὶ
ὡάννης K: om. L.
1
2 ἰοῦσιν K: ποιοῦσιν L.
>
t
᾽
ι
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvi. 4-9
moved by unreasoning daring and a desire to gain
great sums of money to place himself in his present
dangerous position, and that he would not allow the
operations of the war to be carried out in due order
nor in the manner prescribed by Belisarius, But
Narses, who loved John above all other men,
beginning to be fearful lest Belisarius should give
way to the words of the officers and treat the situa-
tion at Ariminum as of secondary importance, spoke
as follows:
“ Fellow officers, you are not debating a question
of the customary sort, nor are you holding this
council regarding a situation about which one would
naturally be in doubt, but in circumstances where it
is possible even for those who have had no experience
of war to make their choice offhand and in so doing
to choose the better course. For if it seems to be
true that each of these two alternatives offers to
those who fail an equal degree of danger and
evenly balanced possibilities of mischief, it is alto-
gether worth while to deliberate and to go most
thoroughly into the arguments, and only then to
make our decision regarding the situation before us.
But if we should wish to put off the assault upon
Auximus to some other time, the penalty we shall
suffer will involve in no way any vital interest of
ours; for what difference could arise during the
interval? But if we fail at Ariminum, we shall in
all probability, if it is not too bitter a thing to say,
shatter the strength of the Romans, Now if John
treated your commands with insolence, most excellent
Belisarius, the atonement you have already exacted
from him is surely ample, since it is now in your
power either to save him in his reverse or to abandon
5
10
it
12
13
14
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τοῖς πολεμίοις προΐεσθαι. σκόπει δὲ μὴ τὰς
ποινὰς ὧν ᾿Ιωάννης ἀγνοήσας ἥμαρτε παρὰ βασι-
λέως τε καὶ ἡμῶν λάβῃς. εἰ γὰρ νῦν ᾿Αρίμινον
ἐξέλωσι Τότθοι, στρατηγόν τε αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαίων
δραστήριον καὶ στράτευμα ὅλον καὶ πόλιν κατή-
κοον βασιλεῖ δορυάλωτον πεποιῆσθαι ξυμβήσεται.
καὶ οὐκ ἄχρι τούτου στήσεται τὸ δεινόν, ἀλλὰ
καὶ ξύμπασαν καταστῆσαι τὴν τοῦ πολέμου δυ-
νήσεται τύχην. οὑτωσὶ γὰρ λογίζου περὶ τῶν
πολεμίων, ὡς πλήθει μὲν στρατιωτῶν ἔτι καὶ νῦν
ἡμῶν παρὰ πολὺ προὔχουσιν, ἐς ἀνανδρίαν δὲ οἷς
πολλάκις ἐσφάλησαν ἐμπεπτώκασιν.ἱ εἰκότως"
τὸ γὰρ τῆς τύχης ἐναντίωμα πᾶσαν αὐτῶν τὴν
παρρησίαν ἀφείλετο. ἣν τοίνυν ἐν τῷ παρόντι
εὐημερήσωσι, τό τε φρόνημα οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν
ἀπολήψονται καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οὐκ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου
μόνον ἡμῖν τῆς τόλμης, GANA καὶ πολλῷ μειζόνως
τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε διοίσουσι. φιλοῦσι γὰρ οἱ
‘Tov δυσκόλων ἀπαλλασσόμενοι τῶν οὔπω δεδυσ-
τυχηκότων ἀμείνους ἀεὶ τὰς γνώμας εἶναι."
Ναρσῆς μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε.
Στρατιώτης δέ τις ἐξ ᾿Αριμίνου λαθὼν τῶν
βαρβάρων τὴν φυλακὴν " ἔς τε τὸ στρατόπεδον
ἦλθε καὶ Βελισαρίῳ γράμματα ἔδειξεν, ἃ πρὸς
15 αὐτὸν ᾿Ιωάννης ἔγραψεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ
ce
τάδε: ““Απαντα ἡμᾶς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χρόνου πολ-
λοῦ ἐπιλελοιπέναι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν μήτε πρὸς τὸν
δῆμον ἀντέχειν ἡμᾶς ἴσθι μήτε τοὺς ἐπιόντας
ἀμύνεσθαι οἵους τε εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ἀκου-
σίους ἡμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ πόλιν τήνδε τοῖς πο-
1 ἐμπεπτώκασιν K: ἐκπεπτώκασιν L.
2 τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν φυλακὴν K: τοὺς βαρβάρους L.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvi. 9-15
him to the enemy. But see that you do not exact
from the emperor and from us the penalty for mistakes
committed by John through ignorance. For if the
Goths capture Ariminum at the present juncture, it
will be their good fortune to have made captive a
capable Roman general, as well as a whole army
and a city subject to the emperor, And the calamity
will not stop with this, but it will also have such
weight as to determine the fortune of the war in
every field. For you should reason thus regarding
the enemy, that they are still, even at the present
time, far superior to us in the number of their
soldiers, and they have lost their courage only
because of the many reverses they have suffered.
And this is natural ; for the adversity of fortune has
taken away all their confidence. If, therefore, they
meet with success at the present time, they will at
no distant date recover their spirit and thereafter
they will carry on this war with a boldness, not
merely equal to ours, but actually much greater.
For it is a way with those who are freeing themselves
from a difficult situation always to have a_ better
heart than those who have not yet met with disaster.”
Thus spoke Narses.
At this time a soldier who had escaped from
Ariminum by slipping through the guard of the
barbarians came into the camp and shewed Belisarius
a letter which John had written to him, conveying
the following message: “ Know that for a long time
all our provisions have been exhausted, that we are
no longer able either to hold out against the populace
or to ward off our assailants, and that within seven
days we shall unwillingly surrender both ourselves
16
17
18
19
20
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
λεμίοις ἐγχειριεῖν" περαιτέρω γὰρ βιάξεσθαι τὴν
παροῦσαν ἀνάγκην ἥκιστα ἔχομεν, ἥνπερ ἀπολο-
γεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, ἤν τι οὐκ εὐπρεπὲς δράσωμεν,
ἀξιόχρεων οἶμαι." ᾿Ιωάννης μὲν ἔγραψεν ὧδε.
Βελεσάριος δὲ διηπορεῖτό τε καὶ ἐς ἀμηχανίαν
ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξέπιπτε. περί τε γὰρ τοῖς πολι-
ορκουμένοις ἐδείμαινε καὶ τοὺς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ πολε-
μίους ὑπώπτευε δῃώσειν μὲν ἀδεέστερον ἅπαντα
περιιόντας τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, σφῶν δὲ κατόπισθεν
τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐνεδρεύσοντας, ἄλλως τε καὶ
ἡνίκα ἂν τοῖς ἐναντίοις προσμίξειαν, πολλά τε
κακὰ καὶ ἀνήκεστα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, διεργάσεσθαι.
ἔπειτα μέντοι ἐποίει τάδε. ᾿Αράτιον μὲν ξὺν
/ 2 / ? “ ” 452} ᾿ Ν a
χιλίοις ἀνδράσιν αὐτοῦ ἔλιπεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πρὸς TH
θαλάσσῃ στρατόπεδον ποιήσονται, πόλεως Αὐξί-
μου σταδίους διακοσίους ἀπέχον. ods δὴ ἐκέλευε
μήτε πη ἐξανισταμένους ἐνθένδε ἰέναι “μήτε δια-
μάχεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, πλήν γε δὴ ὅ ὅσα ἐκ τοῦ
στρατοπέδου ἀμυνομένους, ἢν ἐκεῖνοί ποτε ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἴωσι. ταύτῃ γὰρ τοὺς βαρβάρους μάλιστα
ἤλπιζεν ἄγχιστά που στρατοπεδευομένων 'Ῥω-
μαίων ἔν τε Αὐξίμῳ ἡσυχῆ μενεῖν καὶ οὔποτε
κακουργήσοντας σφίσιν ἕψεσθαι. στρατιὰν δὲ
ἀξιολογωτάτην ξὺν ναυσὶν ἔπεμψεν, ἧς Ἥρω-
διανός τε καὶ Οὐλίαρις. καὶ Ναρσῆς ᾿Αρατίου
ἀδελφὸς ἢ ἦρχον. «αὐτοκράτωρ δὲ τῷ στόλῳ ᾿Ιλδί-
γερ ἐφειστήκει, @1 δὴ εὐθὺ ᾿Αριμίνου Βελισάριος
ἐπέστελλε" πλεῖν, φυλασσομένῳ 3 ὅπως μὴ μακρὰν
ἀπολελειμμένου τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατοῦ καταίρειν ἐς
1 ᾧ KraSeninnikov: ὃ Καὶ, ὃν D.
2 ἐπέστελλε K: ἐκέλευε L.
3 φυλασσομένω K: φυλασσομένους L,
AISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvi. 15-22
and this city to the enemy; for beyond this time we
are absolutely unable to overcome the necessity
which is upon us, and this necessity, I think, will
be a sufficient apology in our behalf, if we do any-
thing which is unseemly.” Thus, then, did John
write. But Belisarius, on his part, was sorely per-
plexed and plunged into the greatest uncertainty.
For while he was fearful concerning the besieged,
he suspected, at the same time, that the enemy in
Auximus would overrun the whole country round
about and plunder it with never a fear, and also that
they would ambush his own army from behind at
every opportunity, and especially whenever he joined
battle with his opponents, and would thus in all
probability do the Romans great and irreparable
harm. Finally, however, he did as follows. He
left Aratius with a thousand men there, instructing
them to make a camp by the sea, at a distance of
two hundred stades from Auximus. These troops
he commanded neither to move away from that
position nor to fight a decisive action with the
enemy, except in so far as to drive them off from
the camp, if they should ever make an attack upon
it. For he hoped by this course to make it certain
that the barbarians, seeing Romans encamped close
by, would remain quietly in Auximus and never
follow his own army to do it harm. And he des-
patched by sea a very considerable army commanded
by Herodian, Uliaris and Narses the brother of
Aratius. But Ildiger was appointed commander-in-
chief of the expedition, and he was instructed by
Belisarius to sail straight for Ariminum, taking care
not to attempt putting in to shore near the city
9
23
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτὴν ἐγχειρήσωσιν' ὁδῷ γὰρ αὐτοὺς
πορεύεσθαι τῆς ἠϊόνος οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν. καὶ
στρατιὰν μὲν ἄλλην, ἧς Μαρτῖνος ἦρχε, ταῖς
ναυσὶ ταύταις “παρακολουθοῦντας κατὰ τὴν παρα-
λίαν ἐκέλευεν ¢ ἰέναι, ἐντειλάμενος, ἐπειδὰν ἃ ᾿ἄγχιστα
τῶν πολεμίων | ἵκωνται, πυρὰ πλείονα καὶ οὐ κατὰ
λόγον τοῦ στρατοῦ καίειν, δόκησίν τε πλήθους
πολλῷ πλείονος τοῖς ἐναντίοις παρέχεσθαι. au-
τὸς δὲ ἄλλην ὁδὸν τῆς ἠϊόνος ἀπωτάτω οὖσαν ξύν
τε Ναρσῇ καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ διὰ πόλεως
Οὐρβισαλίας ἤει, ἣν. δὴ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν
χρόνοις οὕτως ᾿Αλάριχος καθεῖλεν ὥστε ἄλλο γε
αὐτῇ οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀπολέλειπται τοῦ πρότερον
κόσμου, ὅτι μὴ πύλης μιᾶς καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς
τοῦ ἐδάφους λείψανόν τι βραχύ.
XVII
᾿Ενταῦθά μοι ἰδεῖν θέαμα ξυνηνέχθη τοιόνδε.
ἡνίκα ὁ ξὺν τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ ,“στρατὸς ἐς Πικηνοὺς
ἦλθε, γέγονεν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ταραχή τίς πολλὴ
τοῖς ταύτῃ ἀνθρώποις. τῶν τε γυναικῶν αἱ μὲν
ἔφευγον ἐξαπιναίως ὅπη αὐτῶν ἑκάστῃ δυνατὰ
ἐγεγόνει, αἱ δὲ καταλαμβανόμεναι ἤ ἤγοντο κόσμῳ
οὐδενὶ πρὸς τῶν ἐντυχόντων. ἐν τούτῳ οὗν τῷ
χωρίῳ μία τις γυνὴ “ἀρτίως τεκοῦσα καὶ τὸ παιδίον
ἀπολιποῦσα ἐν τοῖς σπαργάνοις ἔτυχε" ἐπὶ γῆς
κείμενον, καὶ εἴτε φευγουσα εἴτε ὑφ᾽ ὁτουοῦν
καταληφθεῖσα ἐνταῦθα ἐπανήκειν οὐκέτι ἔσχεν"
1 ὅπη---ἐγεγόνει L: om. K.
2 ἔτυχε Christ: om. MSS.
Io
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvi. 22—-xvii. 3
while the land army was still far behind ; for they
would be proceeding by a road not far from the
coast. And he ordered another army under com-
mand of Martinus to march along the coast, keeping
near these ships, and instructing them that, when
they came close to the enemy, they should burn a
greater number of camp-fires than usual and not in
proportion to the actual numbers of the army, and
thus lead their opponents to believe their numbers
to be much greater than they actually were. He
himself, meanwhile, went by another road far
removed from the shore with Narses and the rest of
the army, passing through the city of Urvisalia,!
which in earlier times Alaric destroyed so completely 3
that nothing whatever has been left of its former
grandeur, except a small remnant of a single gate
and of the floor of the adjoining edifice.
XVII
In that place it was my fortune to see the follow-
ing sight. When the army of John came into
Picenum, the people of that region, as was natural,
were thrown into great confusion, And among the
women, some took hurriedly to flight, wherever each
one found it possible, while others were captured and
led away ina disorderly manner by those who chanced
upon them, Now a certain woman of this city had,
as it happened, just given birth to a child, and had
abandoned the infant, leaving it in its swaddling
clothes lying upon the ground; and whether she
sought safety in flight or was captured by someone or
other, she did not succeed in getting back again to
1 Urbs Salvia, modern Urbisaglia.
2 In the invasion of 452 a.p.
Il
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
. an nr /
Np yap αὐτῇ δηλονότι ἢ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων
» ) / / \ \ 9 / >
ἐξ Ἰταλίας ξυνέπεσε. τὸ μὲν οὖν παιδίον ἐν
rainy δὴ TH ἐρημίᾳ γεγονὸς ἔκλαιεν. até δὲ αὐτὸ
μία ἰδοῦσα. ὠκτίζετό τε καὶ πλησίον ἀφικομένη
(ἔναγχος γὰρ τεκοῦσα καὶ αὐτὴ ἔτυχε) τὸν τιτθὸν
ἐδίδου καὶ τὸ παιδίον ξὺν ἐπιμελείᾳ ἐφύλασσε,
μὴ κύων ἤ Tt θηρίον αὐτὸ λυμάνηται. χρόνου τε
τῇ ταραχῇ τριβέντος συχνοῦ τούτου δὴ τοῦ τιτθοῦ
ἐπὶ πλεῖστον μεταλαχεῖν τὸ παιδίον ξυνέβη.
Ν \ a oe ef δ ς /
γνωσθὲν δὲ Πικηνοῖς ὕστερον ὅτι δὴ ὁ βασιλέως
Ν , a nr lal
στρατὸς ἐπὶ Πότθων μὲν τῷ πονηρῷ ἐνταῦθα ἥκοι,
“Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐ πείσονται οὐδὲν πρὸς ¢ αὐτοῦ ἄχαρι,
ἐπανῆλθον εὐθὺς οἴκαδε ἅπαντες. ἔν τε Οὐρβι-
σαλίᾳ ξὺν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν αἱ γυναῖκες γενόμεναι,
ὅσαι γένος “Ῥωμαῖαι ἦσαν, ἐπειδὴ τὸ παιδίον
ἐν 5 τοῖς σπαργάνοις περιὸν ὃ εἶδον, τὸ γεγονὸς
ξυμβάλλειν οὐδαμῆ ἔ ἔχουσαι ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ
ὅτι δὴ βιῴη πεποίηνται. καὶ τὸν τιτθὸν ἑ ἑκάστη
ἐδίδου αἱ δὴ πρὸς τοῦτο ἐπιτηδείως ἔχουσαι
ἔτυχον. ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε τὸ παιδίον ἀνθρώπειον γάλα
ἔτι προσίετο καὶ ἡ αἱξ αὐτοῦ ᾿μεθίεσθαι ἥκιστα
ἤθελεν, ἀλλὰ μηκωμένη ἀμφὶ τὸ παιδίον ἐνδελεχέ-
στατα, δεινὰ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐδόκει ποιεῖσθαι, ὅτι
τῷ παιδίῳ ἄγχιστα αἱ γυναῖκες ἰοῦσαι οὕτω δὴ
αὐτὸ ἐνοχλοῖεν, τό τε ξύμπαν εἰπεῖν μεταποιεῖσθαι
ὡς οἰκείου τοῦ βρέφους ἠξίου. καὶ am αὐτοῦ αἵ
cal \ / ,
τε γυναῖκες TO παιδίον οὐκέτι ἠνώχλουν Kal ἡ αἱξ
3 / » / \ \ » 2 /
ἀδεέστερον ἔτρεφέ τε Kal τὰ ἄλλα ἐπιμελομένη
2 ΄ \ \ ” (5) ΄ a
ἐφύλαττε. διὸ δὴ Αἴγισθον οἱ ἐπιχώριοι τοῦτο
δὴ τὸ παιδίον ἐκάλουν. καὶ ἡνίκα μοι ἐπιδημεῖν
1 ἀφανισθῆναι K: ἠφανίσθαι L.
2 ἐν Maltretus : om. MSS. 3 περιὸν Ko: περιιὸν L.
12
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvii. 3-10
that place; for assuredly it fell out that she dis-
appeared from the world or at least from Italy. So
the infant, being thus abandoned, began to cry.
But a lone she-goat, seeing it, felt pity and came
near, and gave the infant her udder (for she too,
as it happened, had recently brought forth young)
and guarded it carefully, lest a dog or wild beast
should injure it. And since the confusion was long
continued, it came about that the infant partook of
this food for a very long time. But later, when it
became known to the people of Picenum that the
emperor's army had come there to injure the
Goths, but that the Romans would suffer no harm
from it, they all returned immediately to their
homes. And when such of the women as were
Romans by birth came to Urvisalia with the men,
and saw the infant still alive in its swaddling clothes,
they were utterly unable to comprehend what had
happened and considered it very wonderful that
the infant was living. And each of them who
chanced to be at that time able to do so offered her
breast. But neither would the infant now have any-
thing to do with human milk, nor was the goat at all
willing to let it go, but as it kept bleating unceasingly
about the infant, it seemed to those present to be
feeling the greatest resentment that the women came
near it and disturbed it as they did, and, to put all
in a word, she insisted upon claiming the babe as
her own. Consequently the women no longer dis-
turbed the infant, and the goat continued to nourish
it free from fear and to guard it with every care.
Wherefore the inhabitants of the place appropriately
called this infant Aegisthus.t_ And when I happened
1 From αἵξ ‘‘a goat.”
13
11
12
13
14
1b
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
a ΄ / a / 4
ἐνταῦθα ξυνέβη, ἐπίδειξιν τοῦ παραλόγου ποιού-
\ / 4
μενοι παρά τε τὸ παιδίον ἦγον καὶ αὐτὸ ἐξεπίτηδες,
- 4 al a
ἵνα Bod, ἐλύπουν. Kal TO μὲν τοῖς λυποῦσιν
> f Μ᾿ 3 ΄ὔ Nie, » /
ἀχθόμενον ἔκλαεν, ἀκούσασα δὲ ἡ αἱξ (διεστήκει
ἈΝ ᾽ an “ / \ / \
yap αὐτοῦ ὅσον λίθου βολὴν) δρόμῳ τε καὶ
il 9 ΄ n > NY e /
μηκηθμῷ ἐχομένη πολλῷ παρ᾽ αὐτὸ ἤει, ὕπερθέν
an an , lal \
τε αὐτοῦ ἐλθοῦσα ἔστη, ὡς μή TLS AUTO λυπεῖν TO
Ἂ \ δὴ \ \ 4. ᾽ \ A INP , θ
ovrov δύνηται. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῷ Αἰγίσθῳ
΄’΄ ἴον /
τούτῳ τοιαῦτά ἐστι.
\ \ lal / fal
Βελισάριος δὲ διὰ τῶν ταύτῃ ὀρῶν ἐχώρει.
΄ \ \ \ > ΄ “
πλήθει γὰρ παρὰ πολὺ ἐλασσούμενος τῶν
΄ rn “ >
ἐναντίων οὐκ ἤθελεν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος εἰς
lal , a r ἴω
χεῖρας ἰέναι, ἐπεὶ καὶ θανατῶντας τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι
τοὺ βα β / ΕΛ A v δὲ > 4 > δὰ
ς βαρβάρους ἑώρα' ῴετο δὲ αὐτούς, ἐπειδὰν
/ / / /
τάχιστα πύθωνται πανταχόθεν σφίσι πολεμίων
an cal a
ἐπιέναι στρατόν, ἀλκῆς ἂν οὐδεμιᾶς μνησθῆναι,
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς φυγὴν τρέψεσθαι. καὶ
” / a Ω a / » »Μ A, μ
ἔτυχέ γε τῆς ἀληθοῦς δόξης, οὐκ ἔξω τοῦ ἐσομέ-
νου ὑποτοπήσας. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν
? / “ 1 aA / 3 2 c 7 58 ,
ἐγένοντο, cov) ᾿Αριμίνου ἀπέχειν 5 ἡμέρας ὁδόν,
Γότθοις τισὶν ὀλίγοις κατά τινα χρείαν ὁδῷ
/ e na
πορευομένοις ἐνέτυχον. οἱ δὴ ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκή-
/ fol
TOU πολεμίων περιπεπτωκότες στρατῷ EXTPETE-
an . an an an
σθαι τῆς ὁδοῦ οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσαν, ἕως παρὰ τῶν
Ν rf , € \ > Ce
ἔμπροσθεν ἰόντων βαλλόμενοι of μὲν αὐτοῦ
ἔπεσον, οἱ δὲ τραυματίαι γεγενημένοι ἐπί τινας
τῶν ἐκείνῃ σκοπέλων ἀναδραμόντες διέλαθον.
“ 4 ἊΝ «ς Ν /
ὅθεν σκοπούμενοι τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατὸν ἐς πάσας
1 ὅσον K: ἅπερ ἀπο L. 2 ἀπέχειν Καὶ : ἀπέχει L.
14
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvii. 10-16
to be sojourning in that place, by way of making a
display of the strange sight they took me near the
infant and purposely hurt it so that it might ery out.
And the infant, annoyed by those hurting it, began
to cry; whereupon the goat, which was standing
about a stone’s throw away from it, hearing the cry,
came running and bleating loudly to its side, and took
her stand over it, so that no one might be able to
hurt it again. Such then is the story of this Aegisthus,
But Belisarius was advancing through the moun-
tains in this region. For seeing that he was greatly
inferior to his opponents in numbers, he did not
wish to engage in an open battle with them, since
he could see that the barbarians were actually
paralyzed by their previous defeats ; and he thought
that, as soon as they learned that a hostile army was
coming upon them from all sides, they would not
once think of resistance, but would without the least
hesitation turn to flight. And indeed he arrived at
a correct opinion regarding the situation, and his
suppositions were not at variance with what the
future was to bring forth. For when they had
reached a point in the mountains where they were
about one day’s journey distant from Ariminum,
they happened upon a small company of Goths who
were travelling on some necessary errand, And
these Goths, falling in unexpectedly with a hostile
army, were quite unable to get away from the road
before they were attacked by the missiles of those
who marched in the van, and some fell on the spot,
while others, after receiving wounds, succeeded in
hiding themselves by scrambling up some of the high
cliffs close by. From that position they watched
the Roman army collecting over all the rough
T5
17
18
19
20
21
23
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δυσχωρίας ξυρρέοντας, πολλῷ πλείονας τοῦ ἀλη-
obs μέτρου ὑπετόπαξον εἶναι. ἔνθα δὴ καὶ
τὰ Βελισαρίου σημεῖα ἰδόντες, αὐτὸν ἐξηγεῖσθαι
ταύτῃ Th στρατιᾷ ἔγνωσαν. νύξ τε ἐπέλαβε, καὶ
αὐτοῦ μὲν “Ῥωμαῖοι ηὐλίσαντο, τῶν δὲ Γότθων
οἱ τραυματίαι, λάθρα ἐπὶ τὸ τοῦ Οὐιττίγιδος
στρατόπεδον ἤεσαν. οὗ δὴ ἀμφὶ μέσην ἡμέραν
γενόμενοι τάς τε πληγὰς ἐπεδείκνυον καὶ Βελι-
σάριον σφίσι ξὺν στρατῷ κρείσσονι ἢ ἀριθμεῖσθαι
ὅσον οὔπω παρέσεσθαι ἰσχυρίξοντο. οἱ δὲ παρε-
σκευάζοντο μὲν ὡς ἐς μάχην πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄ ἄνεμον
᾿Αριμίνου πόλεως τετραμμένοι (ταύτῃ γὰρ ᾧοντο
τοὺς πολεμίους ἀφίξεσθαι), ἀεί τε ἐς τοῦ ὄρους τὰ
ἄκρα ἔβλεπον ἅπαντες. ἐπεὶ δέ, νυκτὸς σφίσιν
ἐπιγενομένης, καταθέμενοι τὰ ὅπλα ἡσύχαζον,
πυρὰ πολλὰ ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἕω τῆς πόλεως ὅσον ἀπὸ
σταδίων ἑξήκοντα εἶδον, ἅπερ τὸ ξὺν Μαρτίνῳ
στράτευμα ἔκαιεν, ἐς δέος τε ἀμήχανον ἦλθον.
κυκλωθήσεσθαι γὰρ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἅμα
ἡμέρᾳ ὑπώπτευον. ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν νύκτα
ξὺν δέει τοιούτῳ ηὐλίσαντο, τῇ δὲ ἐπιγενομένῃ
ἡμέρᾳ ἅμα ἡλίῳ ἀνίσχοντι στόλον νηῶν ἐπὶ
σφᾶς ἰόντα ὁρῶσιν ἐξαίσιον οἷον: ἔς τε ἀφασίαν
ἐμπεπτωκότες ἐς φυγὴν ae ξυσκευαζό-
μενοί τε κατὰ τάχος τοσούτῳ θορύβῳ τε καὶ
κραυγῇ εἴχοντο ὥστε οὔτε τῶν παραγγελλομένων
KATHKOVOY οὔτε ἄλλο TL ἐν νῷ ἐποιοῦντο ἢ ὅπως
ἂν αὐτὸς ἕκαστος πρῶτός τε ἀπαλλάσσοιτο τοῦ
στρατοπέδου καὶ Ῥαβέννης τοῦ περιβόλου ἐντὸς
γένοιτο. καὶ εἰ μέν τι ἰσχύος ἢ θάρσους περιεῖναι
τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις τετύχηκε, πλείστους τε ἂν
τό
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvii. 16-23
ground, and they supposed them to be many more
than they really were. And seeing the standards of
Belisarius there also, they realized that he was
leading this army in person. Then night came on
and the Romans bivouacked where they were, while
the wounded Goths went stealthily to the camp of
Vittigis. And reaching it about midday, they dis-
played their wounds and declared that Belisarius
would be upon them almost at once with an army
past numbering. Then the Goths began to prepare
for battle to the north of the city of Ariminum, for
they thought that the enemy would come from that
direction, and they were all constantly looking
toward the heights of the mountain, But when, as
night came upon them, they had laid down their
weapons and were resting, they saw many camp-fires
to the east of the city, about sixty stades away—
these were the fires which the troops of Martinus
were burning—and they fell into a state of helpless
fear; for they suspected that they would be sur-
rounded by the enemy at daybreak, So for that
night they bivouacked in such a state of fear; but
on the succeeding day at sunrise they saw a fleet of
ships in overwhelming numbers bearing down upon
them, and being plunged into speechless terror,
they made a rush to flee. And while they were
packing up their luggage as quickly as they could,
there arose so much confusion and shouting among
them that they neither paid heed to the commands
given nor did they think of anything else than
how each man for himself could get away first from
the camp and place himself inside the fortifications
of Ravenna, And if the besieged had only had
some strength or daring left in them, they could
17
VOL, TV. C
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
r / 3) >? “Ὁ ” \
τῶν πολεμίων ἐπεξελθόντες αὐτοῦ ἔκτειναν καὶ
“ ἡ / / lal
ξύμπας ἐνταῦθα ἂν ὁ πόλεμος ἐτελεύτησε. νῦν
δὲ τοῦτο ἐκώλυσεν ὀρρωδία τε σφίσι μεγάλη τοῖς
/
φθάσασιν ἐ ἐπιγενομένη καὶ ἀσθένεια τῶν ἀναγκαί-
ων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ πολλοῖς + ξυμπεσοῦσα. οἱ μὲν οὖν
βάρβαροι θορύβου ὑπερβολῇ αὐτοῦ “λειπόμενοι
τῶν χρημάτων τινὰ δρόμῳ πολλῷ τὴν ἐπὶ “Pa-
βενναν ἔθεον.
XVIII
Πρῶτοι δὲ Ῥωμαίων ᾿Ιλδίγερ τε καὶ οἱ ξὺν
αὐτῷ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς τὸ τῶν πολεμίων χαράκωμα
τῶν Πότθων ὅσοι νόσοις τισὶν ἐχόμενοι αὐτοῦ
ἔμειναν ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ἐποιήσαντο λόγῳ, καὶ
χρήματα πάντα" ἔξυνέλεξαν ὅσα ᾧεύγοντες
Πότθοι ἐλίποντο. καὶ Βελεσάριος παντὶ τῷ
στρατῷ ἦλθεν ἐς μέσην ἡμέραν. καὶ ἐπεὶ
ὠχριῶντάς τε καὶ δεινὸν 8 αὐχμῶντας ᾿Ιωάννην Te
καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ εἶδε, τοῦ θράσους ὑπαινιττό-
μένος τὸ ἀλόγιστον χάριτας αὐτὸν ἔφασκεν
᾿Ιλδίγερι ὀφείλειν. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἸΙλδίγερι, ἀλλὰ
Ναρσῇ τῷ βασιλέως ταμίᾳ ὁμολογεῖν ἔφη, παρα-
δηλῶν, οἶμαι, Βελισάριον οὐ σφόδρα ἐθελούσιον,
ἀλλὰ Ναρσῇ ἀναπεισθέντα σφίσιν ἀμῦναι. καὶ
τὸ λοιπὸν ἄμφω ὑποψίᾳ πολλῇ ἐς ἀλλήλους
ἐχρῶντο. διὸ δὴ οὐδὲ Ναρσῆν εἴων οἱ ἐπιτήδειοι
ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ στρατεύεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνέπειθον
ὅσον αἰσχρὸν εἴη τῷ τῶν ἀπορρήτων βασιλεῖ
1 πολλοῖς K: πολλὴ L. 2 πάντα K: om, 1,.
18
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xvii. 23-xviii. 4
have killed great numbers of the enemy on the
spot by making a sally from the city, and the
whole war would have ended there. But, as it was,
this was prevented by the great fear which had
taken possession of them because of their past
experiences, and by the weakness which had come
upon many owing to the lack of provisions. So the
barbarians, leaving there some of their possessions
in the excess of their confusion, began to run as fast
as they could go on the road to Ravenna,
XVIII
AmonG the Romans, Ildiger and his men were
the first to arrive at the enemy’s camp, and they
made slaves of such of the Goths as had remained
there suffering from sickness of one kind or another,
and collected all the valuables which the Goths had
left in their flight. And Belisarius with his whole
army arrived at midday. And when he saw John
and his men pale and dreadfully emaciated, he said
to him, hinting at the rashness of his audacious deed,
that he owed a debt of gratitude to Ildiger. But
John said that he recognized his obligation, not to
Ildiger, but to Narses, the emperor’s steward, im-
plying, I suppose, that Belisarius had not come to
his defence very willingly, but only after being
persuaded by Narses. And from that time both
these men began to regard each other with great
suspicion. It was for this reason that the friends
of Narses even tried to prevent him from marching
with Belisarius, and they sought to shew him how
disgraceful it was for one who shared the secrets of
8 δεινὸν KL: δεινῶς V.
19
c2
10
11
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
κοινωνοῦντι, μὴ οὐχὶ αὐτοκράτορι τοῦ στρατοῦ
εἶναι, ἀλλὰ στρατηγῷ ἀνδρὶ ὑπακούειν. οὐ γάρ
ποτε Βελισάριον ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ ἑκόντα εἶναι τῆς
στρατιᾶς ξὺν αὐτῷ ἄρξειν ἀπεφαίνοντο, βουλο-
μένῳ δέ οἱ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ
ἐξηγεῖσθαι πλείους TE στρατιώτας καὶ πολλῷ ἀμεί-
\ a /
vous ξὺν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν! ἕψεσθαι. τούς Te yap
/
᾿ΕΒρούλους καὶ τοὺς δορυφόρους τε Kal ὑπασπιστὰς
τοὺς αὐτοῦ, καὶ ὧν ᾿Ιουστῖνός τε καὶ αὐτὸς
᾿Ιωάννης ἦρχον, ξὺν τοῖς ᾿Αρατίῳ τε καὶ Ναρσῇ
ἑπομένοις οὗχ ἧσσον ἢ μυρίους ἔφασκον εἶναι,
ἀνδρείους τε ὄντας καὶ διαφερόντως ἀγαθοὺς τὰ
πολέμια, βούλεσθαί τε τὴν ᾿Ιταλίας ἐπικράτησιν
οὐ Βελισαρίῳ λογίξεσθαι μόνῳ, ἀλλὰ τὸ μέρος
ἊΝ n £ / \ NG / > \
καὶ Naponv φέρεσθαι. τὴν yap βασιλέως αὐτὸν
” ς / b) a > >3? Aa 7
οἴεσθαι ὁμιλίαν ἀπολιπεῖν, οὐκ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κινδύνο.ς
? , \ ’ὔ / gy © ’ >
ἰδίοις τὴν Βελισαρίου δόξαν κρατύνηται, ἀλλ
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἔργα ξυνέσεώς τε καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπιδειξάμενος
5" ΒΩ ᾽ ΄ “ p ς \ ΕΣ OF fe "
διαβόητος ἀνθρώποις ἅπασιν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, εἴη.
΄ > \ / ” / /
καίτοι οὐδὲ Βελισάριον ἔφασκον δυνήσεσθαί τι
fal \ \ an r
ἄνευ γε αὐτῶν TO λοιπὸν δρᾶσαι. στρατιᾶς yap
ἧς ἐκεῖνος ἄρχοι τὸ πλεῖστον ἤδη ἔν τε φρουρίοις
\ Τὰ > lal “ > \ ? \
Kal πόλεσιν ἀπολελεῖφθαι ἅσπερ αὐτὸς εἷλε, καὶ
κατέλεγον ἀπὸ Σικελίας ἀρξάμενοι ἄχρι ἐς
Πικηνοὺς ἑξῆς ἅπαντα.
Ναρσῆς τε ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, ἥσθη ἐς ἄγαν
τῇ ὑποθήκῃ καὶ οὔτε κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν οὔτε
μένειν ἐν τοῖς καθεστῶσιν ἔτι ἐδύνατο. πολλάκις
=. / » » » ᾽ a
οὖν Βελισαρίου ἄλλου του ἔργου ἔχεσθαι ἀξιοῦντος
1 ξὺν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν V: τοῖς ἄρχουσιν K, τοὺς ἄρχοντας L.
20
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xviii. 4-τ|
the emperor not to be commander-in-chief of the
army, but to take orders from a mere general. For
they expressed the view that Belisarius would never
willingly share with him the command of the army
on equal terms, but that, if he wished to take com-
mand of the Roman army for himself, he would be
followed by the greater part of the soldiers, and
much the best ones too, together with their com-
manders. For the Eruli, they said, and Narses’ own
spearmen and guards, and the troops commanded
by Justinus and John himself, together with the
forces of Aratius and the other Narses, amounted
to not less than ten thousand men, brave soldiers
and especially capable warriors, and they did not
wish the subjugation of Italy to be reckoned to the
credit of Belisarius alone, but desired that Narses
too should carry off his share of the honour. For they
supposed that he had left the society of the emperor,
not that by facing danger himself he might establish
the glory of Belisarius, but presumably in order
that by making a display of deeds of wisdom and
bravery he might become famous among all men.
Furthermore, they said, even Belisarius would thence-
forth be unable to accomplish anything without
these troops. For the greater part of the forces
which he commanded had already been left behind
in fortresses and cities which he had himself captured,
and they enumerated them all, starting at Sicily and
naming them in order as far as Picenum.
When Narses heard this, he was exceedingly
pleased with the suggestion and could no longer
restrain his mind or tolerate the existing arrange-
ment. Often, therefore, when Belisarius thought
proper to undertake some new enterprise, he would
21
12
13
14
15
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
a \
ἐς σκήψεις τινὰς ἄλλοτε ἄλλας ἀναχωρῶν τὴν
/ \ /
παρακέλευσιν amexpoveto. ὧν δὴ αἰσθόμενος
΄ “
Βελισάριος ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἅπαντας
ἔλεξε τοιάδε"
ce > > \ εξ τ Ba ὃ Υ̓ \ DO
Οὐ ταὐτὰ ὑμῖν, ἄνδρες ἄρχοντες, περὶ τοῦδε
τοῦ πολέμου δοκῶ μοι γιγνώσκειν. ὑμᾶς μὲν 2
γὰρ ὁρῶ τῶν πολεμίων ἅτε παντάπασιν ἡσση-
μένων ὑπερφρονοῦντας. ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτῃ ὑμῶν τῇ
/ tal cal /
παρρησίᾳ ἐς προὗπτον ἡμᾶς ἐμπεσεῖσθαι κίνδυ-
/
νον οἶμαι, ἐπεὶ τοὺς μὲν βαρβάρους οὔτε ἀνανδρίᾳ
\ A 2 / ς “ € n Ul
τινὶ οὔτε ὀλιγανθρωπίᾳ ἡσσῆσθαι ἡμῶν, προνοίᾳ
δὲ μόνῃ καὶ βουλῇ καταστρατηγηθέντας ἐς φυγὴν
\ a
ἐνθένδε τετράφθαι οἷδα. δέδοικα δὲ μὴ ταῦτα
ὑμεῖς τῇ οὐκ ἀληθεῖ δόξῃ σφαλλόμενοι τὰ
/ fa) « /
ἀνήκεστα ὑμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ Ρωμαίων
fol /
πράγματα Opdonte. ῥᾷον yap οἱ νενικηκέναι
na - /
δοκοῦντες τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ἐπαιρόμενοι δια-
/ /
φθείρονται ἢ οἱ mapa δόξαν μὲν ἐπταικότες, δέει
Ν Ν \ \ / Ae 9 \ > ,
δὲ TO λοιπὸν Kal φροντίδι πολλῇ ἐς τοὺς ἐναντίους
, , \ A 7 ,
ἐχόμενοι. ῥᾳθυμία μὲν yap τῶν εὖ καθεστώτων
\ fal
τινὰς ἔφθειρε, πόνος δὲ Evy μερίμνῃ τῶν δεδυστυχη-
, fal
κότων πολλοὺς ὦνησεν. ἐπεὶ τῶν μὲν ὀλιγωρίᾳ
real? ς ΄ id \ Ἂν > o~
εἰκόντων ἡ δύναμις ὡς TA πολλὰ ἐλασσοῦσθαι
a , NUE. \ ᾽ ,ὕ « a ,
φιλεῖ, μελέτη δὲ ἰσχὺν ἐντιθέναι ἱκανῶς πέφυ-
κεν. οὐκοῦν ἐνθυμείσθω ὑμῶν ἕκαστος ὡς ἐν
[ ,
PaBévyn μὲν Οὐίΐττιγίς τέ ἐστι καὶ ότθων
1 δοκῶ μοι γιγνώσκειν Τ,: δοκῶν μὴ γινώσκειν K.
2 μὲν K: om, L. 3 παρρησίᾳ L: παρουσίᾳ K.
* ὥνησεν KL: ὥμθωσεν V.
22
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xviii. 11-19
resort to different pretexts, now one and now
another, and thus block the project he was urging.
And Belisarius, perceiving this, called together all
the commanders and spoke as follows:
“It seems to me, fellow officers, that I do not
have the same opinion regarding this war as you
have. For you, I see, are contemptuous of the
enemy as being completely vanquished. But my
opinion is that by this confidence of yours we shall
fall into a danger which can be foreseen, because I
know that the barbarians have not been vanquished
by us because of any lack of courage on their part
or because of inferiority in numbers, but that it is
by means of careful planning beforehand that they
have been outgeneralled, and consequently have
turned to flight from this place. And I fear that
you may be deceived in regard to these facts because
of your false estimate of the situation, and may thus
do irreparable harm both to yourselves and to the
cause of the Romans. For those who, accounting
themselves victorious, are lifted up by their achieve-
ments are more readily destroyed than those who
have indeed suffered an unexpected reverse, but
thereafter are actuated by fear and abundant
respect of their enemy. For while indifference has
sometimes ruined men who were in good case,
energy coupled with solicitude has often relieved
those who had been unfortunate. For, on the one
hand, when men allow themselves to drift into an
attitude of unconcern, the measure of their strength
is wont, as a rule, to be lessened, but, on the other
hand, careful study of a situation is naturally calculated
to instil vigour. Accordingly, let each one of you
remember that Vittigis is in Ravenna with many
23
20
21
22
23
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μυριάδες πολλαί, Οὐραΐας δὲ Μεδιόλανόν τε
πολιορκεῖ καὶ περιβέβληται Λιγουρίαν ὅλην,
Αὔξιμος δὲ ἤδη στρατιᾶς πλήρης πολλῆς τε καὶ
λόγου ἀξίας, ἄλλα τε χωρία πολλὰ πρὸς ἀξιο-
μάχων ἡμῖν φρουρεῖται βαρβάρων μέχρι ἐς
Οὐρβιβεντόν, ἣ Ῥώμης ἐν γειτόνων τυγχάνει
οὖσα. ὥστε νῦν μᾶλλον. ἡμῖν ἢ πρότερον ἐν
κινδύνῳ τὰ πράγματα κεῖται, ἐς κύκλωσίν τινα
τῶν πολεμίων ἐ ἐμπεπτωκύσιν. ἐῶ γὰρ λέγειν ὡς
καὶ Φράγγους αὐτοῖς 1 ἐν Avyoupig ξυντετάχθαι
φασίν, ὃ ὅπερ οὐκ ἔξω δέους μεγάλου ἐς μνήμην
ἰέναι πᾶσι “Ῥωμαίοις ἱ ἱκανῶς ἄξιον. φημὶ τοίνυν
ἔγωγε χρῆναι" μοῖραν μὲν τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐς
Λιγουρίαν τε καὶ Μεδιόλανον στέλλεσθαι, τοὺς
δὲ λοιποὺς ἐν μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα ἐπί τε Αὔξιμον
καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνῃ πολεμίους χωρεῖν, ὅσα ἂν ὁ θεὸς
διδῷ πράξοντας" ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τἄλλα τοῦ πολέμου
ἔργα διαχειρίζειν ὅπη ἂν ἄριστά τε δοκῇ καὶ
βέλτιστα εἶναι." Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε.
Ναρσῆς δὲ “ἀμείβεται ὧδε: “ Τὰ μὲν ἄλλα, ὦ
στρατηγέ, μὴ οὐχὶ ξὺν ἀληθείᾳ σοι πάντα
εἰρῆσθαι οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀντείποι. πάντα δὲ τουτονὶ
τὸν βασιλέως στρατὸν ἐς Μεδιόλανόν τε καὶ
Αὔξιμον ἀποκεκρίσθαι μόνον ἀξύμφορον εἶναι
παντελῶς οἶμαι. ἀλλὰ σὲ μὲν ἐπὶ ταῦτα 'Ῥω-
μαίων ἐξηγεῖσθαι οἷς ἂν αὐτὸς βούλοιο οὐδὲν
ἀπεικός, ἡμεῖς δὲ βασιλεῖ τὴν Αἰμιλίων ἐπικτησό-
μεθα 3 χώραν, ἣν μάλιστα Γότθους προσποιεῖσθαί
φασι, καὶ Ράβενναν ξυνταράξομεν ' οὕτως ὥστε
4 αὐτοῖς K: αὐτοὺς L. 2 χρῆναι K: δεῖν Le
3 ἐπικτησόμεθα L: ἐπικτησώμεθα K.
4 ξυνταράξομεν Maltretus: ξυνταράξωμεν K, ξυνταράξαιμεν L.
24
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xviii. 19-25
tens of thousands of Goths, that Uraias is besieging
Milan and has brought the whole of Liguria under
his power, that Auximus is already filled with an
army both numerous and formidable, and that many
other places, as far as Urviventus,! which is in the
neighbourhood of Rome, are guarded by barbarian
garrisons which are a match for us. Consequently
the situation is more perilous for us at the present
time than it formerly was, seeing that we have come
to be, in a way, surrounded by the enemy. And
this is not all, for I pass over the report that the
Franks also have joined forces with them in Liguria,
a thing which cannot fail to be remembered by all
Romans with great fear. I state, therefore, as my
opinion that a part of the army ought to be sent to
Liguria and Milan, but that the rest should in-
stantly proceed against Auximus and the enemy
there, in order to accomplish whatever God permits ;
and afterwards we should also take in hand the
other tasks of the war in whatever way seems best
and most advantageous.” So spoke Belisarius.
And Narses replied as follows: “ In other respects,
General, no one could deny that everything has been
spoken by you with truth. But that the emperor’s
whole army here should be divided between Milan
and Auximus alone I consider to be utterly inex-
pedient. It would not be at all unreasonable for you,
on your part, to lead against these places such of
the Romans as you yourself might wish, but we, on
our part, shall take possession for the emperor of
the territory of Aemilia, which the Goths are making
the greatest effort to win for themselves, and we
shall harass Ravenna in such a way that you will
1 Urbs Vetus ; modern Orvieto.
25
26
27
29
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τοὺς Kal’ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς πολεμίους 6 τι βούλεσθε
διεργάσεσθε, πάσης ἀποκεκλεισμένους τῆς τῶν
ἀμυνόντων ἐλπίδος. ἢν γὰρ ξὺν ὑμῖν ἐν Δὐξίμῳ
προσεδρεύειν ἑχοίμεθα, δέδοικα μὴ τῶν ἐκ Ῥα-
βέννης ἐ ἐπιόντων βαρβάρων περιέσται ἡμῖν ἀμφι-
βόλοις TE γεγενῆσθαι πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων καὶ
τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἀπολελειμμένοις αὐτοῦ διεφθάρ-
θαι." καὶ Ναρσῆς μὲν τοσαῦτα ἔλεξε.
Βελισάριος δὲ δείσας μὴ ἐς πολλὰ Ῥωμαίων
ἰόντων καταρρεῖν τε τὰ βασιλέως ξυμβαίη
πράγματα καὶ τῇ ἐνθένδε ἀκοσμίᾳ ξυγχεῖσθαι,
γράμματα βασιλέως ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ ἔδειξεν ἃ ἃ πρὸς
τοὺς στρατοπέδου ἄ ἄρχοντας ἔγραψεν. ἐδήλου δὲ
ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: “Ναρσῆν τὸν ἡμέτερον ταμίαν
οὐκ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἄρξαι τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν
ἐπέμψαμεν' μόνον γὰρ Βελισάριον παντὶ τῷ
στρατῷ ἐξηγεῖσθαι βουλόμεθα ὅ ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ
ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν, αὐτῷ τε ὑμᾶς ἕπεσθαι ἅπαντας
ἐπὶ τῷ συμφέροντι τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ πολιτείᾳ προσήκει."
τὰ μὲν οὖν βασιλέως γράμματα ὧδέ πὴ εἶχε.
Ναρσῆς δὲ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τοῦ ἀκροτελευτίου
λαβόμενος ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας Βελισάριον ἰσχυρίξετο
ἐν τῷ παρόντι τοῦ τῆς πολιτείας ξυμφόρου
βουλεύεσθαι: διὸ δὴ σφίσιν οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι
αὐτῷ ἕπεσθαι.
ΧΙΧ
Τοῦτα ἀκούσας Βελισάριος Ἱ]εράνιον μὲν ἐς
Οὐρβιβεντὸν ξὺν πολλῇ στρατιᾷ, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πολιορκή-
σουσιν αὐτήν, ἔπεμψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ Οὐρβῖνον
τὸ στράτευμα ἐπῆγε, πόλιν τε ἐχυρὰν καὶ ότθων
1 διεργάσεσθε Haury: διεργάσεσθαι K, διεργάσασθαι L.
26
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xviii. 25—xix. 1
crush the enemy before you as you wish, while they
are excluded from the hope of armies to support
them. For if we should elect to join you in carrying
on a siege at Auximus, the barbarians, I fear, will
come upon us from Ravenna, with the result that
we shall become exposed to the enemy on both
sides and, being at a distance from our base of
supplies, we shall be destroyed on the spot.” Such
were the words of Narses.
But Belisarius feared that, if the Romans should
go against many places at once, it would come about
that the emperor’s cause would be weakened and
finally ruined by the confusion resulting therefrom,
and so he shewed a letter from the Emperor Justinian
which he had written to the commanders of the
army, conveying the following message: “ We have
not sent our steward Narses to Italy in order to
command the army; for we wish Belisarius alone
to command the whole army in whatever manner
seems to him to be best, and it is the duty of all of
you to follow him in the interest of our state.” Such
was the purport of the emperor’s letter. But Narses,
laying hold of the final words of the letter, declared
that Belisarius at the present time was laying plans
contrary to the interest of the state; for this reason,
he said, it was unnecessary for them to follow him.
XIX
Upon hearing this Belisarius sent Peranius with
a numerous army to Urviventus with instructions to
besiege it, while he himself led his army against
Urbinus,! a city of strong defences and guarded by
1 Modern Urbino.
27
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
φρουρὰν διαρκῆ ἔχουσαν (ἀπέχει δὲ αὕτη ᾿Αρι-
μίνου πόλεως ἡμέρας ὁδὸν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί), καί οἱ
τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐξηγουμένῳ:! Ναρσῆς τε καὶ
᾿Ιωάννης καὶ οἱ 3 ἄλλοι ξύμπαντες εἵποντο. τῆς
τε πόλεως ἀγχοῦ ἐλθόντες παρὰ τοῦ λόφου τὸν
πρόποδα ἐστρατοπέδευσαν δίχα" οὐ γάρ πὴ ἀλλή:
λοις ξυνετετάχατο, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Βελεσάριον ὃ
τὰ πρὸς ἕω τῆς πόλεως εἶγον, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Ναρσῆν
Ta πρὸς ἑσπέραν. κεῖται δὲ Οὐρβῖνος ἐ ἐπὶ “λόφου
περιφεροῦς τε καὶ ὑψηλοῦ λίαν. οὐ μέντοι ὁ
λόφος οὔτε κρημνώδης οὔτε παντάπασιν ἀπό-
ρευτός ἐστι, μόνον δὲ δύσοδος τῷ ἀνάντης ἐς ἄγαν
εἶναι, ἄλλως τε καὶ τῆς πόλεως. ἀγχοτάτω ἰόντι.
μίαν δὲ εἴσοδον ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ ἔχει πρὸς βορρᾶν
ἄνεμον. “Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν
ἐτετάχατο ὧδε. Βελιεσάριος δὲ ῥᾷον σφίσι προσ-
χωρήσειν ὁμολογίᾳ τοὺς βαρβάρους οἰόμενος
ἅτε ᾿κατωρρωδηκότας τὸν κίνδυνον, πρέσβεις τε
παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψε καὶ πολλὰ ὑποσχόμενος
αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι κατηκόους βασιλέως
γενέσθαι παρήνει. οἱ μὲν οὖν πρέσβεις τῶν
πυλῶν ἀγχοῦ γενόμενοι (οὐ γὰρ τῇ πόλει σφᾶς
ἐδέξαντο οἱ πολέμιοι) πολλά τε καὶ λίαν ἐπαγωγὰ
εἶπον, οἱ δὲ Τότθοι χωρίου τε ἰσχύϊ θαρροῦντες
καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τῇ ἀφθονίᾳ τοὺς μὲν λόγους
ἥκιστα ἐνεδέχοντο, κατὰ τάχος δὲ Ῥωμαίους
ἐνθένδε ἐκέλευον ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι. Βελισάριος
οὖν ταῦτα ἀκούσας ῥάβδους παχείας τῷ στρατῷ
ξυλλέγειν ἐπήγγελλε, στοάν τε ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ποιεῖ-
1 καὶ---ἐξηγουμένῳ L: om. Κα,
2 of Haury: om. MSS.
28
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xix. 1-6
a sufficient garrison of Goths (it is at a distance from
the city of Ariminum of one day’s journey for an
unencumbered traveller), and as he led forth the
army he was followed by Narses and John and all
the others. And upon coming near the city, they
encamped in two divisions along the foot of the
hill; for they had not combined their forces at all,
but the troops of Belisarius held the position to the
east of the city, and those of Narses that to the
west. Now the city of Urbinus is situated upon
a hill which is round and exceedingly high. How-
ever, the hill is neither precipitous nor altogether
impossible to climb, and it is difficult only by reason
of being very steep, especially as one comes very
close to the city. But it has one approach by level
ground on the north. So the Romans were stationed
for the siege as has been stated. Now Belisarius
was of the opinion that the barbarians would some-
what readily make terms with the Romans for a
surrender, believing that they had become terrified
by the danger, and so he sent envoys to them,
promising that they would receive many benefits,
and exhorting them to become subjects of the
emperor. These envoys stood near the gates (for
the enemy would not receive them into the city),
and spoke at length, making a great effort to win
them over, but the Goths, confident in the strength
of their position and their abundance of provisions,
would not listen to their proposals, and bade the
Romans depart from the city with all speed. So
when Belisarius heard this, he ordered the army to
collect thick poles and to make of them a long
3. ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον Scheftlein : βελισαρίου ἀμφὶ MSS.
* ἰόντι Comparetti: ὄντι MSS,
29
10
11
12
“13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
σθαι μακράν. ἧς δὴ ἐντὸς κρυπτόμενοι ἔμελλον
τῶν τε πυλῶν ξὺν αὐτῇ ἀγχοτάτω ἰέναι, ἧ
μάλιστα ὁ χῶρος ὁμαλός ἐστι, καὶ τῇ ἐς τὸ
τεῖχος ἐπιβουλῇ χρῆσθαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ
ταῦτα ἐποίουν.
Ναρσῇ δὲ ξυγγενόμενοι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινές,
ἀπέραντά τε ποιεῖν Βελισάριον καὶ τὰ ἀμήχανα
ἐπινοεῖν ἔφασκον. ἤδη γὰρ ᾿Ιωάννην τοῦ χωρίου
ἀποπειρασώμενον, καὶ ταῦτα ὀλίγων τινῶν
τηνικαῦτα φρουρὰν ἔχοντος, ἀνάλωτον αὐτὸ
no Ona Par * παντάπασιν εἶναι (Kal ἦν δὲ οὕτως),
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν χρῆναι βασιλεῖ ἀνασώσασθαι τὰ ἐπὶ
Αἰμιλίας χωρία. ταύτῃ ὁ Ναρσῆς τῇ ὑποθήκῃ
ἀναπεισθεὶς νύκτωρ τὴν προσεδρείαν διέλυσε,
καίπερ Βελισαρίου πολλὰ λιπαροῦντος μένειν τε
αὐτοῦ καὶ Οὐρβῖνον πόλιν σφίσι ξυνελεῖν. οὗτοι
μὲν ἐς ᾿Αρίμινον κατὰ τάχος ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ
ἵκοντο. Μώρας δὲ καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπεὶ κατὰ
ἥμισυ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀναχωρήσαντας ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ
εἶδον, ἐτώθαζον ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου τοὺς been)
κότας ἐρεσχελοῦντες. Βελιεσάριος δὲ τῇ λειπο-
μένῃ στρατιᾷ τειχομαχεῖν ἤθελε. καί οἱ ταῦτα
βουλευομένῳ εὐτύχημα γενέσθαι ξυνηνέχθη
θαυμάσιον οἷον. μία τις ἣν ἐν Οὐρβίνῳ πηγή,
ἐξ ἧς δὴ πάντες οἱ ταύτῃ οἰκοῦντες ὑδρεύοντο.
αὕτη κατὰ βραχὺ ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου ἀποξηρανθεῖσα
ὑπέληγεν. ἐν τε ἡμέραις τρισὶν οὕτως αὐτὴν τὸ
ὕδωρ ἀπέλιπεν ὥστε ξὺν τῷ πηλῷ ἐνθένδε αὐτὸ
1 ἠσθῆσθαι : ἠσθεῖσθαι K, ἔσεσθαι L, αἰσθέσθαι Maltretus.
1 See Book VI. x. ὅ.
30
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xix. 6-13
colonnade. This device was destined to cover the
men hidden inside as they moved it forward close
up to the gate at the particular point where the
ground was level and carried on their operations
against the wall. So the soldiers were engaged in
this work.
But some of the intimates of Narses gathered
around him and declared that Belisarius was under-
taking an endless task and devising impracticable
plans. For John, they said, had already made an
attempt upon the place,! and that too at a time
when it was guarded by only a few men, and had
perceived that it was altogether impregnable (and
this was true), and they said that he ought to
recover for the emperor the land of Aemilia. And
since he was won over by this suggestion, Narses
at night abandoned the siege, although Belisarius
begged him earnestly to remain there and assist his
own troops in capturing the city of Urbinus. So
Narses and his followers went in haste to Ariminum
with a portion of the army. And as soon as Moras
and his barbarians saw at daybreak that one-half of
the enemy had withdrawn, they began to shout
taunts and bantering words from the fortifications
at those who had remained. Belisarius, however,
was purposing to storm the wall with his remaining
force. And while he was laying plans for this
attack, an altogether wonderful piece of good
fortune befell him. There was only one spring in
Urbinus, and from it all the inhabitants of the city
were drawing water. This spring of its own accord
little by little dried up and began to give out. And
in three days the water had left it to such an extent
that the barbarians drawing from it were drinking
31
16
17
18
19
20
21
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
οἱ βάρβαροι ἀ ἀρυόμενοι ἔπινον. διὸ δὴ Ρωμαίοις
προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν. Βελισάριος δὲ ταῦτα μὲν
οὐδαμῆ πεπυσμένος ἤθελεν ἀποπειράσασθαι τοῦ
περιβόλου. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο στράτευμα ἐξοπλίσας
κύκλῳ ἀμφὶ τὸν λόφον ἅπαντα ἔστησε, τινὰς δὲ
ἐκέλευσεν ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ῥάβδων
ἐπάγειν στοάν' οὕτω γὰρ καλεῖν τὴν μηχανὴν
νενομίκασι ταύτην. οἱ δὲ αὐτῆς ἐντὸς ὑποδύντες
ἐβάδιζόν τε καὶ τὴν στοὰν ἐφεῖλκον τοὺς πολε-
μίους λανθάνοντες. οἱ μὲν οὖν βάρβαροι χεῖρας
τὰς δεξιὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπάλξεων προτεινόμενοι
ἐδέοντο τῆς εἰρήνης τυχεῖν. Ρωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκ
εἰδότες τι τῶν ἀμφὶ τῇ πηγῇ ξυμπεπτωκότων τόν
τε πόλεμον αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν μηχανὴν ᾿ δεδιέναι
ὑπώπτευον. ἀμφότεροι γοῦν τῆς μάχης ἄσμενοι
ἀπέσχοντο. καὶ Γότθοι Βελισαρίῳ σφᾶς τε
αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁμολογίᾳ παρέδοσαν, ἐφ᾽
ᾧ κακῶν ἀπαθεῖς μείνωσι, βασιλέως κατήκοοι
ξὺν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ
;
γεγενημένοι. .
Ναρσῆς δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἐν θαύματί τε καὶ
αρσῆς ῦ μ
ξυμφορᾷ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐποιεῖτο. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ἐν
"A pipe ἔτι ἡσύχαζεν, ᾿Ιωάννην δὲ τῷ παντὶ
στρατῷ ἐπὶ Καισῆναν ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἐκέλευεν. οἱ δὲ
κλίμακας φέροντες ἤἥεσαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἄγχιστα τοῦ
φρουρίου ἐγένοντο, προσέβαλλόν τε καὶ τοῦ περι-
βόλου ἀ ἀπεπειρῶντο. καρτερῶς δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων
ἀμυνομένων ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ αὐτοῦ ἔπεσον καὶ
Φανίθεος ὁ τῶν ᾿Ιἱρούλων ἡγούμενος. ᾿Ιωάννης
1 μηχανὴν Ki: μάχην Le
1 This stoa of the Greeks was the vinea of the Romans.
32
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xix. 13-21
the water along with mud, Consequently they
decided to capitulate to the Romans. But Belisarius,
who had not received any information of this, was
still purposing to make an attempt upon the fortifica-
tions. And he armed his entire force and placed it
in a circle about the whole hill, and then commanded
a few men to move forward the colonnade of poles
(for such is the name by which this device is custom-
arily called 1) where the ground was level. So these
men went into it and began to walk and to draw the
colonnade with them, hidden from the eyes of the
enemy. Thereupon, the barbarians, stretching forth
their right hands from the parapet, begged to receive
peace. But the Romans, not knowing anything of
what had taken place regarding the spring, supposed
that it was the combat and the Roman device
which they dreaded. Both sides, at any rate, gladly
refrained from battle. And the Goths surrendered
both themselves and the city to Belisarius with the
condition that they should remain free from harm
and that they should become subjects of the emperor
on terms of complete equality with the Roman army.
But Narses, upon hearing of this success, was
filled with both astonishment and dejection. And
he himself still remained quietly in Ariminum, but
he ordered John to lead his whole army against
Caesena,? So they went, taking ladders with them.
And when they came close to the fortress, they
delivered an attack and made trial of the fortifica-
tions. But since the barbarians defended themselves
manfully, many fell in the fight and among them
Phanitheus, the leader of the Eruli. So John,
2 Modern Cesena.
RS)
VOL, IV, D
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δὲ Καισήνης τότε τοῦ φρουρίου ἀποτυχὼν 1 ἀπο-
πειρᾶσθαι οὐκέτι ἠξίου, ἐπεί οἱ ἀνάλωτον ἔδοξεν
εἶναι, ξύν τε ᾿Ιουστίνῳ καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ
πρόσω ἤλαυνε. καὶ πόλιν μὲν ἀρχαίαν ἐκ τοῦ
αἰφνιδίου κατέλαβεν ἣ ἣ Φοροκορνήλιος ὠνόμασται,
τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων οἱ ἀεί τε ὑποχωρούντων καὶ
οὐδαμῆ ἐς χεῖρας ἰόντων, ξύμπασαν βασιλεῖ τὴν
Αἰμιλίαν ἀνεσώσατο. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐφέρετο
τῇδε.
ΧΧ
Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπεὶ Οὐρβῖνον ἀμφὶ τροπὰς
χειμερινὰς εἷλεν, ἐς μὲν Αὔξιμον ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα
ἰέναι ἀξύμφορον @ETO εἶναι" χρόνον γὰρ σφίσι
τετρίψεσθαι πολὺν ἐν τῇ ἐς αὐτὴν " προσεδρείᾳ
ὑπώπτευε. βίᾳ τε γὰρ τὸ “χωρίον ἑλεῖν ἐρύματος
ἰσχύϊ ἀδύνατον ἦν, καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι πολλοί τε
καὶ ἄριστοι ἐνταῦθα, ὥσπερ μοι προδεδήλωται,
φυλακὴν ἔχοντες, πολλήν τινα ληϊσάμενοι χώραν
μέγα τι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων χρῆμα ἐσηνέγκαντο
σφίσιν. ᾿Αράτιον δὲ σὺν πολλῇ στρατιᾷ ἐν
Φώρμμῳ διαχειμάξειν ἐκέλευε φυλάσσειν τε ὅπως
τὸ λοιπὸν μὴ κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν οἱ βάρβαροι τὰς
ἐπεκδρομὰς ἃ ἐνθένδε ποιούμενοι ἀδεέστερον τὰ
ἐκείνη χωρία βιάζωνται: αὐτὸς μέντοι ἐπὶ
Οὐρβιβεντὸν ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα. ΠΕεράνιος
γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐς τοῦτο ἐνῆγεν, ἐπεὶ τοὺς ταύτῃ
1 ἀποτυχὼν K: ἀποτυχὼν αὐτοῦ μὲν L.
2 αὐτὴν Kraseninnikov: αὐτὸν MSS
3 ἐπεκδρομὰς K: ἐπιδρομὰς L,
34
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xix. 21-xx. 4
failing to capture the fortress of Caesena at that
time, saw fit to make no further attempt upon it,
since it seemed to him impregnable, and he marched
forward with Justinus and the rest of the army.
And by a sudden move he succeeded in taking
possession of an ancient city which is named Foro-
cornelius;! and since the barbarians constantly
retired before him and never came to an engage-
ment, he recovered the whole of Aemilia for the
emperor. Such was the course of these events.
XX
Now Belisarius, since he had captured Urbinus at
about the winter solstice, thought it inexpedient to
march against Auximus immediately ; for he suspected
that a long time would be consumed by his troops
in besieging it. For it was impossible to take the
place by storm because of the strength of its defences,
and the barbarian garrison of the city was both
numerous and composed of the best troops, as 1]
have previously stated,” and since they had plundered
a large tract of country, they had brought in for
themselves a great store of provisions. But he com-
manded Aratius with a numerous army to pass the
winter in Firmum and to be on his guard that the
barbarians in future should not be at liberty to make
their raids from Auximus and fearlessly to carry on
a campaign of violence in that region; he himself,
however, led his army against Urviventus. For
Peranius kept urging him to do this, since he had
1 Forum Cornelii; modern Imola.
2 Chap. xi. 2.
35
D 2
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Dor8ous τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ὑποσπανίξειν ἠκηκόει
πρὸς τῶν αὐτομόλων, ἤλπιξέ τε, ἢν πρὸς τῇ
ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ Βελισάριον παντί
που παρόντα τῷ στρατῷ ἴδωσι, ῥᾷον ἐνδώσειν"
ὅπερ ἐγένετο. Βελισάριος γάρ, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα
ἐς Οὐρβιβεντὸν ἀφίκετο, ἅπαντας μὲν ἐνστρα-
τοπεδεύσασθαι ἐν χώρῳ ἐπιτηδείως κειμένῳ
ἐκέλευσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ κύκλῳ περιιὼν διεσκοπεῖτο
εἴ πως αὐτὴν βιάζεσθαι οὐκ ἀδύνατα ἡ. καί οἱ
μηχανὴ μὲν οὐδεμία ἔδοξεν εἶναι ὥστε βίᾳ τινὶ
τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν. λάθρα δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς
οὐ παντάπασιν ἐδόκει ἀμήχανός οἱ ἡ ἐπικράτησις
ἔσεσθαι.
Aodos γάρ τις ἐκ κοίλης γῆς ἀνέχει μόνος, τὰ
μὲν ὕπερθεν ὕπτιός τε καὶ ὁμαλός, τὰ δὲ κάτω
κρημνώδης. ἀμφὶ δὲ τὸν λόφον ὶ ἰσομήκεις πέτραι
κύκλωσιν αὐτοῦ ποιοῦνταί τινα, οὐκ ἄγχιστά TN
οὖσαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον βολὴν διέχουσαι λίθου. ἐπὶ
τούτου δὴ τοῦ λόφου οἱ πάλαι ἄνθρωποι τὴν
πόλιν ἐδείμαντο, οὔτε τείχη περιβαλόντες οὔτ᾽
ἄλλο τι ὀχύρωμα ποιησάμενοι, ἐπεὶ φύσει αὐτοῖς
τὸ χωρίον ἀνάλωτον ἔδοξεν εἶναι. μία γὰρ ἐς
αὐτὴν ἐκ τῶν πετρῶν εἴσοδος τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἣν
φυλασσομένοις τοῖς ταύτῃ φὠκημένοις οὐδεμίαν
ἑτέρωθι πολεμίων προσβολὴν δεδιέναι ξυμβαίνει.
χωρὶς γὰρ τοῦ χωρίου 7 τὴν εἴσοδον ἡ φύσις ἐς
τὴν πόλιν ἐτεκτήνατο, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ποταμὸς 5
ἀεὶ μέγας τε καὶ ἀπόρευτος τὰ μεταξὺ ἔχει τοῦ τε
1 ἢν φυλασσομένοις Ki: fs φυλασσυμένης L.
2 ποταμός τε MSS: τε bracketed by Dindorf.
1 The nearest eminence is a good half-mile away (Hodgkin).
36
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xx. 4-10
heard from the deserters that the Goths in that city
had a scarcity of provisions, and he hoped that if, in
addition to their lack of supplies, they should see
Belisarius also present with his whole army, as they
would suppose, they would give in the more readily,
as indeed actually happened. For Belisarius, imme-
diately upon reaching Urviventus, commanded the
whole army to encamp in a place suitably situated,
while he himself made a complete circuit of the
city, looking carefully to see whether it was perhaps
not impossible to capture it by storm. And it seemed
to him that there was no possible means of taking
the place by any manner of assault. However, he
decided that it would not be altogether impossible
to capture it by a secret stratagem.
For the city occupies a lone hill which springs
from low-lying ground, being on the top level and
smooth, but precipitous at the base. And round this
hill there stand rocks of equal height which form,
as it were, a circle about it, not immediately at the
base of the hill, but about a stone’s throw away.!
Upon this hill, then, the men of old built the city,
and they neither placed walls around it nor con-
structed defences of any other kind, since the place
seemed to them impregnable by nature. For there
is only one approach to the city through the rocks,
and if the inhabitants of the city only keep this under
guard, they have nothing to fear from hostile attacks
at any other point. For apart from the place where
nature, as has been stated, constructed the approach
to the city, a river? which is always large and impass-
able occupies the space between the hill and the
* The Paglia now flows on only two sides of the hill
(Hodgkin).
37
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
λόφου. καὶ τῶν πετρῶν ὧν ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην. διὸ
δὴ καὶ βραχεῖάν τινα οἰκοδομίαν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ
εἰσόδῳ πεποίηνται τὸ παλαιὸν Ῥωμαῖοι. καὶ
πύλη " τις ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν, ἣν τότε Τότθοι ἐφύλασ-
σον. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Οὐρβιβεντῷ ταύτῃ πη
ἔχει.
,Βελιεσάριος δὲ τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐς τὴν πολιορ-
κίαν καθίστατο, ἢ ἡ" διὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ κακουργήσειν“
τὴν ἐλπίδα ἔχων ἢ“ λιμῷ παραστήσεσθαι τοὺς
πολεμίους. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τέως μὲν οὐ παντά-
Tact τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐσπάνιζον, καίπερ ἐνδεεστέ-
ρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν αὐτὰ ἔχοντες, ὅμως τῇ
ταλαιπωρίᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἀντεῖχον, ἥκιστα μὲν ἐς
τροφῆς κόρον ἐρχόμενοι, ὅσον δὲ μὴ λιμῷ ἀπο-
νήσκειν χρώμενοι σιτίοις ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἅπαντα σφᾶς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπελελοίπει,
δέρρεις τε καὶ διφθέρας ὕδατι βρέχοντες πολύν
τίνα χρόνον εἶτα ἤσθιον: ᾿Αλβίλας γὰρ ὃς αὐτῶν
ἦρχεν, ἀνὴρ. ἐν ΤἸότθοις δόκιμος μάλιστα, ἐλπίσιν
αὐτοὺς κεναῖς ἔβοσκεν.
Ἡνίκα τε αὖθις ἐπανιὼν ὁ χρόνος τὴν τοῦ
θέρους ὥραν ἤνεγκεν, ὁ σῖτος ἤδη ἐν τοῖς ληΐοις
αὐτόματος ἤκμαζεν, οὐχὶ τοσοῦτος μέντοι ὅσος
τὸ πρότερον, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ ἥσσων. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐν
ταῖς αὔλαξιν οὐκ ἀρότροις οὐδὲ χερσὶν ἀνθρώπων
ἐκέκρυπτο, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιπολῆς κείμενος ἔτυχε, μοῖραν
αὐτοῦ τινα ὀλίγην ἡ γῆ ἐνεργεῖν ἴσχυεν. οὐδενός
τε αὐτὸν ἔτι ἀμήσαντος, πόρρω ἀκμῆς ἐλθὼν
αὖθις ἔπεσε καὶ οὐδὲν τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνθένδε ἐφύη.
ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐν τῇ Αἰμιλίᾳ ξυμπεπτωκὸς
1 πύλη Καὶ : πόλις L. 24K: εἴ πως 1,.
5 κακουργήσειν Ἰζ : κακουργήσοι L. “Ks: καὶ L.
38
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xx. 10-17
rocks which I have just mentioned, In view of this
situation the Romans of old built a short piece of
wall across this approach. And there is a gate in
it, which the Goths were guarding at that time.
Such is the situation of Urviventus.
And Belisarius commenced the siege with his
whole army, hoping either to deliver an attack by
way of the river or to bring the enemy to submission
by famine. The barbarians, on their part, were for
a time not utterly destitute of provisions, though
their supply was indeed too scanty for their needs,
but still they held out beyond all expectation in
enduring their suffering, never getting sufficient
nourishment to satisfy them, and using each day
only enough food so as not to die of starvation. But
finally, when all their provisions had been exhausted,
they began to eat skins and hides which they had
previously soaked in water for a long time; for their
commander Albilas, a man of especial note among
the Goths, was sustaining them with empty hopes.
Now as time went on and brought again the
summer season, the grain was already ripening uncared
for in the cornlands, but in no such quantities as
formerly—indeed it was much less, For.since it had
not been covered in the furrows, either by ploughs
or by the hand of man, but lay upon the surface,
the earth was able to make only a small portion of
it take root. And since after that no one reaped it,
when it had become fully ripe it fell again to the
ground and nothing grew from it thereafter. And
this same thing had happened also in Aemilia; and
1 It isimplied in section 4 above that the city surrendered,
but this is not explicitly stated, and Procopius does not
return to the subject later.
39
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔτυχε. διὸ! ἐκλιπόντες τὰ οἰκεῖα οἱ ταύτῃ ἄνθρω-
ποι ἐς ΠΠικηνὸν ἦλθον, οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ
χωρία διὰ τὸ ἐπιθαλάττια εἶναι παντάπασι τῇ
ἀπορίᾳ πιέζεσθαι. καὶ Τούσκων δὲ οὐδέν τι
ἧσσον ἐξ αἰτίας τῆς αὐτῆς " ὁ λιμὸς ἥψατο, ἀλλ᾽
αὐτῶν ὅσοι ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ῴκηντο, τῶν δρυῶν τὰς
βαλάνους ἀλοῦντες, ὥσπερ τὸν σῖτον, ἄρτους τε
ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν ποιούμενοι ἤσθιον. καὶ νόσοις μὲν
παντοδαπαῖς, WS τὸ εἰκός, οἱ πλεῖστοι ἡλίσκοντο,
ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ περιγενόμενοι διεσώζοντο. ἐν ἸΤΠικηνῷ
μέντοι λέγονται Ρωμαῖοι γεωργοὶ 3 οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ
πέντε μυριάδες λαοῦ λιμῷ ἀπολωλέναι, καὶ
πολλῷ ἔτι πλείους ἐκτὸς κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου.
Ὁποῖοι δὲ τὸ εἶδος ἐγίνοντο καὶ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ
ἔθνησκον αὐτὸς θεασάμενος ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι. ἰσχνοὶ
μὲν καὶ ὠχροὶ ἐγίνοντο, πάντες" ἥ τε γὰρ σὰρξ
ἀποροῦσα τροφῆς κατά γε τὸν παλαιὸν λόγον
ἑαυτῆς ἥπτετο," καὶ ἡ χολὴ τῷ περιόντι, τὸ κράτος
τῶν σωμάτων ἤδη ἐ ἔχουσα οἰκείαν " τινὰ εἰκασίαν
ἐς ταῦτα ἠφίει. προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ, πᾶσά
τε αὐτοὺς ἰκμὰς ἐπελελοίπει καὶ τὸ δέρμα λίαν
ἀπεσκληκὸς βύρσῃ. μάλιστα ἐμφερὲς ἣν, δόκησιν
παρέχον ὡς ἄρα τοῖς ὀστέοις ἐμπεπηγὸς εἴη. τό
TE πελιδνὸν ἐς τὸ μέλαν. μεταβαλόντες δᾳδίοις
τισὶν ἐς ἄγαν καυθεῖσιν ἐῴκεσαν. καὶ αὐτοῖς μὲν
ἀεὶ τὰ πρόσωπα ἔκθαμβα ἣν, ἀεὶ δὲ δεινῶς τι
μανικὸν ἔβλεπον. ἔθνησκόν. τε οἱ μὲν ἀπορίᾳ
τροφῆς, οἱ δὲ καὶ λίαν αὐτῆς ἐς κόρον ἰόντες.
1 ἔτυχε. διὸ L: om. K, 2 τῆς αὐτῆς K: om. L.
3 γεωργοὶ L: om. K, 4 ἥπτετο K: ἐλείπετο L.
5 οἰκείαν Haury: οὐκ εἴαν K, οὐχὶ ἄν L: χλωράν Herwerden,
ὠχράν Hoeschel in marg.
40
HISTORY OF THE. WARS, VI. xx. 17-25
because of this situation the inhabitants of that region
left their homes and went to Picenum, thinking that,
since that country was on the sea, it could not be
suffering from absolute lack of food supplies. And
the Tuscans, no less than the others, were attacked
by famine for the same cause; and as many of them
as lived in the mountains were eating loaves made
of the acorns of the oak trees, which they ground up
just like grain. The natural result of this was that
the most of the people fell victim to all manner of
diseases, and it was only a few who threw these off
and recovered. Indeed it is said that among the
Roman farmers in Picenum not less than fifty thousand
persons perished by famine, and a great many more
north of the Ionian Gulf.4
I shall now tell of the appearance which they came
to have and in what manner they died, for I was an
eye-witness, All of them first became lean and pale ;
for the flesh, being ill supplied with nourishment,
according to the old saying “laid hold upon itself,”
and the bile, having now the mastery of their bodies
by reason of its excess, lent them almost its own
appearance. And as the malady developed, all
moisture left them, and the skin became very dry so
that it resembled leather more than anything else,
giving the appearance of having been fastened upon
the bones. And as they changed from a livid to a
black colour,they came to resemble torches thoroughly
burned, And their faces always wore an expression
of amazement, while they always had a dreadful sort
of insane stare. And they died, some because of
the lack of food, and others too by sating themselves
' In Procopius the Ionian Gulf is the Adriatic.
41
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐπειδὴ γὰρ σφίσιν ἀποσβεσθὲν ἅπαν τὸ θερμὸν
ἔτυχεν ὅπερ ἡ φύσις “ἐντὸς ἔκαυσεν, εἴ τις ἐς
κόρον αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ μὴ κατὰ βραχύ, θρέψειεν,
ὥσπερ τὰ ἐπὶ καιροῦ τεχθέντα παιδία, οἵδε
καταπέψαι οὐκέτι τὰ σιτία ἔχοντες, πολλῷ
διεφθείροντο θᾶσσον. Ties δὲ τοῦ λιμοῦ
ὑπερβιαζομένου ἀλλήλων ἐγεύσαντο. καὶ λέγον-
ται γυναῖκες δύο ἐν ἀγρῷ τινι ὑπὲρ ᾿Αριμίνου
πόλεως ἄνδρας ἑπτακαίδεκα ἐδηδοκέναι, ἅσπερ ἐν
τῷ χωρίῳ μόνας περιεῖναι ξυνέπεσε. διὸ δὴ τοὺς
ἐκείνῃ πορευομένους ξένους εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον
καταλύειν οὗπερ αὗται wKovy ξυνέβαινεν: ods
δὴ καθεύδοντας διαφθείρουσαι ἤσθιον. λέγουσιν
οὖν τὸν ὀκτωκαιδέκατον ξένον ἐξ ὕπνου ἀνα-
στάντα, ἡνίκα αὐτῷ ταῦτα τὰ" γύναια ἐγχειρεῖν
ἔμελλον, μαθεῖν τε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀναθορόντα τὸν
πάντα λόγον καὶ ἄμφω κτεῖναι. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ
οὕτω γεγενῆσθαι φασιν. οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι τῇ τοῦ
λιμοῦ ἀνάγκῃ ἐχόμενοι, εἴ πού τις παρατύχῃ πόα,
πολλῇ μὲν σπουδῇ ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἤεσαν, ὀκλάσαντες
δὲ ἀνέλκειν αὐτὴν ἐκ γῆς ἐπειρῶντο. εἶτα (οὐ
γὰρ ἠδύναντο, ἐπεὶ πᾶσα αὐτοὺς ἰσχὺς ἐπε-
λελοίπει) ὑπέρ τε τῆς πόας 5 καὶ τῆς χειρὸς
πίπτοντες ἔθνησκον. καὶ γῇ μὲν αὐτοὺς ἔκρυπτεν
οὐδεὶς οὐδαμῶς: οὐ γὰρ ἣν τις ὅτῳ καὶ ταφῆς
λόγος γένοιτο" ὄρνις μέντοι, αὐτῶν οὐδεὶς ἥ ἥπτετο,
οἷοι. πολλοὶ σιτί Sea a “πεφύκασι νεκροῖς σώμασιν,
ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον οὐδὲν ὅτου ἐφεῖντο. σάρκας γὰρ
ἁπάσας, ὥσπερ μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, προδεδα-
"»
ταῦτα τὰ Li: τὰ τοιαῦτα K.
πόας τε MSS. : τε bracketed by Dindorf.
»
42
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xx. 26-33
too much with it. For since all the warmth which
nature kindled within them had died away, whenever
anyone fed them to satiety, and not little by little,
just like infants newly born, the result was that, since
they were as yet unable to digest the food, they died
much more quickly. Some too, overcome by hunger,
fed upon their comrades. And it is said that two
women in a certain place in the country above the
city of Ariminum ate seventeen men; for these
women, as it happened, were the only inhabitants
of the place who survived, and consequently it came
about that strangers travelling that way lodged in
the little house where these women lived; so they
would kill these strangers while they slept and eat
them. Now the story goes that the eighteenth
stranger was roused from sleep, just when these
women were about to lay hands upon him, and leap-
ing up and learning from them the whole story, killed
both of them. Such, then, is the story which they
tell. And the most of the people were so overcome
by their hunger that if they happened upon a bit
of grass anywhere, they would rush to it with great
eagerness, and kneeling down, would try to pull it
from the ground. Then, finding themselves unable
to do so because all strength had left them, they
would fall upon the grass and their outstretched
hand and die. And no one ever laid them in the
earth, for there was in fact not a man to concern
himself about burying them; and yet they remained
untouched by any of those numerous birds which
have the habit of feeding upon dead bodies, for
they offered nothing which the birds craved. For
all the flesh, as I have previously stated, had already
43
lor}
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
A fal fal ” / \* \ \
πανῆσθαι τῷ λιμῷ ἤδη τετύχηκε. τὰ μὲν δὴ
> \ n rn 7 v
ἀμφὶ τῷ λιμῷ ταύτῃ πὴ ἔσχε.
ΧΧΙ
Βελισάώριος δὲ ἐπειδὴ Οὐραΐαν τε καὶ τοὺς
βαρβάρους Μεδιόλανον πολιορκεῖν ἤκουσε, Map-
τῖνόν τε καὶ Οὐλίαριν ξὺν πολλῷ στρατῷ ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν. οἱ δὲ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς ποταμὸν
Πάδον, ὃς Μεδιολάνου ἀπέχει ἡμέρας ὁδόν,
ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι αὐτοῦ ἔμενον. χρόνος τε
σφίσι πολὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐτρίβη, ἀμφὶ τῇ διαβάσει
τοῦ ποταμοῦ βουλὴν ἔχουσιν. ὅπερ ἐπεὶ
Μουνδίλας ἤκουσε, τῶν τινα Ρωμαίων, Παῦλον
ὄνομα, παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν. ὁ δὲ λαθὼν μὲν
τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς τοῦ Iladov τὴν ὄχθην ἦλθεν.
ὁλκάδος δὲ οὐδεμιᾶς ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα ἐπιτυχὼν
ἀπεδύσατό τε καὶ νηχόμενος ξὺν μεγάλῳ κινδύνῳ
τὴν διάβασιν ἐποιήσατο. κομισθεὶς οὖν ἐς τὸ
“Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον καὶ παρὰ τοὺς ἡγουμένους
ἥκων ἔλεξε τοιάδε'
“Μαρτῖνέ τε καὶ Οὐλίαρι, οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖτε
οὐδὲ δόξης, τῆς ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἄξια, λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ
σωτηρίᾳ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων ἥκοντες, ἔργῳ
δὲ τὴν Γότθων δύναμιν αὔξοντες. Μεδιόλανος
γὰρ ἥδε, πόλεων τῶν ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ πασῶν μάλιστα
μεγέθει τε καὶ πολυανθρωπίᾳ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ
εὐδαιμονίᾳ παρὰ πολὺ προὔχουσα, “χωρὶς δὲ
τούτων πρός TE Deppavovs: Kal τοὺς ἄλλους
βαρβάρους ἐπιτείχισμά τε οὗσα καὶ πάσης, ὡς
εἰπεῖν, προβεβλημένη τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς, ἐς
κίνδυνόν τινα ἐμπέπτωκε μέγαν ξύν τε Μουνδίλᾳ
44
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xx. 33-xxi. 6
been consumed by starvation. Such was the manner
in which famine visited the land.
XXI
Now when Belisarius heard that Uraias and the
barbarians were besieging Milan, he sent Martinus
and Uliaris against them with a numerous army.
But when this force reached the River Po, which is
one day’s journey distant from Milan, they established
a camp and remained there. And a long time was
spent by them at that camp while they were deliber-
ating about the crossing of the river. And when
Mundilas heard this, he sent to them one of the
Romans, Paulus by name. He accordingly passed
through the lines of the enemy without being
detected, and reached the bank of the Po. But he
happened to find no ferry ready at the moment, and
so he removed his clothing and, at great risk, made
the crossing by swimming. So when he had betaken
himself to the Roman camp and had come into the
presence of the commanders, he spoke as follows :
“Martinus and Uliaris, you are not acting justly
nor in a manner worthy of your own fame, seeing
that in appearance you have come for the saving of
the emperor's cause, but in reality to magnify the
power of the Goths. For this city of Milan, which
far surpasses practically all the other cities of Italy
in point of size and population and in every other
sort of prosperity, and, apart from these advantages,
is an outpost against the Germans and the other
barbarians, and has been thrown out to protect the
whole Roman empire, so to speak,—this city, I say,
has now fallen into great danger together with
45
10
11
12
13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καὶ TO βασιλέως στρατῷ, παρὰ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων
ἐνοχλουμένη, παρὰ δὲ ὑμῶν ἀμελουμένη. ἡλίκα
μὲν οὖν ἠδίκηται βασιλεὺς παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ
παρόντι, λέγειν ἀφίημι. οὐ γάρ μοι πλείοσι
λόγοις ὁ καιρὸς ἐνδίδωσι χρῆσθαι, ὀξεῖάν τινα τῇ
πόλει τὴν ἐπικουρίαν ἐπιξητῶν, ἕως ἔτι λείπεταί
τις ἐλπίς. ὑμᾶς δέ φημι χρῆναι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα
κινδυνεύουσι Μεδιολανίταις ἀ ἀμύνειν. ἢν γάρ’ τινι
μελλήσει ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι ἐς ἡμᾶς χρῆσθε," ἡμῖν
μὲν τὰ πάντων πικρότατα πεπονθόσιν ἀπολω-
λέναι ξυμβήσεται, ὑμῖν δὲ τὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν
βασιλέως προέσθαι δύναμιν. προδόται γάρ, οἶμαι,
καλεῖσθαί εἰσι δίκαιοι οὐχ οἱ ἂν τὰς πύλας τοῖς
ἐναντίοις ἀνακλίνοιεν μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον,
εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, οἱ ἂν πολιορκουμένοις παρὸν
τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἀμύνειν, οἱ δὲ τὴν ἀκίνδυνον
ὄκνησιν πρὸ τῆς ἀγωνίας ἑλόμενοι, τὴν ἐκείνων,
ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἐπικράτησιν τοῖς πολεμίοις δεδώκασι."
Παῦλος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε, Μαρτῖνος δὲ καὶ
Οὐλίαρις ἕψεσθαί οἱ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐπαγγειλά-
μενοι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀπεπέμψαντο. ὃς δὴ καὶ
αὖθις τοὺς βαρβάρους λαθὼν ἐς Μεδιόλανον
νύκτωρ εἰσῆλθε, το Us τε : στρατιώτας καὶ Ρωμαίους
ἅπαντας ἐλπίσιν ἐπάρας ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν
βασιλέως πίστιν ἐπέρρωσεν.
Οὐδέν τι δὲ ἧσσον οἱ ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον ὄκνῳ
ἐχόμενοι αὐτοῦ ἔμενον, χρόνος τε πολὺς ταύτῃ
δὴ τῇ μελλήσει ἐτρίβετο. μετὰ δὲ Maprivos
ἀπολύεσθαι τὴν αἰτίαν ἐθέλων Βελισαρίῳ ἔγραψε
1 χρῆσθε K: χρῆσθαι συμβῆ L.
46
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxi. 6-13
Mundilas and the emperor’s army, harassed as it is
by the enemy, and neglected meanwhile by you.
And how much the emperor has been wronged by
you in the present case, I refrain from stating. For
the urgency of the moment does not allow me to
use many words, seeking as I do quick assistance for
the city, while some hope is still left. But you, I
say, must come to the detence of the people of Milan
in their peril with all possible speed. For if at the
present crisis you act with any hesitation in coming
to us, the result will be for us, on the one hand, to
perish after suffering the most cruel fate possible, and
for you, on the other, to have betrayed to the enemy
the emperor's power. For those who may perchance
open their gates to the enemy are not the only ones
who are justly called traitors, but with equal, nay
even greater, justice this name belongs to those who,
though they have the power to defend those dearest
to them when they are besieged, still choose the
course of hesitation, which involves no danger, instead
of engaging in the struggle, and thus probably give
to their enemy the victory over them.” Thus spoke
Paulus,and Martinus and Uliaris sent him back with
the promise to follow him right speedily. And he
once more succeeded in getting through the bar-
barians unnoticed, entered Milan by night, and having
roused the hopes of the soldiers and all the Romans,
still more strengthened their purpose to be faithful
to the emperor.
Nevertheless Martinus and his men continued to
be reluctant to move and remained where they were,
and much time was consumed by them in hesitating
in this way. But finally Martinus, wishing to clear
himself of the charge, wrote to Belisarius as follows :
47
14
15
16
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τάδε: ““Επεμψας ἡμᾶς ὧδε τοῖς ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ
κινδυνεύουσιν ἐπαμυνοῦντας, καὶ ἡμεῖς ' πολλῇ
a \
σπουδῇ, ὥσπερ σὺ ἐκέλευες, ἄχρι ἐς Πάδον
ς
ποταμὸν ἥκομεν, ὃν διαβαίνειν ὁ στρατὸς δέδοικεν,
ἐπεὶ δύναμίν τε ΤΤότθων μεγάλην καὶ Βουργου-
, \ lal a
ζιώνων πάμπολύ τι ξὺν αὐτοῖς πλῆθος ἐν
Avyovpous εἶναι, ἀκούομεν, πρὸς οὕς γε ἡμεῖς
διαμάχεσθαι μόνοι οὐχ οἷοί τε οἰόμεθα εἶναι.
ἀλλὰ κέλευε ᾿Ιωάννην τε καὶ ᾿Ιουστῖνον ὡς
τάχιστα (ἐν γειτόνων γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐν Αἰμιλίων τῇ
χώρᾳ εἰσίν) ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἑπομένοις κινδύνου ἡμῖν
τοῦδε ξυνάρασθαι. κοινῇ γὰρ ἐνθένδε ἰόντες αὐτοί
τε σῶοι εἶναι καὶ δρᾶν τι κακὸν δυνησόμεθα τοὺς
πολεμίους. Μαρτίνου μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ τοσαῦτα
ΕῚ / / / ) \ > \ 2 /
ἐδήλου. Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπεὶ αὐτὴν ἀνελέξατο,
> / Ne, lal > le \ “-“ > \
Iwdvyny te καὶ ᾿Ιουστῖνον ἐκέλευε ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ
Μαρτῖνον ἐς Μεδιόλανον κατὰ τάχος ἰέναι. οἱ
δὲ πράξειν οὐδὲν ἔφασκον, ὅ τι" μὴ Ναρσῆς
ἐπιστέλλοι σφίσι. διὸ δὴ καὶ Ναρσῇ Βελισάριος
ἔγραψε τάδε'
«ἈΠ a > n \ λέ \
ν σῶμα εἶναι πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλέως στρατιὰν
¢ \ >
νόμιζε, ἣν δὴ Hv μὴ γνώμην ἐνδείκνυσθαι μίαν
A > , \ / / > /
ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου Ta μέλη ξυμβαίνει, ἀλλά τι
/ cal
ἀλλήλων χωρὶς ἐνεργεῖν βούλεσθαι," χλελείψεται
lal nr /
ἡμῖν TOV δεόντων οὐδὲν διαπεπραγμένοις ἀπολω-
λέναι. οὐκοῦν Αἰμιλίαν μὲν Ea, οὔτε TL ὀχύρωμα
ἔχουσαν οὔτε τινὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἔ ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι
καιρῷ ῥοπὴν φέρουσαν. σὺ δὲ ᾿Ιωάννην τε καὶ
᾽ cal , 3ι. εν \ / 4. a >
lovotivov κέλευε αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα εὐθὺ τῶν ἐν
la / “- a
Μεδιολάνῳ πολεμίων ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον
1 ἡμεῖς Καὶ : ye L. 3 δ αὶ Ks ef τὺ Ἰὰς
8 ἣν δὴ ἣν Ki: εἴπερ γοῦν L.
4ὃ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxi. 13-19
“You sent us hither in order to bring support to
those endangered in Milan, and we have come in
great haste, just as you commanded, as far as the
River Po; but the army fears to cross this river,
since we hear that a strong force of Goths are in
Liguria, and a very great multitude of Burgundians
with them; and against such an army we do not
consider ourselves able to fight a decisive battle
alone. But command John and Justinus, who are
in our neighbourhood in the land of “Aemilia, to
come with all possible speed together with their
troops and assist us in meeting this danger. For by
going together from here we shall be enabled both
to be safe ourselves and also to do some harm to the
enemy.” Such was the content of Martinus’ letter.
And Belisarius, upon reading it, commanded John
and Justinus to join the forces of Martinus and go
with all speed against Milan. But they said that
they would do nothing except what Narses com-
manded them. Wherefore Belisarius wrote also to
Narses as follows:
“Consider that the whole army of the emperor is
one body, and that, if it does not display one single
purpose, just as do the members of a man, but one
part wishes to act separately from the others, what
will be left to us is to perish utterly without having
performed any of our duties. Therefore have done
with Aemilia, which neither contains any fortress
nor has any decisive importance for the Romans, at
least at the present moment. But do you command
John and Justinus without the least delay to go
with the forces of Martinus straight against the enemy
' B ύλεσθαι Maltretus: βούλεσθε MSS.
49
VOL. IV. Dy
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἰέναι, ἐγγύς τε ὄντας Kal πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν
ἐπικράτησιν ἱκανῶς ἔχοντας. ἐμοὶ γὰρ ἐνταῦθα
στρατιᾶς πλῆθος, ὅπερ ἂν καὶ στέλλοιμι, οὐκ
εἶναι ξυμβαίνει, ἄλλως τε καὶ στρατιώτας ἐς
Μεδιόλανον ἐνθένδε ἰέναι ἀξύμφορον οἴομαι εἶναι.
χρόνου τε γὰρ τετρίψεται πλῆθος, ὥστε ὀπίσω
τοῦ δέοντος καιροῦ ἐς αὐτὴν ἥξουσι, καὶ τοῖς
ἵπποις ἐπὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι διὰ μῆκος
ὁδοῦ, ἡνίκα ἐς ἐκείνους ἀφίκωνται, οὐδαμῶς
ἕξουσιν. ἢν δέ γε ξύν τε Μαρτίνῳ καὶ Οὐλίαρι
οἱ ἄνδρες οὗτοι ἐς Μεδιόλανον ἴωσι, κρατήσουσί
τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων, καὶ τὴν
Αἰμιλίαν καταλήψονται αὖθις, οὐδενὸς ἔτι ἀντι-
στατοῦντος.᾽ ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Ναρσῆς ἀπενεχθέντα
εἶδε τὰ γράμματα, αὐτὸς μὲν ᾿Ιωάννῃ τε καὶ
᾿Ιουστίνῳ ἐπέστελλεν ἐς Μεδιόλανον ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ
στρατῷ ἰέναι. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ᾿Ιωάννης μὲν
ἐς τὴν παραλίαν ἐστάλη, ὅπως ἀκάτους ἐνθένδε
κομίζοι, οὕτω τε διαβαίνειν τὸν ποταμὸν ὁ στρατὸς
δύνηται. ἀλλὰ νόσος αὐτῷ ξυμβᾶσα τὰ πρασσό-
μενα διεκώλυσεν.
Ἔν ᾧ δὲ οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Maprivov τῇ ἐς τὴν
διάβασιν ὀκνήσει ἐχρῶντο καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν
᾿Ιωάννην τὰς Ναρσοῦ ἐντολὰς ἔμενον, ἐν τούτῳ
χρόνου δαπανᾶσθαι πολύ τι χρῆμα τῇ πολιορκίᾳ
τετύχηκεν. οἱ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι ἤδη ἐς ἄγαν τῷ
λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι καὶ τοῦ κακοῦ ὑπερβιαξομένου
κυνῶν τε καὶ “μυῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐγεύσαντο καὶ
ζῴων ἄλλων ὅσα ἐς βρῶσιν ἀνθρώπου οὔποτε!
ἦλθον. οἱ μὲν οὖν βάρβαροι πρέσβεις παρὰ
Μουνδίλαν πέμψαντες ἐνδοῦναι σφίσι τὴν πόλιν
1 οὔποτε Ια : οὐ πρότερον L.
50
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxi. 19-27
at Milan, for they are near at hand and sufficiently
strong to overpower the barbarians. For it so happens
that I myself have here no numerous army which I
could possibly send, and even apart from this, I think
it inexpedient for soldiers to go from here against
Milan. Fora great amount of time will be consumed
in the journey so that they will fail to reach the city
at the proper moment, and they will be quite unable
on account of the length of the journey to use their
horses against the enemy when they reach them.
But if these men! go with Martinus and Uliaris
against Milan, they will in all probability both over-
come the barbarians there and also take possession
of Aemilia again without encountering any further
resistance.” When this letter had been delivered
to Narses and read by him, he himself sent orders
to John and Justinus to go with the other army to
Milan. And John a little later set out for the sea-
coast, in order to bring boats from there, which were
to enable the army to cross the river. But an illness
which fell upon him put a stop to the undertaking.
But while the forces of Martinus were hesitating
about the crossing of the river, and those of John
were awaiting the instructions of Narses, a great
amount of time was consumed, and the siege mean-
time continued to be pressed. And the besieged
were already suffering extremely from the famine,
and under the overwhelming necessity of their
wretched situation the most of them had begun
to eat dogs and mice and other animals such as
had never been eaten by man. So the barbarians
sent envoys to Mundilas, bidding him surrender the
1 John and Justinus,
51
E 2
28
29
30
31
32
33
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐκέλευον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἀπαθεῖς αὐτός τε Kal οἱ oTpa-
τιῶται κακῶν μείνωσιν. ὁ δὲ ταῦτα ὡμολόγησε
πράξειν, ἢν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπέρ τε αὐτῶν τὰ πιστὰ
δώσουσι καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἐς τῶν οἰκητόρων
τινὰ δράσουσιν. “ὡς δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι Μουνδίλᾳ τε
καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὰ πιστὰ ἔδοσαν, θυμῷ τε
πολλῷ ἐς Διγούρους ἐχόμενοι ἅπαντας ἀπολοῦν-
τες ἔνδηλοι ἢ ἧσαν, συγκαλέσας Μουνδίλας τοὺς
στρατιώτας ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τοιάδε'
“Ki τινες καὶ ἄλλοι πώποτε, παρὸν αἰσχρῶς
βιῶναι, οἱ δὲ μᾶλλον εὐκλεῶς ἀποθανεῖν εἵλοντο
σωτηρίας τῆς παραυτίκα τὴν εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ βίου
καταστροφὴν ἀλλαξάμενοι, τοιούτους δή τινας ἐν
τῷ παρόντι βουλοίμην ἂν καὶ ὑμᾶς εἶναι καὶ μὴ
τῷ φιλοψύχῳ τὸν μετὰ τῆς αἰσχύνης βίον διώκειν,
καὶ ταῦτα ἀπὸ τῆς Βελισαρίου διδασκαλίας, ἧς
ἐκ παλαιοῦ μετασχοῦσιν ὑμῖν μὴ οὐχὶ γενναίοις
τε καὶ λίαν εὐτόλμοις εἶναι οὐχ ὅ ὅσιον. τοῖς μὲν
γὰρ εἰς φῶς ἥκουσι μία τις ἅπασι προέρχεται
τύχη, τοῖς καθήκουσι τεθνήξεσθαι χρόνοις" τρόπῳ
δὲ τῆς τελευτῆς ἄνθρωποι ἀλλήλων ὡς τὰ πολλὰ
διαχλλάσσουσι. διαφέρει δέ, ὅτι ἄνανδροι μέν, ὡς
τὸ εἰκός, ἅπαντες ὕβριν τε καὶ γέλωτα ὀφείλοντες
τοῖς ἐχθροῖς πρότερον, εἶτα τοῖς ἄνωθεν διωρισ-
μένοις καιροῖς οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἀναπιμπλᾶσι. τὴν
πεπρωμένην, γενναίοις δὲ ἀνδράσι ξύν τε τῇ ἀρετῇ
καὶ δόξης ἀγαθῆς περιουσίᾳ τοῦτο ξυμβαίνει
πάσχειν. ἄνευ δὲ τούτων εἰ μὲν ἀνθρώπους
τούσδε ξυνδιασώζουσιν ἡμῖν δουλεύειν τοῖς βαρ-
1 παλαιοῦ K: πασῶν L.
52
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxi. 27-33
city to them, with the condition that he himself
and the soldiers should remain free from harm. But
Mundilas agreed to do this only on condition that
they not only give pledges for the safety of the Roman
garrison, but also that they would do no harm to
any one of the inhabitants. But since the enemy,
though ready to give pledges to Mundilas and the
soldiers, were moved by furious passion against the
Ligurians and were evidently going to destroy them
all, Mundilas called all the soldiers together and
spoke as follows:
“Tf it has ever happened that any men before us,
though having the opportunity to save their lives
with disgrace, have chosen rather to die with
fair fame, abandoning their immediate safety for a
glorious end of life, such men 1 should wish you also
to be at the present time, and not through fondness
for life to pursue it even though it be involved in
shame, and that too, contrary to the teaching of
Belisarius, by which you have profited for a long
time past, so that to be otherwise than noble and
exceedingly courageous is for you sacrilege. For
when men have once entered life, a single fate is
advancing upon all of them—to die at the appointed
time ; but as to the manner of death men differ, for
the most part, one from the other. And there is
this difference, that cowards, as one might expect, in
every case first bring upon themselves insult and
ridicule from their enemies and then, at the exact
time previously appointed, fulfil their destiny no whit
the less; but it falls to the lot of noble men to
suffer this with valour and an abundance of goodly
fame. And apart from these considerations, if it
had been possible to become slaves of the barbarians,
53
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Bapows παρῆν, ἔφερεν ἂν τοῦτο γοῦν τινα τῆς
: 34 αἰσχρᾶς ταύτης ἡμῖν σωτηρίας συγγνώμην. ἢν
δέ γε Ῥωμαίους τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιδεῖν
ἀνάγκη ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων διαφθειρομένους
χερσίν, ὅτου τις ἂν εἴποι τοῦτο θανάτου
86 πικρότερον ἔσται. οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἢ τοῖς
βαρβάροις ξυγκατεργάξζεσθαι τὸ δεινὸν δόξαιμεν.
ἕως οὖν ἔτι ἐσμὲν ἡμῶν αὐτῶν κύριοι ἀρετῇ τὴν
] ἀνάγκην κοσμήσασθαι, εὔδοξον Σ τὴν προσπε-
| 36 σοῦσαν θώμεθα τύχην. φημὶ δὲ χρῆναι ὡς
ἄριστα ἐξοπλισαμένους ἡμᾶς ἅπαντας ἐπὶ τοὺς
37 πολεμίους οὐ προσδεχομένους χωρεῖν. δυοῖν γὰρ
] ἡμῖν περιέσται θάτερον: ἢ τὴν τύχην ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν
εἰργάσθαι τι κρεῖσσον ἐλπίδος ὯΝ τελευτῆς
τετυχηκότας εὐδαίμονος εὐκλεώς μάλιστα τῶν
παρόντων ἀπηλλάχθαι κακῶν.
88 Μουνδίλας μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε, τῶν δὲ στρα-
τιωτῶν ὑποστῆναι τὸν κίνδυνον οὐδεὶς ἤθελεν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ οἷς παρεκάλουν οἱ πολέμιοι σφᾶς τε
39 αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐνέδοσαν. καὶ αὐτοὺς μὲν
οἱ βάρβαροι οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἐργασάμενοι ἐν φυλακῇ
ξὺν Μουνδίλᾳ εἶχον, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐς ἔδαφος
καθεῖλον, ἄνδρας μὲν κτείναντες ἡβηδὸν ἅ ἅπαντας
οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ μυριάδας τριάκοντα, γυναῖκας δὲ ἐν
ἀνδραπόδων ποιησάμενοι λόγῳ, αἷς δὴ Βουργου-
ξίωνας δεδώρηνται χάριν αὐτοῖς τῆς ξυμμαχίας
40 ἐκτίνοντες. Ῥεπάρατον δὲ εὑρόντες τὸν τῆς:
1 κοσμήσασθαι Ἰζ : κομίσασθαι L, κοσμήσασθαι (ἀξιοῦντες)
Comparetti, κοσμήσαντες Krageninnikov.
2 εὔδοξον K: εὔδοξον ἑαυτοῖς κατὰ L.
8 κρεῖσσον ἐλπίδος ἢ Herwerden: ἢ om. K, ἢ κρεῖσσον
ἐλπίδος L.
54
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxi. 33-40
and at the same time to save the people of the city,
that at least might have brought us some forgiveness
for saving ourselves so disgracefully. But if, in fact,
we are bound to look on while such a great multi-
tude of Romans is being destroyed by the hand of
the enemy, this will be more bitter than any form
of death of which a man could tell. For we should
appear to be doing nothing more or less than helping
the barbarians to perpetrate this dreadful deed.
While, therefore, we are sufficiently our own masters
to adorn necessity with valour, let us make glorious
the fortune which has fallen upon us. And I say
that we ought all to arm ourselves in the best
possible manner, and advance upon the enemy when
they are not expecting us. For the result for us
will be one of two things: either fortune will have
wrought for us in some way a success which tran-
scends our present hope, or we, in achieving a
happy end, shall have rid ourselves of our present
troubles with the fairest fame.”
So spoke Mundilas; but not one of the soldiers
was willing to undergo the danger, and they sur-
rendered both themselves and the city on the terms
which the enemy offered. And the barbarians did
indeed inflict no harm upon the soldiers, simply
putting them under guard with Mundilas, but the
city they razed to the ground, killing all the
males of every age to the number of not less than
three hundred thousand and reducing the women to
slavery and then presenting them to the Burgun-
dians by way of repaying them for their alliance.
And when they found Reparatus, the pretorian
4 ῥεπάρατον δὲ K: οὗ δὴ ῥεπάρατον L,
55
4]
42
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
αὐλῆς ἔπαρχον, ἔκοψάν τε κατὰ βραχὺ καὶ
αὐτοῦ τὰ κρεα τοῖς κυσὶν ἔρριψαν. Ἐηργεντῖνος
δὲ (καὶ γὰρ ἐντὸς ὧν “Μεδιολάνου * ἔτυχε) διὰ τε
Βενετίων καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ἐθνῶν ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις
ἐς Δαλματίαν κομίζεται. καὶ παρὰ βασιλέα
ἐνθένδε ἦλθε, πάθος ἀγγέλλων 5 μέγα τοῦτο ὃ ὃ
“Ρωμαίοις ξυνέπεσε γενέσθαι. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ οἱ
Γότθοι πόλεις τε τὰς ἄλλας ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλον αἱ
iP ὠμαίων ἔτυχον φρουρὰς ἔχουσαι, καὶ “Διγουρίας
αὖθις ὅλης ἐκράτησαν. Μαρτῖνος δὲ καὶ Οὐλίαρις
ξὺν τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ρώμης ἀνέστρεφον.
XXII
Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὧδέ πη ἔσχε. Βελισάριος δὲ
οὔπω τι πεπυσμένος τῶν ἐν Λιγουρίᾳ ξυμπεπτω-
κότων, ἐπειδὴ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα ἤδη, τῷ παντὶ
στρατῷ ἐς ἸΠικηνὸν ἤει. τώ τε ἀμφὶ Μεδιολάνῳ
τετυχηκότα ἐν ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ πορείᾳ μαθὼν ἐν
μεγάλῳ ἐποιήσατο πένθει. καὶ Οὐλίαριν μὲν ἐς
ὄψιν οἱ ἐλθεῖν οὐκέτι τὸ λοιπὸν εἴασεν, ἅπαντα δὲ
τὰ ξυμπεσόντα βασιλεῖ ἔγραψε. βασιλεὺς δὲ
TOUTWY μὲν ἕνεκα δεινόν TL εἰργάσατο οὐδένα, τὴν
δὲ Βελισαρίου τε καὶ Ναρσοῦ διαφορὰν ἀκούσας
Ναρσῆν τε αὐτίκα μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτοκράτορα
παντὸς τοῦ πολέμου Βελισάριον κατεστήσατο.
ὧδε μὲν ἐς Βυζάντιον Ναρσῆς ἐπανῆκε, τῶν
στρατιωτῶν ὀλίγους τινὰς ἄγων. "Ερουλοι δὲ
μένειν ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ ͵, Ναρσοῦ ἐνθένδε ἀναχωροῦντος
οὐκέτι ἠξίουν, καίτοι Βελισαρίου πολλὰ ὑποσχο-
1 ὧν Μεδιολάνου Haury; by μεδιολάνου K, ἐν μεδιολάνοις L.
2 ἀγγέλλων L: τὲ K, 8. ὃ L: om. K.
56
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxi. 40-xxii. 5
prefect, they cut his body into small pieces and
threw his flesh to the dogs. But Vergentinus (for
he had been, as it happened, inside Milan) made
his escape and betook himself with his followers to
Dalmatia, passing through the land of the Veneti
and the other nations of that region. And from
there he went to the emperor bearing the message
of this great calamity which had befallen the
Romans, In consequence of this success the Goths
took by surrender the other cities which happened
to have Roman garrisons and again gained control
over the whole of Liguria. As for Martinus and
Uliaris, they marched back with their army toward
Rome.
XXII
Sucu was the course of events in Liguria. And
Belisarius, having not yet learned anything of what
had happened in that field, was moving with his
whole army into Picenum, since the winter was now
coming to an end. But learning in the course of
this journey what had befallen Milan, he grieved
exceedingly. And never after that time would he
allow Uliaris to come into his presence; but he
wrote to the emperor everything which had taken
place. And the emperor treated no one with
severity on account of these things, but upon hear-
ing of the disagreement between Belisarius and
Narses, he recalled Narses immediately and ap-
pointed Belisarius commander-in-chief for the whole
war. Thus it was that Narses returned to Byzantium,
bringing some few of the soldiers. But the Eruli,
seeing that Narses was departing from Italy, refused
to remain there longer, although Belisarius promised
57
10
ll
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μένου σφίσι πρός Te αὐτοῦ καὶ βασιλέως ἀγαθὰ
μένουσιν ἔσεσθαι, ἀλλὰ συσκευασάμενοι ἅπαντες
Ta μὲν πρῶτα ἐπὶ Λιγουρίας ἀπεχώρησαν. οὗ
δὴ ἐντυχόντες τῷ Οὐραΐα στρατῷ, ἀνδράποδά τε
καὶ ἄλλα ζῷα ὅσα ἐπῆγον τοῖς πολεμίοις
ἀπέδοντο, καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ κεκομισμένοι
ἀπώμοσαν, μήποτε Γότθοις ἀντιτάξεσθαι ἢ εἰς
χεῖρας. ἰέναι. οὕτω τε εἰρηναίαν τὴν ἀναχώρησιν
ποιησάμενοι ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Βενετίας χωρία ἦλθον.
ἐνταῦθα αὐτοῖς Βιταλίῳ ξυγγενομένοις τῶν ἐς
βασιλέα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν ἡμαρτημένων μετέμελεν.
ἀφοσιούμενοί τε τὸ ἔγκλημα Οὐΐίσανδον μὲν τῶν
ἀρχόντων ἕνα ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις αὐτοῦ εἴασαν, οἱ
δὲ λοιποὶ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀπεκομίσθησαν ἅπαντες,
᾿Αλουίθ τε ἡγουμένου σφίσι καὶ Φιλιμούθ, ὅσπερ
Φανιθέου τετελευτηκότος ἐν Καισήνῃ τὴν ἀρχὴν
ἔσχεν.
Οὐΐττεγις δὲ καὶ οἱ ξὺν αὐτῷ Γότθοι Βελιεσάριον
ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ ἐπὶ σφᾶς τε καὶ Ῥάβενναν
ἥξειν. ἀκούοντες ἐν δείματι μεγάλῳ καθίσταντο
καὶ τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιοῦντο" καὶ
αὐτοῖς πολλὰ βουλευσαμενοὶς (οὐ γὰρ ἀξιόμαχοι
τοῖς πολεμίοις κατὰ μόνας * @ovTo εἶναι) ἔδοξεν
ἄλλων τινῶν. βαρβάρων ἐπικουρίαν ἐπάγεσθαι.
Γερμανῶν μὲν οὗν τοῦ τε δολεροῦ καὶ ἀπίστου
ἤδη ἐν πείρᾳ γεγενημένοι ἀπέσχοντο, ἀγαπῶντες,
ἣν μὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἴωσιν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις ἐκποδὼν στήσωνται. ἐς δὲ
Λαγγοβαρδῶν τὸν ἄρχοντα Οὐάκην πρέσβεις
1 κατὰ μόνας KL: om. W.
1 Cf, chap. xix. 20.
58
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxii. 5-11
that they would receive many benefits both from
himself and from the emperor, if they remained ;
but they all packed up their luggage and withdrew,
going first to Liguria. There they happened upon
the army of Uraias, and they sold all the slaves and
the animals they were taking with them to the enemy,
and, having thus acquired a great amount of money,
they took an oath that they would never array them-
selves against Goths or do battle with them. Thus
they made their withdrawal in peace and came into
the land of the Veneti. But upon meeting Vitalius
there, they forthwith began to repent of the wrong
they had done the Emperor Justinian. And seek-
ing to clear themselves of the charge against
them, they left there Visandus, one of their com-
manders, with his forces, but all the rest betook
themselves to Byzantium under the leadership of
Aluith and Philemuth, the latter having taken the
command after Phanitheus was killed at Caesena.1
Now Vittigis and the Goths with him, hearing
that Belisarius at the beginning of spring would
come against them and Ravenna, were plunged into
great fear, and they began to take counsel regarding
the situation which confronted them ; and realizing
as they did that they alone were not a match for
their enemy in battle, they decided, after long
deliberation, to invite the assistance of some other
barbarians. In carrying out this purpose, however,
they avoided the Germans, having already had ex-
perience of their crafty and untrustworthy character,
being well content if they too should not come
against the Goths with Belisarius, but should stand
aside for both. But they sent envoys to Vaces, the
ruler of the Lombards, offering great sums of money
59
12
13
14
15
16
17
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔπεμψαν, χρήματά τε μεγάλα προτεινόμενοι καὶ
ἐς τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν παρακαλοῦντες. οἱ δή, ἐπεὶ
βασιλεῖ φίλον. τε καὶ ξύμμαχον τὸν Οὐάκην
ἔγνωσαν εἶναι, ἄπρακτοι ἀνεχώρησαν. Οὐΐττιγις
τοίνυν τοῖς παροῦσιν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀπορούμενος
τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἀεὶ ξυνεκάλει πολλούς. Trap’
\ ¢ ΄
ὧν δὴ συχνὰ ἐπυνθάνετο ὅ τί ποτέ οἱ βουλευομένῳ
τε καὶ πράσσοντι ἄμεινον τὰ πράγματα ἕξει.
γνῶμαι οὖν πολλαὶ πρὸς τῶν ἐς τὴν βουλὴν
€ +
ξυνιόντων ἐλέγοντο, αἱ μὲν ἐπιτηδείως τοῖς
παροῦσιν οὐδαμῆ ἔχουσαι, αἱ δέ τι καὶ λόγου
/
ἄξιον φέρουσαι. ἐν als καὶ τόδε ἐς τὸν λόγον
δ᾿ . > / / € ,ὔ \
ἦλθεν, ὡς οὐ πρότερόν ποτε Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς
τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ βαρβάροις πολεμεῖν ἴσχυσε,
πλήν γε δὴ ὅ ὅτεϊ αἱ σπονδαὶ ἐ ἐς Πέρσας γεγένηνται.3
τούς τε γὰρ Βανδίλους ἃ καὶ Μαυρουσίους τηνι-
nr /
καῦτα ἀπολωλέναι καὶ 1 ότθοις Ta παρόντα ξυμ-
πεπτωκέναι. ὥστε, ἤν τις καὶ νῦν ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ
> 4 \ / / / >
αὐτοκράτορι Tov Μήδων βασιλέα ξυγκρούῃ, ov
μήποτε Ῥωμαῖοι, τούτου δὴ ἐκπεπολεμωμένου
, ay / ” fal \
σφίσι τοῦ ἔθνους, πόλεμον ἄλλον διενεγκεῖν πρὸς
Ν rn
οὐδένας ἀνθρώπων τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσι. ταῦτα
/ -" -
Οὐιττίγιδί τε αὐτῷ ἤρεσε καὶ ΤΓότθοις τοῖς
ἄλλοις.
Ἔδοξεν οὗν πρέσβεις παρὰ τὸν Μ ἤδων βασιλέα
Χοσρόην στέλλεσθαι, οὐ Tordous μέντοι, ὅπως
μὴ κατάδηλοι αὐτόθεν γινόμενοι ξυγχέωσι τὰ
/
πρασσόμενα, ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαίους, οἵπερ αὐτὸν
1 ὅτε W: ὅτι KL.
2 / KW: ’ὔ > ΄ - ΄- “
γεγένηνται ΑΝ ; γεγένηνται αὐτῶ τε καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἕω
βασιλεῦσι L.
3 Βανδίλους 1): βαρβάρους K, βανδήλους ὟΥ,
60
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxii. 11-17
and inviting him to an offensive and defensive
alliance. But these envoys, upon learning that
Vaces was a friend and ally of the emperor, returned
unsuccessful. It was natural, therefore, that Vit-
tigis should be at a loss in these circumstances, and
he was constantly calling together many of the
elders. And from them he made many inquiries
as to how he should form his plans and act in order
that he might achieve the greatest success. Accord-
ingly many opinions were expressed by those who
gathered for the council, some of them in no way
adapted to the situation, and some too which con-
tained suggestions worthy of some consideration.
And among these suggestions this idea also was
advanced, that the emperor of the Romans had
plainly never been able to make war upon the
barbarians in the West before the time when the
treaty had been made with the Persians. For it
was only then that the Vandals and Moors had
been destroyed, and the Goths had suffered their
present misfortunes. Consequently, if someone
should once more rouse the hostility of the king
of the Medes against the Emperor Justinian, the
Romans thereafter would never be able, when once
that nation had been stirred up to war against
them, to carry on another war against any people
in the world. This suggestion pleased both Vittigis
himself and the other Goths.
It was decided, therefore, that envoys! should
be sent to Chosroes, the king of the Medes, but that
they should not be Goths, in order that the real
character of the embassy might not be at once
obvious and the negotiations be made useless, but
1 Cf. Book II. ii.
61
18
19
20
23
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ πολέμιον καταστήσουσι.
διὸ δὴ τῶν ἐν Λιγούροις ἱερέων δύο χρήμασι
πολλοῖς ἐς ταύτην ἀναπείθουσι τὴν ὑπουργίαν.
ὧν ἅτερος μέν, ὅσπερ ἀξιώτερος ἔδοξεν εἶναι,
ἐπισκόπου δόκησίν τε καὶ ὄνομα περιβεβλημένος,
οὐδὲν αὐτῷ προσῆκον, ἐς τὴν πρεσβείαν καθί-
στατο, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος αὐτῷ ὑπηρετῶν εἵπετο.
γράμματά τε αὐτοῖς ἐγχειρίσας πρὸς Χοσρόην
γεγραμμένα, Οὐΐττιγις ἔπεμψεν. οἷς δὴ Χοσρόης
ἠγμένος ἀνήκεστα ἐν σπονδαῖς ἔργα Ρωμαίους *
εἰργάσατο, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπρροσθεν λόγοις
ἐρρήθη. ταῦτα δὲ ἐπεὶ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς
Χοσρόην τε καὶ “Πέρσας βουλεύεσθαι ἤκουσε,
καταλύειν "μὲν τὸν ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ πόλεμον ὡς
τάχιστα ἔγνω, Βελισάριον, δὲ μεταπέμψασθαι
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἐπὶ Πέρσας στρατεύσειε. τοὺς μὲν οὖν
Οὐιττίγιδος πρέσβεις (ἔτι γὰρ ὄντες ἐν Βυζαντίῳ
ἐτύγχανον) αὐτίκα δὴ ἀπεπέμψατο, ἄνδρας παρ᾽
αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ PaBévyns σταλήσεσθαι ὑποσχόμενος,
οἵπερ ἐς Γότθους τὰς σπονδὰς θήσονται ὅπη ἂν
ἑκατέροις ξυνοίσειν μέλλῃ. τούτους δὲ τοὺς
πρέσβεις οὐ πρότερον μεθῆκε Βελισάριος τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἕως καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ ᾿Αθανάσιόν τε
καὶ Πέτρον ἀφῆκαν. ods δὴ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικο-
μένους 4 γερῶν. βασιλεὺς τῶν μεγίστων ἠξίωσεν,
᾿Αθανάσιον μὲν ὕπαρχον τῶν ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ πραι-
τωρίων καταστησάμενος, Llétpw δὲ τὴν τοῦ
μαγίστρου καλουμένου ἀρχὴν παρασχόμενος.
Ῥωμαίους Kraseninnikov: ῥωμαίοις KL, om. W.
ἀφικομένους om. W,
baylorpov LW : μεγίστου Κα.
eo 9m eH
62
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxii. 17-24
Romans,! who were to make him hostile to the
Emperor Justinian. Accordingly they bribed two
priests of Liguria with great sums of money to
undertake this service. One of these men, who
seemed to be the more worthy, undertook the
embassy, assuming the appearance and the title of
bishop, which did not belong to him at all, while the
other followed as his attendant. Vittigis also en-
trusted to them a letter written to Chosroes and
sent them off. And Chosroes, influenced by this
very letter, committed acts of an outrageous
character against the Romans in time of peace, as
has been told by me in the preceding narrative.?
Now when the Emperor Justinian heard that
Chosroes and the Persians were planning to this
end, he decided to bring the war in the West
to an end as quickly as possible, and to recall
Belisarius in order that he might take the field
against the Persians. So he immediately dismissed
the envoys of Vittigis (for they happened to be still
in Byzantium), promising that men would be sent by
him to Ravenna who would draw up the treaty with
the Goths in such form that the interests of both
sides would be furthered. But Belisarius did not
release these envoys to the enemy until they, in
turn, had released the embassy of Athanasius and
Peter.2 And when these men arrived at Byzantium,
the emperor counted them worthy of the greatest
gifts of honour, appointing Athanasius prefect of
the pretorians in Italy, and giving Peter the office
of “magister” 4 as it is called. And the winter
1 ἡ δι subjects of the Emperor at Byzantium.
2 Book IL. v. ff. ® Cf. Book V. vii. 25,
' A military title of the highest rank.
63
25
or
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε καὶ τέταρτον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα
τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.
XXIII
Βελισάριος δὲ Αὔξιμόν te καὶ Φισούλαν ἐξε-
λεῖν πρότερον ἤθελε, οὕτω τε ἐπί τε Οὐίττιγιν
καὶ 'Ῥάβενναν ἰέναι, οὐδενὸς ἔτι τῶν πολεμίων
οὔτε σφίσιν ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι δυναμένου, οὔτε
τὰ ὄπισθε κακουργεῖν ἔχοντος. Κυπριανὸν μὲν
οὖν Kal lovativoy ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις Kal Ισαύρων
τισὶν ἐς Φισούλαν ἔπεμψε, καὶ πεντακοσίους
πεζοὺς ἐκ καταλόγου οὗ Δημήτριος ἦρχεν, οἱ δὴ
τοὺς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάρους ἀμφὶ τὸ φρούριον στρατο-
πεδευσάμενοι ἐπολιόρκουν. Μαρτῖνον δὲ καὶ
Ἰωάννην ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ στρατεύματι
ἄλλῳ οὗπερ ᾿Ιωάννης ἡγεῖτο ὃν καὶ Φαγᾶν
ἐκάλουν, ἀμφὶ Πάδον ποταμὸν ἔστελλεν. ods δὴ
φροντίδα ἔχειν ἐκέλευεν ὅπως μὴ Οὐραΐας τε καὶ
οἱ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ Μεδιολάνου ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἴωσιν, ἢν δὲ
τῶν πολεμίων τὴν ἔφοδον ἀποκρούεσθαι οὐχ οἷοί
τε Wow,” ὄπισθεν αὐτοὺς λάθρα ἐπισπομένους
κατὰ νώτου ἰέναι. καὶ οἱ μὲν πόλιν Δορθῶνα
πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν καταλαβόντες,
αὐτοῦ τε ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον, αὐτὸς δὲ
ἐς Αὔξιμον πόλιν χιλίους τε καὶ μυρίους ἔχων
ἀφίκετο. Αὔξιμος δὲ αὕτη πρώτη μὲν τῶν ἐν
Πικηνοῖς πόλεών ἐστιν, ἣν δὴ μητρόπολιν καλεῖν
νενομίκασι" Ῥωμαῖοι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἀκτῆς μὲν
κόλπου τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου σταδίους τέσσαράς τε καὶ
Τ᾿ μὴ K: ἢν L. 2 ἣν δὲ---ὦσιν K: om. L.
3 νενομίκασι K: νενομ. τοῦ ἔθνους L.
64
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxii. 25—-xxiii. 6
drew to a close, and the fourth year ended in this 5394.p.
war, the history of which Procopius has written.
XXIII
Now Belisarius wished first to capture Auximus
and Fisula,! and after that to march against Vittigis
and Ravenna, with no one of the enemy any longer
able to oppose his advance or to harass his rear.
He accordingly sent Cyprian and Justinus with their
men and some of the Isaurians to Fisula, together
with five hundred foot-soldiers from the detachment
commanded by Demetrius; and they made camp
about the fortress and commenced a siege of the
barbarian garrison. And Martinus and John with
their troops and another army, commanded by John
whom they called the Glutton, he sent to the
country along the Po River. These officers he
commanded to take care that Uraias with his forces
should not advance from Milan against his own
army; and if they were not able to repel the
enemy's attack, they were secretly to follow behind
them and assail their rear. So they took possession
of Dorthon,? an unwalled city which lay on the
river, and having established their camp remained
there, while Belisarius himself went to the city of
Auximus with eleven thousand men. Now this is
the first of the cities in Picenum, being the metro-
polis, as the Romans are accustomed to call it.
And it is about eighty-four stades distant from the
shore of the Ionian Gulf, and from the city of
1 Faesulae ; modern Jiesole.
2 Dertona; modern Tortona,
65
VOL, IV. Ε
10
11
12
13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ὀγδοήκοντα μάλιστα, PaBévyns δὲ πόλεως ὁδὸν
τριῶν ἡμερῶν καὶ σταδίους ὀγδοήκοντα. κεῖται
δὲ ἐπὶ λόφου τινὸς ὑψηλοῦ, εἴσοδον ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ
οὐδαμῆ ἔχουσα, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀπρόσοδος τοῖς
πολεμίοις παντάπασιν οὖσα. ἐνταῦθα Γότθων
εἴ τι δόκιμον ἣν, Οὐίττιγις ἐς τὴν φρουρὰν
κατεστήσατο, τεκμαιρόμενος ὅτι Ρωμαῖοι, εἰ μὴ
ταύτην ἐξέλωσι πρότερον, ἐπὶ Ῥάβενναν οὔποτε
στρατεύειν τολμήσωσιν.
᾿Επειδὴ δὲ ὁ Ρωμαίων στρατὸς ἐς Αὔξιμον
ἦλθεν, ἐκέλευε Βελισάριος παρὰ τοῦ λόφου τὰ
ἔσχατα πάντας στρατοπεδεύεσθαι κύκλῳ. καὶ
οἱ μὲν κατὰ συμμορίας γενόμενοι καλύβας ἄλλος
ἄλλῃ τοῦ χωρίου ἐπήγνυντο, κατιδόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς
οἱ Τότθοι μακράν που ἀπολελειμμένους ἀλλήλων
καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιβοηθεῖν ἅτε ἐν μεγάλῳ
πεδίῳ οὐκ εὐπετῶς ἔχοντας, ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου
ἀμφὶ δείλην ὀψίαν χωροῦσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους,
ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἕω τῆς πόλεως, ἣ Βελισάριος
στρατόπεδον ἔτι ποιούμενος ξύν τε δορυφόροις
καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἔτυχεν. οἱ δὲ
ἀράμενοι τὰ ὅπλα ἐκ τῶν παρόντων τοὺς
ἐπιόντας ἠμύνοντο, ῥᾷστά τε αὐτοὺς ἀρετῇ
ὠσάμενοι ἔτρεψαν, καὶ φεύγουσιν ἐπισπόμενοι
κατὰ μέσον τοῦ λόφου ἐ ἐγίνοντο. ἔνθα οἱ i βάρβαροι
ἐπιστραφέντες καὶ χωρίου ἰσχύϊ πιστεύοντες
ἀντίοι τοῖς διώκουσιν ἔστησαν, συχνούς τε
αὐτῶν ἅτε κατὰ κορυφὴ ὴν βάλλοντες ἔ ἔκτειναν, ἕως
νὺξ ἐπιλαβοῦσα ἐκώλυσεν. οὕτω τε διαλυθέντες
ἑκάτεροι τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην ηὐλίσαντο. ἔτυχον
1 στρατοτεδεύεσϑαι Ἰζ : ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι L.
66
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiii. 6-13
Ravenna a journey of three days and eighty stades.1
And it is situated upon a very high hill, having no
approach at all upon the level ground, and for this
reason it is entirely inaccessible for an enemy. In
that city Vittigis had assembled all the most notable
troops among the Goths and had established them
there as a garrison, conjecturing that the Romans,
unless they should first capture this city, would
never dare to march against Ravenna.
Now when the Roman army arrived at Auximus,
Belisarius commanded them all to encamp ina circle
about the base of the hill. So they took their places
by companies, and were setting up their huts at
different points in the line; and the Goths,
observing that the enemy were rather far apart
from one another, and were not able easily to bring
assistance to each other, since they were in a great
plain, suddenly advanced upon them in the late
afternoon, on the side to the east of the city, where
Belisarius happened to be still engaged in making
camp with his spearmen and guards, And _ the
Romans took up their arms and began to defend
themselves against their assailants as well as the
circumstances permitted, and by their valour they
forced them back with the greatest ease and routed
them ; and in following up their flight they reached
the middle of the hill. There the barbarians turned
upon them, and, confident in the strength of their
position, made a stand against their pursuers; and
since they were shooting from above, they slew
many of them, until night coming on put a stop to
the fighting. ‘hus the two armies separated and
bivouacked that night. Now it happened that on
? Roughly 81 English miles. Cf. Book III. i. 17.
67
F 2
14
15
16
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δὲ τῇ προτεραίᾳ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου Γότθων τινὲς
ὄρθρου βαθέος τροφῶν ξυγκομιδῆς ἕνεκα ἐς τὰ
ἐκείνῃ σταλέντες χωρία. οἱ δὴ οὐδὲν ἀμφὶ τῶν
πολεμίων τῇ παρουσίᾳ πυθόμενοι ἐς νύκτα
ἐπανῆκον. ἄφνω τε τὰ Ρωμαίων πυρὰ κατι-
δόντες ἐν θαύματί τε καὶ δέει μεγάλῳ ἐγένοντο.
καὶ αὐτῶν πολλοὶ μὲν τὸν κίνδυνον ὑποστῆναι
τολμήσαντες καὶ λαθόντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς
Αὔξιμον ἐσῆλθον. ὅσοι δὲ κατορρωδήσαντες ἐν
τῷ παραυτίκα ἐς ὕλας τινὰς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἔκρυψαν,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης χωρήσουσιν, οὗτοι δὴ οὐ
πολλῷ ὕστερον ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐναντίοις γενόμενοι
διεφθάρησαν. “Βελισάριος δὲ κατιδὼν τὴν Αὔξιμον
ἰσχυροτάτην ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ οὗσαν, παντελῶς τέ
οἱ ἀμήχανα εἶναι προσβολὴν τῷ περιβόλῳ
ποιήσασθαι, βίᾳ μὲν τὸ χωρίον énety δε ἄν
ποτε ETO, πολιορκίᾳ δὲ ἀκριβεῖ ἔς τε ἀπορίαν
τῶν ἀναγκαίων καταστήσεσθαι τοὺς “πολεμίους
ἐλπίδα εἶχε καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ ὑποχειρίους ποιή-
σασθαι.
Tod δὲ περιβόλου οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν πόαν τινὰ
πολλὴν ἡ γῆ ἀνιεῖσα ξυμβολῆς ἀφορμὴν ἐς
ἡμέραν ἑκάστην Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πότθοις ἔφερε.
ταύτην yap a ἀποτεμνομένους ἀεὶ τῶν ἵππων ἕνεκα
τοὺς ἐναντίους “ὁρῶντες Ρωμαῖοι ἔν τε τῷ λόφῳ
δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἀνιόντες ἐγίνοντο καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις
ἐς χεῖρας ἰόντες ἔργα τε ἀρετῆς ἄξια ἐνδεικνύμενοι,
φέρεσθαι τὴν πόαν οὐδαμῆ εἴων, πολλούς τε ἀεὶ
τῶν ἐναντίων ἐν τῷ χώρῳ τούτῳ διέφθειρον. οἱ
δὲ βάρβαροι ἀρετῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἡσσώμενοι
68
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI, xxiii. 13-19
the day before this encounter some of the Goths had
been sent out to the country close by at early dawn
in order to gather provisions. These foraging
parties, having learned nothing of the presence of
the enemy, returned at night, and suddenly spying
the fires of the Romans, they became greatly amazed
and frightened. And many of them, who plucked
up courage to take the risk and escaped detection
by their enemy, entered Auximus. But as many as
were overcome by terror and hid themselves for the
time in any convenient clumps of trees with the
intention of proceeding to Ravenna, all these not
long afterward fell into hostile hands and were
destroyed. And Belisarius, seeing that Auximus
was exceedingly strong and securely placed, and
that it was altogether impossible for him to make an
attack upon the fortifications, was of the opinion
that he could never take the place by storm, but he
hoped by a close siege to reduce the enemy to want
by cutting off their food supplies and thus to bring
them into his power by the passage of time.
Now not far from the fortifications there was a
place where the ground was covered with an abund-
ant growth of grass, and this gave rise every day to
an encounter between the Romans and the Goths.
For every time the Romans saw their opponents
cutting this grass for the sake of their horses, they
would ascend the hill with a great rush, and, upon
reaching the enemy, they would engage with them,
and by making a display of valorous deeds, try to
prevent them altogether from carrying off the grass ;
and they always slew many of the Goths in this
place. Then the Goths, finding themselves no
match for their enemy in valour, devised the follow-
69
20
21
22
23
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐπενόουν τάδε. τῶν ἁμαξῶν τοὺς τροχοὺς ξὺν
μόνοις τοῖς ἄξοσιν ἀφελόμενοι ἐν παρασκευῇ
εἶχον, τέμνειν τε τὴν. πόαν ἀρξάμενοι, ἐπειδὴ
ἀνιόντας ἤδη ἐς τοῦ λόφου τὰ μέσα τοὺς
Ῥωμαίους εἶδον, τοὺς τροχοὺς ἀφῆκαν κατὰ
κορυφὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς φέρεσθαι. τύχῃ δέ τινι τού-
tous ξυνέπεσε τοὺς τροχοὺς ἄχρι ἐς τὸ ὁμαλὲς
ἀνθρώπου οὐδενὸς ἁψαμένους ἐλθεῖν. ταύτης τε
τῆς πείρας ἀποτυχόντες οἱ βάρβαροι, τότε μὲν
φεύγοντες ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο, ἔπειτα
δὲ ἐποίουν τάδε. τὰς φάραγγας, al τοῦ περιβόλου
εἰσὶν ἄγχιστα, ἐνέδραις τῶν ἐν σφίσι δοκίμων
ἀνδρῶν προλοχίσαντες ὀλίγοι me πολεμίοις ἀμφὶ
τὴν πόαν ἐφαίνοντο, ἡνίκα τε ἡ μάχη ἐν χερσὶ
γένοιτο, ἐκπηδῶντες ἐκ τῶν ἐνεδρῶν οἱ κρυπτό-
μενοι, πλήθει τε τοὺς ἐναντίους παρὰ πολὺ
ὑπεραίροντες καὶ αὐτοὺς τῷ μὴ προαισθέσθαι
ἐκπλήσσοντες πλείστους μὲν ἔκτεινον, τοὺς δὲ
λοιποὺς ἀεὶ ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεπον. Ῥωμαίων δὲ ὅσοι
ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις εἱστήκεσαν ἔβλεπον μὲν ἐκ
τῶν ἐνεδρῶν ὑπεξανισταμένους τοὺς πολεμίους,
κραυγῇ δὲ πολλῇ τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀνακαλοῦντες
οὐδὲν ἤνυον, ἐπεὶ οἱ μαχόμενοι τῆς ἐκείνων βοῆς
ἥκιστα ἤκουον, μήκει τε τοῦ λόφου ἐπὶ πλεῖστον
αὐτῶν διειργόμενοι καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀεὶ
ἐξεπίτηδες σφίσιν ἀντιπαταγούντων! τοῖς
ὅπλοις.
,"Βελισαρίῳ δὲ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπορουμένῳ Προ-
κόπιος, ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψε, προσελθὼν εἶπεν" “Οἱ
1 ἀντιπαταγούντων editors: ἀντεπαγαγόντων K, ἀντιπαττα-
γούντων L.
7°
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiii. 19-23
ing plan. They removed the wheels along with the
axles from their waggons and held them in readi-
ness ;* then, when they had commenced to cut the
grass, as soon as they saw that the Romans, as they
ascended, were at the middle of the hill, they
released the wheels to rush down upon them from -
above. But by some chance it so happened that
these wheels went all the way to the level ground
without touching a single man. And since they had
failed in this attempt, the barbarians on that
occasion took to flight and got inside the fortifica-
tions, but after that they adopted the following
plan. After filling the ravines which are close to
the fortifications with ambuscades of the men of
note among them, a tew soldiers would shew them-
selves near the grass to the enemy, and when the
fighting had come to close quarters, those in conceal-
ment would leap out from their ambuscades, and,
being greatly superior to their opponents in number,
and striking terror into them because they had not
previously seen their assailants, they used to kill
great numbers of them and always turned the rest
to flight. And although those of the Romans who
had kept their position in the camps did see the
enemy rising from the ambuscades, and tried, with
much shouting, to call their companions back, still
they failed utterly to do so, since those fighting
could not in the least hear their call, because, in the
first place, they were separated from them by a
great expanse of hillside, and, in the second place,
the barbarians purposely always made a din to drown
the voices by beating their weapons together.
And when Belisarius was in perplexity because of
this situation, Procopius, who wrote this history,
71
PROCOPIUS OF ‘CAESAREA
ταῖς σάλπιγξιν, ὦ στρατηγέ, τὸ παλαιὸν ἐν τῷ
“Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ χρώμενοι νόμους τινὰς ἠπίσ-
ταντο δύο, ὧν ἅτερος μὲν ἐγκελευομένῳ τε ἐπὶ
πλεῖστον ἐῴκει καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐς μάχην
; ὁρμῶντι, ὁ δὲ ἄλλος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀνεκάλει
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
τοὺς μαχομένους, ἡνίκα ταῦτα ἐδόκει τῷ στρατηγῷ
ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν. ταύτῃ τε ἀεὶ οἱ μὲν στρατηγοὶ
τὰ καθήκοντα τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐκέλευον, ἐκεῖνοι
δὲ τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ἔργα ἐπιτελεῖν ἴσχυον.
κραυγὴ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ξυμβολαῖς σημῆναί τι σαφὲς
οὐδαμῶς πέφυκε, πατάγου τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
πανταχόσε ἀντικτυποῦντος καὶ τοῦ δέους ἐκπλήσ-
σοντος τὰς τῶν μαχομένων αἰσθήσεις. ἐπεὶ δὲ
τανῦν ἀμαθίᾳ τε ἡ το" πὶ τέχνη ἐξώλισθε καὶ
μιᾷ σάλπιγγι ἄμφω δηλῶσαι ἀμήχανον, αὐτὸς
οὕτω τὸ λοιπὸν ποίει. σάλπιγξι μὲν ταῖς
ἱππικαῖς ἐγκελεύου τοῖς στρατιώταις διαμάχε-
σθαι! τοῖς πολεμίοις, ταῖς δὲ πεζικαῖς ἐπὶ τὴν
ἀναχώρησιν ἀνακάλει τοὺς ἄνδρας. ἑκατέρου
γὰρ αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἤχου μὴ οὐχὶ ξυνεῖναι ἀδύνατον,
ἐπεὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκ βύρσης τε καὶ ξύλου ὑπεράγαν
λεπτοῦ, ὁ δὲ ἐκ παχέος τινὸς χαλκοῦ πρόεισι."
Προκόπιος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε.
Βελισάριος δὲ ἥσθη τε τῇ ὑποθήκῃ καὶ ἅπαν
ξυγκαλέσας τὸ στράτευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε: “ IIpo-
θυμίαν ἐς τόδε ξυμφέρειν τε οἶμαι καὶ πολλοῦ
ἐπαίνου ἀξίαν εἶναι, μέχρις ἂν μετρία τις οὖσα
οὐδὲν τοῖς ἔχουσι προσποιῆται βλάβος. τῷ γὰρ
ὑπερβάλλοντι τὰ ἀγαθὰ πάντα πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον
ἀεὶ τρέπεσθαι εἴωθεν. ὑμεῖς οὖν μὴ τῷ φιλονείκῳ
1 διαμάχεσθαι L: οἷα μάχεσθαι Καὶ.
72
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiii. 23—30
came before him and said: ‘‘The men, General, who
blew the trumpets in the Roman army in ancient
times knew two different strains, one of which
seemed unmistakably to urge the soldiers on and
impel them to battle, while the other used to call the
men who were fighting back to the camp, whenever
this seemed to the general to be for the best. And
by such means the generals could always give the
appropriate commands to the soldiers, and they on
their part were able to execute the commands thus
communicated to them. For during actual combat
the human voice is in no way adapted to give any
clear instructions, since it obviously has to contend
with the clash of arms on every side, and fear
paralyzes the senses of those fighting. But since at
the present time such skill has become obsolete
through ignorance and it is impossible to express
both commands by one trumpet, do you adopt the
following course hereafter. With the cavalry
trumpets urge on the soldiers to continue fighting
with the enemy, but with those of the infantry call
the men back to the retreat. For it is impossible
for them to fail to recognize the sound of either one,
for in the one case the sound comes forth from
leather and very thin wood, and in the other from
rather thick brass.” So spoke Procopius.
And Belisarius was pleased by the suggestion, and
calling together the whole army he spoke as follows :
“1 consider that enthusiasm is beneficial and
thoroughly praiseworthy, but only so long as it
continues to be of a moderate sort and consequently
brings no harm upon those under its spell. For
every good thing, when in excess, is wont to change
for the worse. Do you, therefore, from this time
73
31
32
33
34
36
37
38
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
TO λοιπὸν σφάλλεσθε: φεύγειν yap δή που τὸν
κακουργοῦντα οὐδεμία αἰσχύνη. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐς
κακὸν προῦπτον ἀνεπισκέπτως ἰὼν καὶ σωθεὶς
ἐνθένδε, ἃ ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ. ἄνοιαν ὀφλισκάνει" γενναῖος
δὲ ὃ ὃς ἂν ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις ἀνδραγαθίξηται. οἱ
μὲν οὖν βάρβαροι, ἐ ἐπεὶ ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος ἡμῖν οὐχ
οἷοί τέ εἰσι διαμάχεσθαι, προλοχίξοντες δια-
φθείρειν ἡμᾶς ἐγχειροῦσιν. ἡμῖν δὲ τοῦ διαφυ-
γεῖν τὴν αὐτῶν ἐνέδραν τὸ τὸν κίνδυνον ὑ ὑποστῆναι
μεμπτότερον. τοῦ γὰρ ἐνδιδόναι ταῖς τῶν ἐχθρῶν
γνώμαις οὐδὲν αἴσχιον. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ὅπως μὴ
προσπεσεῖσθε ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέδραις μελήσει.
ἔργον δ᾽ ἂν ὑμέτερον εἴη, ἐπειδὰν σημήνω, ἐς τὴν
ἀναχώρησιν κατὰ τάχος ἰέναι. αὕτη δὲ ὑμῖν ἡ
δήλωσις ἐ ἐκ σάλπιγγος, @ στρατιῶται," τῆς πεζικῆς
ἔσται. Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. οἱ δὲ
στρατιῶται ἀμφὶ τὴν πόαν κατιδόντες τοὺς πολε-
μίους, δρόμῳ ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἤεσαν, τινάς τε αὐτῶν ἐν
τῇ πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ ἔκτεινον. ἐν οἷς ἕνα χρυσοφο-
ροῦντα τῶν τις Μαυρουσίων ἰδὼν λαβόμενός τε
τῶν ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τριχῶν, ὅπως ἀποδύοι, τὸν 1
νεκρὸν ἐφεῖλκε. Τότθος δέ τις αὐτὸν ἀκοντίῳ
βαλὼν μυώνων τε, οἱ 2 ὄπισθέν εἰσι τῶν κνημῶν,
ἑκατέρων ἐπιτυχών, ἐνέρσει τοῦ ἀκοντίου ἄμφω
τὼ πόδε ξυνέδησεν. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ὁ
Μαυρούσιος τῶν τριχῶν ἐχόμενος τὸν νεκρὸν
εἷλκεν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι τὰς ἐνέδρας
1 τὸν Haury: om. MSS.
2 μνώνων τε, οἱ Suidas: μυῶν ὧν τε of K, μυῶν of τε of L.
1 c. the calves.
74
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiii. 30-38
forth, not allow your enthusiasm for battle to cause
you to fail of success; for to flee from one who is
inflicting loss upon you is, as you surely know, no
disgrace. But he who without looking about him
goes into trouble which is before his eyes and, should
it so happen, escapes from it, still stands convicted of
folly ; but the man truly noble is he who plays the
part of a brave man in dangers that cannot be
avoided. Now the barbarians, since they are unable
to fight a decisive battle with us in the open, are
trying to destroy us by laying snares. But for us it
is more blameworthy to face the danger than to
escape from their ambush. For nothing is more
shameful than to fall in with the plans of the enemy.
It will rest with me, accordingly, to see to it that
you do not come unawares upon the ambuscades of
the enemy. And it will be your duty, as soon as I
give the signal, to retire with all speed. And this
signal, soldiers, will be given by the trumpet of the
infantry.’ So spoke Belisarius. And the soldiers,
seeing the enemy near the grass, made a charge
against them and killed a few of their number in
the first onset. And one of the Moors saw among
these fallen Goths one in particular whose person
was adorned with gold, and laying hold of the hair
of his head, he began to drag the corpse after him
in order to strip it. But some Goth hurled a javelin
at him, and with such a lucky aim that the weapon
passed through both his legs, piercing the muscles
which are behind the shins,! with the result that
his two legs were pinned together by means of the
Javelin. But nevertheless the Moor kept holding
the hair of the corpse and dragging it along. At
this point the barbarians roused their men from
75
39
.PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐκίνουν, Βελεσάριος δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου
ὁρῶν τὰ ποιούμενα, ταῖς σάλπιγξι τοὺς πεζοὺς
οἷς τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἐπέκειτο ἠχεῖν κατὰ τάχος
ἐκέλευεν. οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι αἰσθόμενοι κατὰ ; βραχὺ
ἤδη ὑ ὑπεχώρουν, τὸν Μαυρούσιον ξὺν τῷ ἀκοντίῳ
ἀράμενοι. οἷς δὴ οἱ [ότθοι ἕπεσθαι οὐκέτι
ἐτόλμων, ANN’ ἄπρακτοι ἀνεχώρησαν.
XXIV
Προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τῆς ἀπορίας οἱ
βάρβαροι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐπὶ μέγα χωρούσης,
ἀνενεγκεῖν ἐς Οὐίττιγιν. ἐβουλεύοντο τὰ παρόντα
σφίσι. καὶ ἐπεὶ αὐτῶν οὐδεὶς στέλλεσθαι ἐς
ταύτην δὴ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐτόλμα (λήσειν γὰρ τοὺς
πολιορκοῦντας οὐκ ἄν ποτε ῴοντο), ἐπενόουν
τάδε. ἀσέληνον νύκτα τηρήσαντες καὶ τοὺς
ἄνδρας ἐν παρασκευῇ ποιησάμενοι οὺς δὴ παρὰ
τὸν Οὐΐττιγιν πέμπειν διενοοῦντο, Ὑ γράμματά τε
αὐτοῖς ἐν χερσὶ θέμενοι, ἐπειδὴ πόρρω ἣν τῶν
νυκτῶν, ἐβόων ἅ ὥπαντες πολλαχῆ τοῦ περιβόλου
ἐξαίσιον. εἴκασεν ἄν τις ἐς ταραχὴν αὐτοὺς
καταστῆναι λίαν τε σφίσιν ἐγκειμένων τῶν
πολεμίων καὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἁλισκομένης τῆς
πόλεως" οὐκ ἔχοντες δὲ παντάπασι “Ρωμαῖοι
ξυμβαλεῖν τὸ γινόμενον, Βελισαρίου γνώμῃ ἐν
τοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, ἔκ τε τῆς
πόλεως ἐπιβουλήν τινα ὑποτοπάσαντες ἔσεσθαι
καὶ στρατὸν ἐκ ‘PaBévyns ἐπιβεβοηθηκότα τοῖς
/ 2 \ a Ὁ ἃ \ , wv
πολεμίοις ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἥκειν ἃ δὴ 3 δεδιότες ῴοντο
ἄμεινον σφίσιν εἶναι ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἡσυχάζουσι
1 ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἥκειν K: ἰέναι ἐπὶ σφᾶς 1. 3 ἃ δὴ Καὶ : ἐκεῖνα L.
76
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiii. 38-xxiv. 5
ambush, and Belisarius, seeing from the camp what
was being done, commanded the foot-soldiers to
whom this duty was assigned to sound the trumpets
quickly. And the Romans, hearing it, began im-
mediately to withdraw gradually, taking up and
earrying the Moor, javelin and all. And the Goths
dared follow them no further, but returned un-
successful,
XXIV
As time went on and the barbarians saw that their
supply of food was coming to be exceedingly scant,
they purposed to report their situation to Vittigis.
And since no one of them dared set out on this
mission (for they thought that they would never
elude their besiegers), they devised the following
plan. They first put in readiness the men whom
they were intending to send to Vittigis, and then
waited for a moonless night; when this came they
put a letter into their hands, when it was well on in
the night, and thereupon all raised a mighty shout
at many parts of the circuit-wall. One would have
supposed that they had been thrown into confusion
owing to a violent attack of the enemy and an
unexpected capture of the city. And the Romans,
utterly unable to understand what was taking place,
by the will of Belisarius remained quietly in the
camps, suspecting that some stratagem would be
earried out from the city and that an army from
Ravenna bringing assistance to the enemy had come
against them. And moved as they were by these
fears, they thought it better for them to remain
10
11
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
διασώζεσθαι ἢ ἐς προὗπτόν τινα κίνδυνον ἐν
νυκτὶ ἀσελήνῳ χωρεῖν. οὕτω γοῦν οἱ βάρβαροι
λαθόντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπὶ “PaBévyns τοὺς
yy ” av > \ / ’ Ἂν >
ἄνδρας ἔπεμψαν. οἱ οὐδενὸς πολεμίου ἀνδρὸς ἐς
vy 3 t 4 »/ a > ,
ὄψιν ἐλθόντες παρά τε Οὐϊΐττιγιν τριταῖοι ἀφί-
Ν \ / ” 2 ΄ \ ς
κοντο καὶ τὰ γράμματα ἔδειξαν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ
γραφὴ τάδε" “ Ἡνίκα ἡμᾶς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐς τὴν ἐν
\ n
Αὐξίμῳ φρουρὰν καθίστης, τὰς κλεῖς ἔφησθα
/ fal € fol
παρακαταθέσθαι ἡμῖν “PaBévyns te αὐτῆς καὶ
nr 7 rn cr \ \ b] / ig “Ὁ
τῆς βασιλείας τῆς σῆς. διὸ δὴ ἐπήγγελλες ἡμῖν
\ , , “ \ \ ’
παντὶ σθένει φυλάσσεσθαι, ὅπως μὴ TO καθ
ἡμᾶς μέρος παραδῶμεν τοῖς πολεμίοις τὸ Γότθων
κρώτος, ἰσχυρίζου τε δεομένοις ἡμῖν παντὶ τῷ
στρατῷ παρέσεσθαι αὐτεπάγγελτος. ἡμεῖς μὲν
4. ” aS A 1 \ , ,
οὖν ἄχρι τοῦδε λιμῷ TE! καὶ Βελισαρίῳ μαχό-
lal fol /
μενοι πιστοὶ φύλακες τῆς σῆς βασιλείας yeyo-
ναμεν, σὺ δὲ οὐδὲ ὁπωστιοῦν ἡμῖν βοηθεῖν
» / / / ΝΜ
ἔγνωκας. Royifou τοίνυν μή ποτε Αὔξιμον
A ἢ ς a \ \ an Ω , :
ἑλόντες Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τὰς κλεῖς ἀνελόμενοι, ὧν
αὐτὸς ἐνταῦθα κειμένων ὑπερορᾷς, οὐδενὸς τῶν
σῶν ἀποκεκλεισμένοι τὸ λοιπὸν ὦσι." τὰ γράμ-
ματα μὲν τοσαῦτα ἐδήλου.
> δὴ Ἀν > ἊΝ »ὕ ’ / “ >
Ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὰ Odittiyis ἀπενεχθέντα εἶδεν, ἐν
μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα τοὺς ἄνδρας πάσῃ τῇ Τότθων
a / > , ς >
στρατιᾷ βοηθήσει" Αὐξίμῳ ὑποσχόμενος ἀπε-
/ \ \ \ YP € /
πέμψατο, μετὰ δὲ πολλὰ λογισάμενος ἡσυχίαν
ἦγε. τούς τε γὰρ ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ὑπώπτευε
1 ἄχρι τοῦδε Ama τε Καὶ : τῶ τε λιμῶ L,
78
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiv. 5-12
quietly in a secure position and thus save themselves
than to go on a moonless night into a danger which
could, in a way, be foreseen. By such means, there-
fore, the barbarians concealed their plan from the
enemy and despatched the men on the way to
Ravenna. And they, without being seen by a
single one of the enemy, came before Vittigis on
the third day and displayed the letter. And the
writing was as follows: ‘ When you appointed us,
O King, for the garrison of Auximus, you said that
you had placed in our keeping the keys of Ravenna
itself and of your kingdom. And for this very
reason you enjoined upon us to be on guard with
every fibre of our being, that we should not by any act
of ours betray the power of the Goths to the enemy,
and you declared that, if we craved your assistance,
you would be at hand with the whole army even
before any messenger could announce your coming.
Now as for us, we have, up to the present time,
though fighting both with famine and with Beli-
sarius, proved ourselves faithful guardians of your
kingdom, but you have seen fit to aid us in no way
whatsoever. You must consider, therefore, whether
the Romans may not one day capture Auximus and
take up the keys which you yourself are disregarding
as they lie here, and thereby be excluded in future
from none of your possessions.” Such was the
purport of the letter.
When it was brought to Vittigis and he saw it, he
did at the moment send the men away with the
promise that he would bring assistance to Auximus
with the whole army of the Goths; but later, after long
consideration, he continued to remain inactive. For,
on the one hand, he suspected that the troops of John
79
13
14
15
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μὴ κατὰ νώτου σφίσιν ἐπισπόμενοι ἐν ἀμφιβόλῳ
ποιήσωνται, καὶ πολλὴν οἰόμενος ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ
μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν δύναμιν εἶναι ἐς ἀμήχανόν τι
δέος ἐξέπιπτε. μάλιστα δὲ ἁπάντων ὁ λιμὸς
αὐτὸν ξυνετάρασσεν, οὐκ ἔχοντα ὅθεν ἂν τὰ
ἐπιτήδεια τῷ στρατοπέδῳ πορίξηται. οἱ μὲν γὰρ
Ῥωμαῖοι ἅτε θαλασσοκρατοῦντες καὶ τὸ ἐν
᾿Αγκῶνι φρούριον ἔχοντες, τὰ ἀναγκαῖα πάντα
ἔκ τε Σικελίας καὶ Καλαβρίας ἐνταῦθα κατα-
τιθέμενοι ἐς καιρὸν ἐνθένδε εὐπετῶς ἔφερον.
Τότθοις δὲ στρατεύουσιν ἐς ἸΠικηνῶν τὴν χώραν
πόρον οὐδένα τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐννοῶν ἔσεσθαι ἐς
ἀμηχανίαν καθίστατο. Οὐιττίγιδος μὲν οὖν τὴν
ὑπόσχεσιν λαθόντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς Αὔξιμον
ἤνεγκαν οἱ πρώην ἐς αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε σταλέντες καὶ
βαρβάρους τοὺς ἐνταῦθα κεναῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπέρ-
ρωσαν. Ἐελισάριος δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τῶν αὐτομόλων
ἀκούσας ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς φυλακὴν ἐκέλευε
ποιεῖσθαι, ὅπως μή τι συμβαίη 1 καὶ αὖθις τοιοῦτο.
ταῦτα μὲν ἐγίνετο τῇδε.
Οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Κυπριανὸν καὶ ᾿Ιουστῖνον Φισούλαν
πολιορκοῦντες τῷ “μὲν περιβόλῳ προσβάλλειν ἢ
ἄγχιστά που αὐτοῦ ἰέναι οὐδαμῆ εἶχον" δυσπρόσ-
οδον γὰρ τοῦτο πανταχόθεν τὸ φρούριον ἦν. τῶν
δὲ βαρβάρων σφίσι συχνὰ ἐπεξιόντων μάχῃ τε
μᾶλλον διακρίνεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐθελόντων ἢ
τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ πιέζεσθαι, ἀγχώμαλοι
μὲν αἱ ξυμβολαὶ τὰ πρῶτα ἐγίνοντο, ἔπειτα δὲ
πλέον ἤδη Ῥωμαῖοι ἔχοντες ἔς τε τὸ τεῖχος τοὺς
1 τι συμβαίη Haury, comparing “Ὅπ the Buildings,” 11
vii. 6: τις θῆ K, τις θείη L, μή τί γ᾽ εἴη KraSeninnikov.
8ὃο
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiv. 12-18
would follow up his rear and thus make him exposed
to attack on two sides, and, on the other, he thought
that Belisarius had with him a numerous force of
able fighting men; consequently he fell into a sort
of helpless fear. But chief among the many causes
of his concern was the famine, which disturbed him
greatly, since he had no source from which to
provide supplies for his army. For the Romans, on
the one hand, being as they were masters of the sea
and holding the fortress in Ancon, brought all their
supplies from Sicily and Calabria and stored them in
that place, and, at the proper time, easily got them
from there. The Goths, on the other hand, if they
marched into the land of Picenum, would have no
means of securing provisions; this he fully realized,
-and so he found himself completely at a loss. So
the men who had lately been sent to Vittigis from
Auximus brought back his promise to the city with-
‘out being detected by their enemy, and thus fortified
‘the barbarians there with empty hopes. And Beli-
-sarius, upon hearing this from the deserters, ordered
‘that a still stricter guard should be kept in order
‘that no such thing might happen again. Such was
‘the course of these events.
Meanwhile the troops of Cyprian and Justinus
who were besieging Fisula were quite unable to
‘make an assault upon the fortifications or even to
get very close to them; for this fortress was difficult
‘of access on every side. But the barbarians made
‘frequent sallies against them, wishing rather to
reach a decision by battle with the Romans than to
be hard pressed by lack of provisions; and the
engagements at first, indeed, proved indecisive, but
after a time the Romans, now having the advantage,
81
VOL. IV. Ga
19
20
21
22
23
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πολεμίους κατέκλεισαν Kal ἀσφαλῶς διεφύλασ-
σον, ὥστε μηδένα πη ἐνθένδε ἰέναι. οἱ μὲν οὖν
βάρβαροι τῶν τε ἀναγκαίων σπανίζοντες καὶ τοῖς
παροῦσιν ἀπορούμενοι, λαθόντες 1 τοὺς πολεμίους
παρὰ τὸν Οὐΐττιγιν ἔπεμπον, βοηθεῖν σφίσιν
αὐτοῖς κατὰ τάχος δεόμενοι, ὡς οὐκέτι πλείω τινὰ
ἀνθέξουσι χρόνον. Ovirriyes δὲ Ovpaiav ἐκέλευε
ξὺν τῷ ἐν Λιγούροις στρατῷ ἐς Τικινοὺς ἰέναι"
οὕτω γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς ἰσχυρίζετο πάσῃ τῇ Τότθων
δυνάμει τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις παρέσεσθαι. ὁ δὲ
κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει καὶ ἅπαν κινήσας τὸ ξὺν αὐτῷ
στράτευμα ἐς Τικινοὺς ἤει' Iladov τε ποταμὸν
διαβάντες ἐγγύς που τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατο-
πέδου ἦλθον. οὗ δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ στρατοπεδευ-
σάμενοι ἀντεκάθηντο τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἀπέχοντες
αὐτῶν μάλιστα ὅσον σταδίους ἑξήκοντα. χειρῶν
δὲ οὐδέτεροι ἢ ἦρχον. τοῖς τε γὰρ Ῥωμαίοις ἔδοξεν
ἀποχρῆν, εἰ τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐμποδὼν στήσονται,
ὥστε μὴ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας πορεύεσθαι, και
οἱ βάρβαροι ἐνταῦθα ὥκνουν διαμάχεσθαι τοῖς
πολεμίοις, “λογιξόμενοι ὡς, ἣν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ
ξυμβολῇ ἀτυχήσωσιν, ἅπαντα Γότθων δια-
φθεροῦσι τὰ πράγματα. οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τοῖς ἀμφὶ
τὸν Οὐΐττιγιν ἐ ἐπιμιγνύμενοι ἀμύνειν τοῖς πολιορ-
κουμένοις ξὺν αὐτῷ ἕξουσι. τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ
ἑκάτεροι ἡσυχίαν ἢ γον.
1 λαθόντες Ια : λαθόντες αὖθις L.
82
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxiv. 18-24
shut the enemy up within their wall and continued to
guard them securely, so that no one could leave the
city. So the barbarians, seeing that their provisions
were failing, and finding themselves helpless in their
present situation, sent to Vittigis without the know-
ledge of their enemy, begging him to bring them
assistance with all speed, on the ground that they
would not hold out very much longer. And Vittigis
‘commanded Uraias to go to Ticinum? with the army
then in Liguria; for, after that, he declared, he too
would come to the aid of the besieged himself with
‘the whole Gothic army. And Uraias, acting accord-
ingly, set in motion the whole army he had with
him and went to Ticinum. And crossing the river
Po, they came to the vicinity of the Roman camp.?
There they too made camp and established them-
‘selves over against their enemy, at a distance of
‘about sixty stades from them. And neither side
‘began an attack. For the Romans, on the one
hand, deemed it sufficient if they should block the
way for their enemy, so that they could not advance
upon the besieging army, and the barbarians, on the
other, were reluctant to fight a decisive battle with
their enemy in that place, reasoning that, if they
should fail in this engagement, they would ruin the
whole cause of the Goths, For, in that case, they
would no longer be able to unite with the troops of
Vittigis and with him to give assistance to the
besieged. So both sides, reasoning thus, continued
to remain quiet.
1 Modern Pavia. 2 At Dorthon.
— --
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
XXV
"Ev τούτῳ δὲ Φράγγοι κεκακῶσθαι τῷ πολέμῳ"
Dordous τε καὶ “Ρωμαίους ἀκούσαντες καὶ dv αὐτὸ
ῥᾷστα ἂν οἰόμενοι ᾿Ιταλίας τὰ πολλὰ σφίσιν
αὐτοῖς προσποιήσασθαι, δεινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ
πόλεμον μὲν ἕτεροι ἐς τοσόνδε “χρόνου διαφέρουσι
μῆκος περὶ χώρας ἀρχῇ οὕτω δὴ αὐτοῖς ἐν
γειτόνων οὔσης, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἡσυχῆ μένοντες ἀμφοτέ-
ροις ἐκποδὼν στήσονται. ὅρκων τοίνυν ἐν τ
παραυτίκα καὶ ξυνθηκῶν ἐπιλελησμένοι, αἵπερ
αὐτοῖς ὀλίγῳ πρότερον πρός τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ
Γότθους ἐπεποίηντο (ἔστι γὰρ τὸ ἔθνος τοῦτο τὰ
ἐς πίστιν σφαλερώτατον ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων)
ἐς μυριάδας δέκα εὐθὺς ξυλλεγέντες, ἡγουμένου
σφίσι Θευδιβέρτου, ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐστράτευσαν,
ἱππέας μὲν ὀλίγους τινὰς ἀμφὶ τὸν ἡγούμενον
ἔχοντες, οἱ δὴ καὶ μόνοι δόρατα ἔφερον, οἱ λοιποὶ
δὲ πεζοὶ ἅπαντες οὔτε τόξα οὔτε δόρατα ἔχοντες,
ἀλλὰ ξίφος τε καὶ ἀσπίδα φέρων ἕκαστος καὶ
πέλεκυν ἕνα. οὗ δὴ ὁ μὲν σίδηρος ἁδρός τε καὶ
ὀξὺς ἑκατέρωθι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἣν, ἡ λαβὴ δὲ τοῦ
ξύλου 4 βραχεῖα ἐς ἄγαν. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν πέλεκυν
ῥίπτοντες ἀεὶ ἐκ σημείου ἑνὸς εἰώθασιν ἐν τῇ
πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ τάς τε ἀσπίδας διαρρηγνύναι τῶν
πολεμίων καὶ αὐτοὺς κτείνειν.
Οὕτω μὲν Φράγγοι tas "Αλπεις ἀμείψαντες
αἱ Γάλλους τε καὶ ᾿Ιταλοὺς διορίξουσιν, ἐν
Λιγούροις ἐγένοντο. Τότθοι δὲ αὐτῶν πρότερον
1 πολέμω KK: πολέμω τούτω L.
3 αἵπερ Haury: ἅσπερ K, ἅπερ L.
3 αὐτοῖς K: αὐτοὶ L.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxv. 1-6
XXV
Ar this time the Franks, hearing that both Goths
and Romans had suffered severely by the war, and
thinking for this reason that they could with the
greatest ease gain the larger part of Italy for them-
selves, began to think it preposterous that others
should carry on a war for such a length of time for
the rule of a land which was so near their own, while
they themselves remained quiet and stood aside for
both. So, forgetting for the moment their oaths
and the treaties they had made a little before with
both the Romans and the Goths (for this nation in
matters of trust is the most treacherous in the
world), they straightway gathered to the number
of one hundred thousand under the leadership of
Theudibert, and marched into Italy; they had a
small body of cavalry about their leader, and these
were the only ones armed with spears, while all the
rest were foot-soldiers having neither bows nor
spears, but each man carried a sword and shield
and one axe. Now the iron head of this weapon
was thick and exceedingly sharp on both sides, while
the wooden handle was very short. And they are
accustomed always to throw these axes at one signal
in the first charge and thus to shatter the shields of
the enemy and kill the men.
Thus the Franks crossed the Alps which separate
the Gauls from the Italians, and entered Liguria.4
Now the Goths had previously been vexed at the
1 Procopius represents Liguria as north of the Po. Cf.
Book Y. xv. 28, note.
* ξύλου K: ξίφους L.
85
10
11
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τῇ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ ἀχθόμενοι, ὅτι δὴ χώραν τε
πολλὴν καὶ “χρήματα ὑποσχομένοις μεγάλα
πολλάκις ὑπὲρ ξυμμαχίας προέσθαι τρόπῳ
οὐδενὶ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν ἐπιτελῆ ποιήσασθαι ἤθελον,
ἐπειδὴ Θευδίβερτον παρεῖναι στρατῷ πολλῷ
ἤκουσαν, ἔχαιρον ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα
ἐπαιρόμενοι καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἀμαχητὶ περιέ-
σεσθαι τὸ λοιπὸν ὥοντο. οἱ δὲ Γερμανοί, τέως
μὲν ἐν Λιγούροις ἦσαν, οὐδὲν ἐς Γότθους ἄχαρι
ἔπρασσον, ὅπως σφίσι μηδεμία κωλύμη ἐς τοῦ
Πάδου τὴν διάβασιν πρὸς αὐτῶν γένηται. ὡς
δὲ ἵκοντο ἐς Τικινῶν πόλιν, ἵνα δὴ γέφυραν ἐς
τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον 5 ἐτεκτήναντο οἱ πάλαι
“Ῥωμαῖοι, τά τε ἄλλα ὑπούργουν οἱ ταῦτα
φυλάσσοντες καὶ τὸν ILadov κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν δια-
βαίνειν εἴων. ἐπιλαβόμενοι δὲ τῆς γεφύρας οἱ
Φράγγοι παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν Torbay
οὕσπερ ἐνταῦθα εὗρον ἱέρευόν τε καὶ αὐτῶν τὰ
σώματα ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἀκροθίνια τοῦ πολέμου
ἐρρίπτουν. οἱ γὰρ βάρβαροι οὗτοι, Χριστιανοὶ
, ‘ en Et AY ;
yeyovoTes, Ta πολλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς δόξης φυλάσ-
σουσι, θυσίαις τε χρώμενοι ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἄλλα
οὐχ ὅσια ἱερεύοντες, ταύτῃ τε τὰς μαντείας
ποιούμενοι. κατιδόντες δὲ Γότθοι τὰ ποιούμενα
ἔς τε ἄμαχόν τι δέος κατέστησαν καὶ φυγῇ
ἐχόμενοι ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο.
Οἱ μὲν οὖν Γερμανοὶ Πάδον ποταμὸν διαβάντες
ἐς τὸ Γότθων στρατόπεδον ἦλθον, οἱ δὲ Γότθοι
1 προέσθαι L: om. K.
2 τοῦτον K: om. L,
86
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI xxv. 6-11
thanklessness of the Franks, on the ground that,
although they, the Goths, had often promised to give
up to them a large territory and great sums of money
in return for an alliance, these Franks had been
unwilling to fulfil their own promise in any way ;
but when they heard that Theudibert was at hand
with a great army, they were filled with rejoicing,
lifted up, as they were, by the liveliest hopes and
thinking that thereafter they would have the superi-
ority over their enemy without a battle. As for the
Germans,! as long as they were in Liguria, they did
no harm to the Goths, in order that these might
make no attempt to stop them at the crossing of the
Po. Consequently, when they reached the city of
Ticinum, where the Romans of old had constructed
a bridge over this river, those who were on guard
there gave them every assistance and allowed them
to cross the Po unmolested. But, upon getting
control of the bridge, the Franks began to sacrifice
the women and children of the Goths whom they
found at hand and to throw their bodies into the
river as the first-fruits of the war. For these bar-
barians, though they have become Christians, pre-
serve the greater part of their ancient religion; for
they still make human sacrifices and other sacrifices
ofan unholy nature, and it is in connection with these
that they make their prophecies. And the Goths,
upon seeing what was being done, fell into a kind of
irresistible fear, took to flight and got inside the
fortifications.
So the Germans, having crossed the Po, advanced
to the Gothic camp, and the Goths were at first
' The “Germans”
in Procopius’ usage and the ‘‘ Franks”
are the same people.
87
12
13
14
15
16
17
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
’ > \ \ + >? an ’ 5 ᾽ὔ
κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἄσμενοι ἐθεῶντο κατ᾽ ὀλίγους
\ fal r
αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ σφᾶς προσιόντας," ἐπὶ ξυμμαχίᾳ τῇ
σφετέρᾳ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἥκειν οἰόμενοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ
ὅμιλος Γερμανῶν πολὺς ἐπιρρεύσας ἔργου τε
εἴχοντο καὶ τοὺς πελέκυς ἐσακοντίζοντες συχνοὺς
a \
ἤδη ἐσίνοντο, στρέψαντες τὰ νῶτα ἐς φυγὴν
an y
ὥρμηντο, καὶ διὰ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοπέδου
7/7 \ b] ¢ ΄ ΝΜ ΄ ΄
ἰόντες τὴν ἐπὶ “PadBevvav ἔθεον. φεύγοντάς τε
᾽ \ > t € al Sy 2
αὐτοὺς ἰδόντες Ῥωμαῖοι Βελισάριον ἐπιβεβοηθη-
κότα σφίσιν ῴοντο ἑλεῖν τὸ τῶν πολεμίων
/ > / > \ 2 / /
στρατόπεδον, ἐνθένδε τε αὐτοὺς ἐξελάσαι μάχῃ
τ
νικήσαντα. ᾧ δὴ ξυμμῖξαι βουλόμενοι ᾿ἄραντες
τὰ ὅπλα κατὰ τάχος ἤεσαν. “ἐντυχόντες δὲ
παρὰ δόξαν πολεμίων στρατῷ οὔτι" ἐθελούσιοι
ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, παρὰ πολύ τε ἡσσηθέντες τῇ
μάχῃ ἐς μὲν τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀναστρέφειν οὐκέτι
εἶχον, ἐπὶ Τουσκίαν δὲ ἅπαντες ἔφευγον. ἔν τε
τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη γενόμενοι ἅπαντα ἐς Βελισάριον
τὰ ξυμπεσόντα σφίσιν ἀνήνεγκαν.
Φράγγοι, δὲ ἀμφοτέρους, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, νενί-
κηκότες, τά τε στρατόπεδα ἑκάτερα ἑλόντες
παντάπασιν ἀνδρῶν ἔρημα, ἐν μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα
τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐνταῦθα εὗρον, dv ὀλίγου δὲ ἅπαντα
διὰ πολυανθρωπίαν δαπανήσαντες, ἄλλο τιϑ
οὐδὲν ἐν χώρᾳ ἐρήμῳ ἀνθρώπων ὅτι μὴ βόας τε
καὶ τοῦ Πάδου τὸ ὕδωρ προσφέρεσθαι εἶχον.
ταῦτα τὰ κρέα τῇ τοῦ ὕδατος περιουσίᾳ κατα-
πέψαι οὐχ οἷοί τε ὄντες γαστρός τε ῥύσει καὶ
δυσεντερίας νόσῳ οἱ πλεῖστοι ἡλίσκοντο, ὧν
1 προσιόντας [,: προιόντας Κα. 2 οὔτι L: οὔτοι Ἰζ.
3 ἄλλο τι Haury: ἀλλ᾽ K, ἄλλο δὲ L, ἄλλο δὴ Hoeschel
in marg,
88
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxv. 11-17
pleased to see them coming in small companies
toward their camp, thinking that these men had
come to fight in alliance with them. But when a
great throng of Germans had come up and opened
an attack, and by hurling their axes were already
slaying many, they turned their backs and rushed
off in flight, and passing through the Roman camp
ran along on the road to Ravenna. And the
Romans, seeing them in flight, thought that Beli-
sarius had come to support their own force and had
both taken the camp of the enemy and dislodged
them from it after defeating them in battle. And
wishing to join forces with him, they took up their
arms and went forth with all speed. But coming
unexpectedly upon a hostile army, they were com-
pelled, much against their will, to engage with them,
and being badly worsted in the battle, they all fled,
not to their camp, to which it was now impossible to
return, but to Tuscany. And when they had at
length reached safety, they reported to Belisarius
all that had befallen them.
The Franks, having defeated both armies, as has
been said, and having captured both camps without
a single man in them, for the time being found
provisions in the camps; but in a short time they
had consumed all these on account of their great
numbers, and, since the land was destitute of human
habitation, they were unable to obtain any provi-
sions except cattle and the water of the Po. But
they were unable to digest this meat because of the
great quantity of water they drank, and consequently
the most of them were attacked by diarrhoea and
dysentery, which they were quite unable to shake
89
18
19
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
\ > / > / fal > / ΄
δὴ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ὡς
(4 a \ f rn
ἥκιστα ἴσχυον. φασὶ γοῦν τὸ τριτημόριον τοῦ
/ la) rn / / > /
Φράγγων GLO τ UCD CLI ἀπολωλεναι.
fol » > »“»
διὸ δὴ περαιτέρω ἰέναι οὐδαμῆ ἔχοντες αὐτοῦ
ἔμενον.
Βελισώριος δὲ Φράγγων τε στρατὸν παρεῖναι
ἀκούσας καὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ ᾿Ιωάννην
ff -“ /
μάχῃ ἡσσηθέντας φυγεῖν ἐς ἀμηχανίαν κατέστη,
lol a ,ὔ
περί τε τῇ πάσῃ στρατιᾷ δείσας καὶ διαφερόντως
περὶ τοῖς ἐν Φισούλῃ πολιορκοῦσιν, ἐπεὶ αὐτῶν
μάλιστα ἐγγυτέρω τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους
2 50 3 .} ,ὔὕ δὴ 1 \ Θ δί
ἐπύθετο εἶναι. αὐτίκα δὴ πρὸς Θευδίβερτον
" Ἴδε" τ ὃ ΝΕ ΡΥ a ͵,
ἔγραψε τάδε" ““Ανδρα μὲν ἀρετῆς μεταποιούμενον
\ STN. ὃ a ” Nea, ? a
μὴ οὐχὶ ἀψευδεῖν, ἄλλως τε Kal ἄρχοντα ἐθνῶν
4 \ an “. > lal /
τοσούτων TO πλῆθος, οἶμαι, ὦ γενναῖε Θευδίβερτε,
οὐκ εὐπρεπὲς εἶναι. τὸ δὲ καὶ ὅρκους ἀδικοῦντας
nr /
ἐν γράμμασι κειμένους περιορᾶν τὰ ξυγκείμενα
οὐδ᾽ ἂν τοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀτιμοτάτοις ἐπιτη-
, ” “ aN v a ,
δείως ἔχοι. ἅπερ αὐτὸς ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι
’
ἐξαμαρτάνων οἶσθα," καίτοι ὁμολογήσας ἔναγχος
/ a \ ‘ /
πόλεμον ἡμῖν ἐπὶ Τ᾽ότθους τόνδε ξυλλήψεσθαι.
νῦν δὲ οὐχ ὅσον ἀμφοτέροις ἐκποδὼν ἕστηκας,
,
ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπλα οὕτως ἀνεπισκέπτως ἀράμενος
ΠΏ Ὁ, ὦ Ga \ ΄ = , \
ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἥκεις. μὴ σύ ye, ὦ βέλτιστε, Kal
fal > / / ig / ἃ , \
ταῦτα ἐς βασιλέα μέγαν ὑβρίζων, dv δή που τὴν
Ψ \ , > a , ᾽ , ᾽
ὕβριν μὴ λίαν ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις ἀμείψεσθαι οὐκ
Lal a r if
εἰκὸς εἴη. κρεῖσσον δὲ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀσφαλῶς αὐτόν
1 δὴ K: γοῦν L. 2 οἷσθα K: ἦσθα L.
go
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxv. 17-23
off because of the lack of proper food. Indeed they
say that at least one-third of the Frankish army
perished in this way. Hence it was that, as they
were unable to go forward, they remained where
they were.
Now when Belisarius heard that an army of
Franks was in Italy and that the forces of Martinus
and John had been defeated in battle and had fled,
he was reduced to a state of perplexity, concerned
as he was, not only for the whole army, but especi-
ally for the detachment conducting the siege of
Fisula, since he learned that these barbarians were
nearer to them than to any others. He therefore
wrote immediately to Theudibert as follows: “I
consider it unseemly in any case, O noble Theu-
dibert, for a man who lays claim to excellence to fail
to be truthful, but especially so when he is a ruler,
as thou art, of nations of such vast numbers. But
to violate oaths which are set down in writing and
to disregard treaties—this would not be proper even
for the most ignoble of men. And yet these very
offences have been committed by thee in the present
case, as thou knowest thyself, although it was only
recently that thou didst agree to assist us in this
war against the Goths. But, as matters now stand,
far from holding thyself aloof from both nations,
thou hast actually taken up arms in this rash manner
and made an attack upon us. Do not thou, at least,
my excellent friend, follow such a course, and that
too when it involves an insult to the great emperor,
who would surely not be likely to overlook the
insult, or fail to exact atonement in the fullest
measure. Now the best course is for each man to
keep his own possessions in safety, and not, by lay-
gI
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τινα ἔχειν ἢ τῶν OV προσηκόντων μεταποιούμενον
ἐς κίνδυνόν τινα ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων Kabi-
στασθαι." ταύτην ἐπεὶ Θευδίβερτος τὴν ἐπιστο-
λὴν ἀνελέξατο, τοῖς τε παροῦσιν ἀπορούμενος
ἤδη καὶ πρὸς Ῥερμανῶν κακιξόμενος, ὅτι on ἐξ
οὐδεμιᾶς * προφάσεως θνήσκοιεν ἐν χώρᾳ ἐρήμῳ,
ἄρας τοῖς περιοῦσι τῶν Φράγγων ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ξὺν
n /,
τάχει πολλῷ ἀπεχώρησεν.
XXVI
Οὕτω μὲν OevdiBeptos στρατεύσας ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν
\ ” > / “ ? \ fal
τὴν ἄφοδον ἐποιήσατο. οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Maprivov
καὶ ᾿Ιωάννην ἀνέστρεψαν οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, ὅπως
μή τινα οἱ πολέμιοι ἔφοδον ἐπὶ σφῶν τοὺς
πολιορκοῦντας ποιήσονται. Γότθοι δὲ οἱ ἐν
Αὐξίμῳ, Φράγγων μὲν ἀφίξεως πέρι οὐδὲν πεπυσ-
μένοι, ἀπειρηκότες δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἐκ Ῥαβέννης
bY / cf /
ἐλπίδα οὕτω μέλλουσαν, αὖθις μὲν Odittiyw
διενοοῦντο μαρτύρεσθαι, λαθεῖν δὲ τῶν πολεμίων 8
τὴν φυλακὴν οὐχ οἷοί τε ὄντες ἐπένθουν. μετὰ
lal Ὁ
δὲ τῶν τινα Ῥωμαίων, Βέσον γένος Βουρκέντιον
ὄνομα, ὑπὸ Ναρσῇ τεταγμένον τῷ ᾿Δρμενίῳ, μόνον
ἰδόντες ἐς μέσην ἡμέραν φυλακὴν ἔχοντα, ὡς μή
τίς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τὴν πόαν ληψόμενος ἴοι,
ἔς τε λόγους αὐτῷ ξυνῆλθον ἐγγυτέρω ἥκοντες
,
καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δόντες ὡς οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὸν κακουργή-
/ / by I » , e
σωσι ξυγγενέσθαι σφίσιν ἐκέλευον, ἔσεσθαί οἱ
μεγάλα ἐπαγγειλαμένοις παρὰ σφῶν χρήματα.
1
2
3
> / ὅν >
ἀναγκαιοτάτων K: ἀναγκαίων L,
οὐδεμιᾶς K: οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ἢ L.
πολεμίων Ἰζ : ἐναντίων L.
92
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxv. 23-xxvi. 3
ing claim to the possessions of others, to involve
himself in any danger which concerns his most vital
interests.’ When Theudibert had read this letter,
perplexed as he was already by his present situation,
and sharply reproached by the Germans, because, as
they said, they were, for no good reason, dying in a
deserted land, he broke camp with the survivors of
the Franks and retired homeward with great speed.
XXVI
Tuus did Theudibert, after marching into Italy,
take his departure. And the troops of Martinus
and John returned in spite of the changed situation,
in order that the enemy might not make any attack
upon the Romans engaged in the siege.1_ Now the
Goths in Auximus, who had learned nothing con-
cerning the coming of the Franks, had begun to
despair of their hope from Ravenna which was so
long deferred, and were purposing once more to
address an appeal to Vittigis; but seeing that they
were unable to elude the guards of the enemy, they
were filled with grief. But later on their attention
was drawn to one of the Romans—he was of the
race of the Besi and named Burcentius, and had
been assigned to the command of Narses, the
Armenian—for they noted that he was keeping
guard alone at midday, that no one should come out
from the city to take the grass; and they went
nearer and hailed him, and giving pledges that they
would do him no harm, they urged him to come to
meet them, promising that he would receive from
them a large sum of money. And when they had
1 At Fisula.
93
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐγένοντο, ἐδέοντο τοῦ
ἀνθρώπου οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιστολήν τινα ἐς Ῥάβεν-
ναν διακομίσαι, τάξαντες μέν οἱ ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα
χρυσίον ῥητόν, πλέον δὲ ὑποσχόμενοι. δώσειν,
ἐπειδὰν σφίσιν Οὐιττίγιδος γράμματα, ἐπανήκοι
φέρων. τοῖς δὲ “χρήμασιν ὁ στρατιώτης ἀνα-
πεισθεὶς ὑπουργήσειν τε ὡμολόγησε ταῦτα καὶ
ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίησε τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν. γράμματα γοῦν
κατασεσημασμένα λαβὼν ἐς Ῥάβενναν κατὰ
τάχος ἀφίκετο. καὶ Οὐιττίγιδι ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν
τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐνεχείρισεν. ἐδήλου δὲ τάδε'
“"Onn μὲν ἡμῖν τὰ παρόντα ἔχει σαφῶς εἴσεσθε,
πυνθανόμενοι ὅστις ποτὲ ὁ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς παρα-
πομπὸς εἴη. Τότθῳ γὰρ ἀνδρὶ Ων γενέσθαι
τοῦ περιβόλου ἀμήχανά: ἐστι. τῶν δὲ βρωμάτων
ἡμῖν τὸ εὐπορώτατον ἡ παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος πόα
τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἧς γε ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ὅσον ἅψασθαι
τανῦν ἔξεστιν, OTL μὴ πολλοὺς ἀποβάλλουσιν
ἐν τῷ ὑπὲρ ταύτης ἀγῶνι. ταῦτα ἐς ὅ τι ἡμῖν
τελευτήσει σέ τε χρὴ καὶ Tor@ovs τοὺς ἐν
“Ῥαβέννῃ λογίζεσθαι."
Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ὁ Οὐίττιγις ἀνελέξατο, ἀμείβεται
ὧδε: “᾿Αναπεπτωκέναι δὲ ἡμᾶς, ὦ φίλτατοι
ἀνθρώπων ἁ ἁπάντων, οἰέσθω μηδείς, μηδὲ ἐς κακίας
τοσόνδε ἥκειν ὥστε ῥᾳθυμίᾳ τὰ ᾿ότθων κατα-
προΐεσθαι πράγματα. ἐμοὶ γὰρ ἔναγχος ἥ τε
τῆς ἐξόδου παρασκευὴ ὡς ἔνι “μάλιστα ἤσκητο
καὶ Οὐραΐας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐκ Μεδιολάνου
μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν. ‘AN ἡ Φράγγων ἔφοδος
παραδόξως ἐπιπεσοῦσα 5 πάντα ἡμῖν τὰ ἐν παρα-
σκευῇ ἀνεχαίτισεν, ὧν ἔγωγε οὐκ ἂν τὴν αἰτίαν
1 δὲ Ἰζ : δὲ ἡ γραφὴ L. 3 ἡμᾶς L: ὑμῶν K.
94
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvi. 4-10
come together, the barbarians besought the man to
earry a certain letter to Ravenna, naming a fixed
sum of gold to be paid to him immediately, and
promising to give more when he should return
bringing them a letter from Vittigis. And the
soldier, won over by the money, agreed to perform
this service, and he carried out his promise. For he
received a sealed letter and carried it with all speed
to Ravenna; and coming before Vittigis he delivered
it to him. Now the message conveyed was as
follows: ‘ The situation in which we now find our-
selves will be clearly revealed to you when you
inquire who the bringer of this letter is. For not a
Goth can find a way to get outside the fortifications.
And as for food, the most available supply we have
is the grass which grows by the wall, and even this
at the present time we cannot so much as touch,
except by losing many men in the struggle for it.
And it becomes both thee and the Goths in Ravenna
to consider what the end of all this will be for us.”
When Vittigis had read this, he replied as follows :
* Let no one think that we have ceased our efforts,
dearest of all men, nor that we have come to be
guilty of such a degree of baseness as to abandon
utterly the cause of the Goths through sheer indif-
ference. For, on my part, it was only recently that
the preparations for departure had been made with
all possible thoroughness, and Uraias with his whole
army had come under summons from Milan. But
the inroad of the Franks, coming upon us unex-
pectedly as it did, has made havoc of all our pre-
parations, a result for which I, at least, could not
3 ἐπιπεσοῦσα K: ἐπεισπεσοῦσα L,
95
;
1
12
13
14
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δικαίως φεροίμην. ὅσα γὰρ ᾿μείξω ἢ κατὰ
ἀνθρώπου δύναμίν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς, ἐπταικόσι τὸ
ἀνεγκλήτοις εἶναι χαρίζεται, τῆς τύχης ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτὴν
ἐπισπωμένης cel τὰ ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐγκλή-
ματα. νῦν μέντοι (καὶ γὰρ Θευδίβερτον ἐκπο-
δὼν ἡμῖν γεγενῆσθαι ἀκούομεν) οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν
ὑμῖν, ἂν θεὸς θέλῃ, πάσῃ τῇ Γότθων στρατιᾷ
παρεσόμεθα. χρὴ δὲ ὑμᾶς τὰ παραπίπτοντα
φέρειν ἀνδρείως τε καὶ τῇ ἀνάγκῃ ἐπιτηδείως,
λογιζομένους μὲν τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀρετήν, ἧς ἕνεκα
ἐκ πάντων ἀπολέξας ὑμᾶς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ κατεστησά-
μην, αἰσχυνομένους δὲ τὴν δόξαν, ἣν Τότθοι
ἅπαντες ep ὑμῖν ἔχοντες Ραβέννης τε ὑμᾶς καὶ
τῆς σφῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίας προβέβληνται." το-
σαῦτα γρώψας Οὐίΐττιγις καὶ χρήμασι πολλοῖς
τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὡρησάμενος ἀπεπέμψατο. ὃς δὴ
ἐς Αὔξιμον ἀφικόμενος, παρά τε τοὺς ἑταίρους
τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἦλθε καὶ ἀρρώστημα ὅ τι δή οἱ ξυμβε-
βηκέναι σκηψάμενος ἡ ἔς τε ἱερόν τι οὐκ ἄποθεν
ὃν διὰ τοῦτο ἐσχολακέναι, κατέστη μὲν αὖθις ἐ ἐς
τὴν φυλακὴν ἧπερ εἰώθει, λαθὼν δὲ ἅπαντας
τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ γράμματα ἔδωκεν" ἅπερ ἐς τὸ
πλῆθος ἀναγνωσθέντα ἔτι μᾶλλον ἅπαντας,
καίπερ τῷ λιμῷ πιεζομένους, ἐπέρρωσε. διὸ
δὴ προσχωρεῖν Βελισαρίῳ πολλὰ τιθασσεύοντι
οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον. αὖθις δὲ (οὐδὲ γὰρ" σφίσι
στράτευμα ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἐξεληλυθὸς ὃ ἠγγέλλετο
καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ ὑπερφυῶς ἤδη
ἤχθοντο) Βουρκέντιον πάλιν πέμπουσι, τοῦτο ἐν
Σ σκηψάμενος KS: σκεψάμενος L.
2 δὲ (οὐδὲ γὰρ) K: δ᾽ ὡς L.
3 ἐξεληλυθὸς Ki: οὐκ ἐξεληλυθός πὴ L.
οὔ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvi. ro-15
justly bear the blame. For things which are beyond
human power confer even upon those who fail the boon
of being free from blame, since fortune draws upon
herself whatever charge springs from what has
befallen. Now, however, since we hear that Theu-
dibert has got out of our way, we shall at no distant
time, if God wills, come to you with the whole
Gothic army. And it is needful for you to bear
whatever falls to your lot manfully and as befits the
necessity which is upon you, calling to mind, first,
your own valour, on account of which I chose you
out from the whole army and established you in
Auximus, and respecting also the reputation which
you hold among all the Goths, and which prompted
them to put you forward as a bulwark for Ravenna
and for their own safety.” After writing this letter
and rewarding the man with a large sum of money,
Vittigis sent him away. And when he reached
Auximus, he rejoined his comrades, giving as_ his
excuse that some sickness or other had fallen upon
_him, and that for this reason he had been passing
a
the time in a certain sanctuary not far away ; and so
he was appointed once more to guard-duty, to
the very watch to which he had been accustomed,
and unbeknown to all the Romans he gave the
letter to the enemy; and when this was read to
the people, it gave them all additional encourage-
ment, although they were hard pressed by the
famine. Wherefore they were quite unwilling to
yield to Belisarius, although he offered many entice-
Ments. But when no army had been reported as
having left Ravenna, and they were already in
extreme distress because of the lack of provisions,
they once more sent Burcentius with a message
97
VOL. IV. Η
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
γράμμασι δηλώσαντες μόνον, ὡς πέντε ἡμερῶν
οὐκέτι τὸ λοιπὸν οἷοί τέ εἰσι τῷ λιμῷ μάχεσθαι.
ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπανῆκεν αὖθις, Οὐιττίγιδος ἐπιστο-
λὴν ἔχων ταῖς ὁμοίαις ἐλπίσιν αὐτοὺς ἀναρτῶσαν.
Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἀχθόμενοι, ὃ ὅτι δὴ
ἐν χώρᾳ ἐρήμῳ μακρὰν οὕτω προσεδρείαν πε-
ποίηνται, διηποροῦντο, οὐκ ἐνδιδόντας σφίσιν ἐν
τοσούτοις κακοῖς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁρῶντες. διὸ
δὴ Βελισάριος ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο ζῶντά τινα
τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολεμίοις δοκίμων λαβεῖν, ὅπως ἂν
γνοίη ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα τὰ δεινὰ καρτεροῦσιν οἱ
βάρβαροι, καί οἱ Βαλεριανὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον ὑπουργή-
σειν εὐπετῶς OuaNogen εἶναι yap τινας τῶν οἱ
ἑπομένων ἐκ τοῦ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνους, οἱ κρύπτε-
σθαί τε ὑπὸ λίθῳ βραχεῖ ἢ φυτῷ τῳ παρατυ-
χόντι εἰώθασι καὶ ἀναρπάξειν ἄνδρα πολέμιον.
τοῦτό τε ἀεὶ} παρὰ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ἔνθα
ἵδρυνται, ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους
βαρβάρους ἐνδείκνυνται. ἥσθη τῷ λόγῳ Βελι-
σάριος καὶ τοῦ ἔργου ἐπιμελεῖσθαι κατὰ τάχος
ἐκέλευε. Βαλεριανὸς οὖν ἀπολέξας τῶν Σκλα-
βηνῶν ἕνα σώματός τε μεγέθους πέρι εὖ ἥκοντα
καὶ διαφερόντως δραστήριον, ἄνδρα πολέμιον
ἄγειν 3 ἐπέστελλε, χρήματά οἱ μεγάλα πρὸς
Βελισαρίου ἰσχυρισάμενος ἔσεσθαι. δράσειν δὲ
τοῦτο αὐτὸν ὃ ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ εὐπετῶς ἔφασκεν
οὗπερ ἡ πόα τυγχάνει οὖσα" χρόνου γὰρ πολλοῦ
ταύτῃ τοὺς Ῥότθους ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων
σιτίζεσθαι. ὁ μὲν οὖν Σκλαβηνὸς ὄρθρου βαθέος
1 re ἀεὶ L: τε Καὶ.
2 πολέμιον ἄγειν Ια ; ἔχειν πολέμιον ζῶντα L.
98
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvi. 15-22
stating only this, that after five days they would no
longer be able to fight with the famine. And he
returned to them a second time with a letter from
Vittigis tantalizing them with similar hopes.
Now the Romans were distressed no less than the
Goths, because they had been carrying on such a
long siege in a deserted land, and they were com-
pletely batHed at seeing the barbarians refusing to
give in to them although involved in so much suffer-
ing. In view of this situation Belisarius was eager
to capture alive one of the men of note among the
enemy, in order that he might learn what the
reason might be why the barbarians were holding
out in their desperate situation. And Valerian
promised readily to perform such a service for him.
For there were some men in his command, he said,
from the nation of the Sclaveni, who are accustomed
to conceal themselves behind a small rock or any
bush which may happen to be near and pounce
upon an enemy. In fact, they are constantly prac-
tising this in their native haunts along the river
Ister, both on the Romans and on the barbarians
as well. Belisarius was pleased by this suggestion
and bade him see that the thing was done with all
speed. So Valerian chose out one of the Sclaveni
who was well suited as to size of body and especially
active, and commanded him to bring a man of the
enemy, assuring him that he would receive a
generous reward from Belisarius. And he added
that he could do this easily in the place where the
grass was, because for a long time past the Goths
had been feeding upon this grass, since their provi-
sions were exhausted. So this barbarian at early
5 αὐτὸν K: αὐτὸς L.
SS
23
24
25
26
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἄγχιστα τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενος, ἐν θάμνῳ τινὶ
ἐγκαχλυψάμενός τε καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἐς ὀλίγον
ξυναγαγὼν ἀμφὶ τὴν πόαν ἐκρύπτετο. ἅμα δὲ
ἡμέρᾳ Γότθος ἀνὴρ ἐνταῦθα ἥκων τὰς βοτάνας
κατὰ τάχος ξυνέλεγεν, ἐ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ θάμνου ὑπότο-
πάζξων οὐδὲν ἄχαρι, συχνὰ δὲ περισκοπῶν ἐς τὸ
τῶν ἐναντίων + “στρατόπεδον, μή τις ἐνθένδε ἐς
αὐτὸν jo. καί οἱ ἐπιπεσὼν ὄπισθεν ὁ Σκλα-
βηνὸς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἀνάρπαστον ἐποιήσατο,
σφίγγων τε μέσον καρτερῶς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις
τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἔς τε τὸ στρατόπεδον ἤνεγκε καὶ
φέρων Βαλεριανῷ ἐνεχείρισεν. ᾧ δὴ πυνθανο-
μένῳ, ὅτῳ ποτὲ Πότθοι πιστεύοντες καὶ τί3 τὸ
ἐχυρὸν ἢ ἔχοντες, ἥκιστα ἐθέλουσι προσχωρεῖν
σφίσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑκούσιοι τὰ δεινότατα ἐ ἐγκαρτεροῦσι,
τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀμφὶ τῷ Βουρκεντίῳ ὁ ὃ βάρβαρος
ἔφρασε καὶ αὐτόν οἱ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκοντα ἤλεγχεν.
ὁ δὲ Βουρκέντιος, ἐπεὶ ἔκπυστος ἤδη γεγονὼς
ἤσθετο, οὐδὲν τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀπέκρυψε. διὸ
δὴ Βελισάριος μὲν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτὸν ὅ τι
βούλοιντο παρέδωκε χρῆσθαι, οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ζῶντα
οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἔκαυσαν, θεωμένων τὰ ποιούμενα
τῶν πολεμίων. Βουρκέντιος μὲν οὕτω τῆς φιλο-
χρηματίας ἀπέλαυσε.
XXVII
Βελισάριος δὲ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἀντέχοντας τῇ
ταλαιπωρίᾳ τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁρῶν ἐς τοῦ ὕδατος
1 ἐναντίων Κα : πολεμίων L.
2 ἐνθένδε ἐς αὐτὸν ἴοι Haury: ἐνθένδε ὑπ’ αὐτῶν εἴη Καὶ,
ἐς αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἴοι 1.
I0o
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvi. 22—xxvii. 1
dawn went close to the fortifications, and hiding
himself in a bush and drawing his body into small
compass, he remained in concealment near the grass.
And at daybreak a Goth came there and began
hastily to gather the blades of grass, suspecting no
harm from the bush, but looking about frequently
toward the enemy’s camp, lest anyone should attack
him from there. Then the barbarian, falling unex-
pectedly upon the Goth from behind, made him
captive, holding him tightly about the waist with
both hands, and thus carried him to the camp and
handed him over to Valerian. And when he ques-
tioned the prisoner, asking what basis of confidence
and what assurance the Goths could possibly have
that they were absolutely unwilling to yield to the
Romans, but were voluntarily enduring the most
dreadful suffering, the Goth told Valerian the whole
truth concerning Burcentius, and when he was
brought before him he proved his guilt. As for
Burcentius, when he perceived that he had been
already found out, he concealed nothing of what he
had done. Wherefore Belisarius handed him over
to his comrades to do with him as they wished,
and they not long afterwards burned him alive,
the enemy looking on as they did so. Thus did
Burcentius profit by his love for money.
XXVII
But when Belisarius saw that the barbarians con-
tinued none the less to hold out in their suffering,
3 καὶ τί Ki: καί τοι μὴ L, 4 ἐχυρὸν K: ἰσχυρὸν 1,.
ΙΟΙ
σι
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καθίστασθαι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν διενοεῖτο, ταύτῃ ῥᾷόν
τε καὶ εὐπορώτερον. αἱρήσειν τοὺς πολεμίους
οἰόμενος. καί, ἦν γάρ τίς κρήνη Αὐξίμου πρὸς
βορρᾶν ἀ ἄνεμον ἐν χώρῳ κρημνώδει, τοῦ περιβόλου
ἀπέχουσα ὅσον λίθου βολήν, κατὰ βραχὺ μά-
λιστα τὸν ῥοῦν ἀφιεῖσα ἐ ἔς τινα δεξαμενὴν αὐτόθι
ἐκ παλαιοῦ οὗσαν, ἥ τε δεξαμενὴ πλήρης γεγενὴη-
μένη ἐκ ταύτης δὴ τῆς ὀλίγης ἐπιρροῆς παρείχετο
πόνῳ οὐδενὶ τοῖς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ ὑδρεύεσθαι, ἔννοιά
τις Βελισαρίῳ ἐγένετο ὡς, ἢν μὴ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐνταῦθα
ξυσταίη, οὐ μή ποτε οἷοί τε Maw οἱ βάρβαροι
πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων βαλλόμενοι ἐν χρόνῳ πολλῷ
ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπιρροῆς τοὺς ἀμφορέας ἐμπλήσασθαι.
διαφθεῖραι γοῦν ἐθέλων τὴν δεξαμενὴν ἐπενόει
τάδε. ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα ὅλον, κύκλῳ TE
αὐτὸ ἀμφὶ τὸν περίβολον ὡς ἐς μάχην ταξάμενος,
δόκησιν τοῖς ἐναντίοις παρείχετο ὡς τῷ τειχίσματι
προσβαλεῖν αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα πανταχόθεν μέλλοι.
διὸ δὴ κατωρρωδηκότες τὴν ἔφοδον οἱ Γότθοι ἐν
ταῖς ἐπάλξεσιν ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, ὡς ἐνθένδε ἀμυ-
νούμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Βελισάριος
᾿Ισαύρους πέντε τοὺς ἐς τὰς οἰκοδομίας ἐ ἐμπείρους
ξύν τε πελέκεσι καὶ ἄλλοις ὀργάνοις ἐς λίθων
ἐκτομὰς ἐπιτηδείοις ἐς τὴν δεξαμενὴν ἀσπίδων
πλήθει κρυπτομένους ἐσήγαγε, διαφθεῖραί τε καὶ
διελεῖν τοὺς τοίχους πάσῃ δυνάμει κατὰ τάχος
ἐκέλευεν. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τέως μὲν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπὶ
τὸ τεῖχος ὑπώπτευον " ἰέναι, ἡσυχίαν ἦγον, ὅπως
1 ἐπὶ Καὶ : ὑπὸ L.
2 ὑπώπτευον K: ὑποπτεύοντες ἴ,.
102
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvii. 1-6
he was minded to carry out his plot against their
water-supply, thinking that in this way he would
accomplish the capture of his enemy with greater
ease and facility. Now there was a spring on a
steep slope to the north of Auximus, about a stone’s
throw distant from the circuit-wall, which discharged
its water in a very small stream into a cistern which
had been there from of old; and when the cistern
became full from this small inflow, it was a matter of
no difficulty for the inhabitants of Auximus to draw the
water. This situation suggested to Belisarius that,
if the water should not be collected there, the bar-
barians would never be able to fill their jars from the
spring’s flow, because they would be exposed to the
missiles of their enemy for a long time. Wishing,
therefore, to destroy the cistern, he devised the
following plan. He armed his whole force and drew
it up in a circle about the circuit-wall as if for battle,
giving his opponents the impression that he was
about to make an attack upon their defences from
all sides without the least delay. The Goths, con-
sequently, fearing the attack, remained quietly at
the battlements, with the intention of warding off
their enemy from that position. But Belisarius
meanwhile chose out five Isaurians who were skilled
in masonry and conducted them to the cistern with
mattocks and other implements suitable for cutting
stone, concealing them as they went under a great
number of shields; then he commanded them to put
forth all their strength to break up and tear down
the walls of the cistern as quickly as possible. As
for the barbarians, as long as they suspected that
these men were coming against the wall, they re-
mained quiet, in order that they might come as close
103
10
11
12
13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
x τ :) / / > nr ΄ >
ἂν ὡς ἀγχοτάτω γενομένους εὐπετῶς βάλλοιεν, ἐν
νῷ τὸ ποιούμενον ἥκιστα ἔχοντες: ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς
᾿Ισαύρους ἐντὸς γενομένους τῆς δεξαμενῆς εἶδον,
/ \ ΄ ΄ >’ ’ > \ BA
λίθους τε Kal τοξεύματα πάντα ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς EBad-
, \ ς \ ΝΜ ς a «
λον. τότε δὴ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι Ῥωμαῖοι ἅπαντες
, e v
ὑπεχώρουν δρόμῳ, μόνοι δὲ οἱ πέντε Ἴσαυροι, ἐπεὶ
a na i
ἐγένοντο ἐν TO ἀσφαλεῖ, ἔργου εἴχοντο' κύρτωμα
γάρ τι ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὕδατος σκιᾶς ἕνεκα τοῖς πάλαι
lal \ \
ἀνθρώποις τῇδε πεποίηται. ov δὴ ἐντὸς yeyevn-
fal ’,ὔ /
μένοι WS ἥκιστα τῶν πολεμίων, καίπερ συχνὰ
f > /
βαλλόντων, ἐφρόντιζον.
\ fal ,
Avo δὴ οἱ ΤΓότθοι ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου μένειν
> δ ? / 2 Ἂν 2 / ‘\ /
οὐκέτι ἠνείχοντο, ἀλλὰ ἀνοίξαντες THY ταύτῃ
/ ΟῚ \ \ 2 / iA lal “
πυλίδα ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ισαύρους ἅπαντες θυμῷ τε πολλῷ
ς cr
καὶ θορύβῳ ἐχόμενοι ἤεσαν. καὶ of Ῥωμαῖοι
Βελισαρίου σφίσιν ἐγκελευομένου σπουδῇ πολλῇ
ὑπηντίαζον. γίνεται μὲν οὖν μάχη καρτερὰ ἐν
χρόνῳ πολλῷ ὠθισμὸν ἔχουσα καὶ φόνος ἑκατέρων
΄ ς ,ὔ \ a \ ΝΜ
πολύς. “Ρωμαίων δὲ μᾶλλον συχνοὶ ἔπιπτον.
a \ e ΄ Ὁ θ > / Φ , 1
ἅτε yap οἱ βάρβαροι ὕπερθεν ἀμυνόμενοι ὀλίγοι
\ > / \ A > a 1
Te πολλοὺς ἐβιάξοντο Kal τῷ ὠθισμῷ 1 περιγε-
‘ / »
νόμενοι πλείους ἔκτεινον ἢ αὐτοὶ ἔθνησκον. ἐνδι-
/ / an nr
δόναι μέντοι Ρωμαῖοι οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον, παρόντα τε
\ nr 3 /
καὶ κραυγῇ ἐγκελευόμενον Βελισάριον αἰσχυνό-
/ \ ΄ r fol
μενοι. τότε δὴ Kal βέλος τι ἐπὶ TOD στρατηγοῦ
\ / wv \ / a lal
τὴν γαστέρα ἤει ξὺν ῥοίζῳ πολλῷ, πρός TOU τῶν
/ ly / , lal
ἐναντίων, εἴτε τύχῃ τινὶ εἴτε προνοίᾳ ἐνταῦθα
1 δλίγοι---περιγενόμενοι K: om. L,
104
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvii. 6-13
as possible and thus form an easy mark for their
missiles, never once thinking what their real object
was; but when they saw that the Isaurians had got
inside the cistern, they began to hurl stones and dis-
charge all kinds of missiles at them. Then indeed
all the other Romans retired on the run, but the five
Isaurians alone, who had now reached safety, began
their work; for a sort of vault had been built over
the cistern by the men of old in order to shade the
water. So when they had got under this vault, they
paid not the least heed to the enemy, although they
were discharging missiles with great frequency.
In view of this the Goths could no longer endure
to remain inside the fortifications, but opening the
small gate on that side, they all rushed out against
the Isaurians with great fury and tumult. And the
Romans, urged on by Belisarius, made a counter-
charge with great enthusiasm. So a fierce battle
took place in which for a long time they engaged
in a hand-to-hand struggle, and there was great
slaughter on both sides. But the men were falling
more thickly among the Romans. For since the
barbarians were defending themselves from a higher
position, a few men could overpower many, and gain-
ing superiority in the hand-to-hand struggle, they
were killing more men than those who-were killed
among themselves. However, the Romans were
determined not to give in, feeling shame before
Belisarius, who was present and urging them on with
shouts. While this battle was in progress, it also
happened that a missile came flying with a shrill
whiz toward the belly of the general, having been
directed there by one of the enemy either by some
chance or with deliberate intent. And this missile
105
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
βληθέν. ὅπερ Βελισάριος μὲν ws ἥκιστα εἶδεν.
οὐ γὰρ οὗν οὔτε φυλάσσεσθαι οὔτε πη ἐκτρέ-
πεσθαι ἴσχυσε. δορυφόρος δέ τις ,Οὐνίγαστος
ὄνομα παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἑστηκὼς κατενόησέ τε οὐκ
ἄποθεν ὃν τῆς Βελισαρίου γαστρός, καὶ χεῖρα τὴν
δεξιὰν προβαλλόμενος ἐ ἔσωσε μὲν τὸν στρατηγὸν
ἐκ τοῦ παραδόξου, αὐτὸς δὲ πληγεὶς τῷ τοξεύματι
εὐθὺς μὲν περιώδυνος γεγονὼς ἀνεχώρησε. μετὰ
δὲ τῶν νεύρων οἱ ἀποκοπέντων οὐκέτι τὴν χεῖρα
ἐνεργεῖν ἰσχυσεν. ἥ τε μάχη πρωὶ ἀρξαμένη ἐς
μέσην ἡμέραν ἀφίκετο.
Καὶ τῶν ᾿Αρμενίων ἄνδρες ἑ ἑπτὰ ὑπό τε Ναρσῇ
καὶ ᾿Αρατίῳ τασσόμενοι ἔργα ἐπεδείξαντο ἀρετῆς
ἄξια, ἔς τε τὴν δυσχωρίαν, ἣ μάλιστα ἀνάντης
ἣν, ὥσπερ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ περιθέοντες καὶ κτείνον-
τες τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς ἀεὶ σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντας,
ἕως διωσάμενοι τοὺς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάρους ἐτρέψαντο.
οἵ τε ἄλλοι Ρωμαῖοι ἐνδιδόντας ὁ ὁρῶντες ἤ ἢ τοὺς
πολεμίους ἐδίωκον καὶ ἡ τροπὴ λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει,
ol TE βάρβαροι αὖθις ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο.
“Ρωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν τήν τε δεξαμενὴν διεφθάρθαι
καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ισαύροις ἅπαν ἐπιτετελέσθαι τὸ ἔργον
ᾧοντο, οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ ὅσον χάλικα ἐνθένδε ἀφελέσθαι
παντελὲς ἴσχυσαν. οἱ γὰρ πάλαι τεχνῖται,
ἀρετῆς ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἐπιμελούμενοι μάλιστα, οὕτω
δὴ καὶ ταύτην τὴν οἰκοδομίαν εἰργάσαντο, ὥστε
μήτε χρόνῳ. μήτε ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβουλῇ εἴκειν.
ἄπρακτοι γοῦν οἱ Ἴσαυροι, ἐπειδὴ “Ῥωμαίους τοῦ
χῶρου κρατήσαντας εἶδον, ἐκ τῆς δεξαμενῆς ἀπαλ-
λαγέντες ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀπεχώρησαν. διὸ
106
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvii. 13-21
was not seen at all by Belisarius. At any rate, he
failed either to guard against it or to step aside to
avoid it. Buta certain spearman named Unigastus,
who was standing beside him, saw it when it was not
far from the belly of Belisarius, and by putting forth
his right hand saved the general unexpectedly ; but
he himself, owing to the wound inflicted by the
arrow, withdrew immediately, suffering severe pain.
And after that, since the sinews had been severed,
he was never able to use his hand again. And the
battle, which had begun early in the morning, con-
tinued up to midday.
And seven men of the Armenians from the com-
mand of Narses and Aratius made a display of
valorous deeds, running about the unfavourable
ground, which was exceedingly steep, just as if on
the level, and killing those of the enemy who from
time to time made a stand against them, until they
forced back the barbarians in that part of the line
and routed them. Then the other Romans, seeing
the enemy now giving way, began to pursue them
and the rout became decisive, and the barbarians
went back inside the fortifications. Now the Romans
thought that the cistern had been destroyed and
that the Isaurians had accomplished their whole
task, but in fact they had been altogether unable to
remove so much as one pebble from the masonry ; for
the artisans of old, who cared most of all for ex-
cellence in their work, had built this masonry in
such a way as to yield neither to time nor to the
attempts of men to destroy it. At any rate the
Isaurians had accomplished nothing when, upon see-
ing that the Romans had won the position, they left
the cistern and withdrew to the camp. Consequently
107
22
23
24
25
26
27
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δὴ Βελισάριος τῶν Te ζῴων τὰ νεκρὰ καὶ βοτάνας
ἐς ἀνθρώπου φθορὰν ἱκανῶς πεφυκυίας ῥίπτειν ἐν
τῷ ὕδατι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐκέλευε καὶ λίθον
κατακεκαυμένην ἐνδελεχέστατα (ἣν πάλαι μὲν
τίτανον, τανῦν δὲ ἄσβεστον καλεῖν νενομίκασιν)
ἐμβαλόντας ἐνταῦθα σβεννύειν. καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ
ταῦτα ἐποίουν, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι φρέατι ἐντὸς τοῦ
περιβόλου ὕδωρ TL βραχὺ ὡς μάλιστα ἔχοντι, ἐν
τούτῳ δὴ τῷ χρόνῳ ἐλασσόνως ἢ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν
ἐχρῶντο. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν Βελισάριος οὔτε βίᾳ τὸ
χωρίον ἑλεῖν οὔτε τινὰ ἐπιβουλὴν ἐπιδείξασθαι
ὕδατος πέρι ἢ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο,
μόνῳ τῷ λιμῷ 1 | περιέσεσθαι τῶν πολεμίων ἐλπίδα
ἔχων. καὶ ἀπ᾽’ αὐτοῦ τῆς φυλακῆς ἰσχυρότατα
ἐπεμελεῖτο. οἵ τε Γότθοι καραδοκοῦντες ἔ ἔτι τὸν
ἐκ Ῥαβέννης “στρατὸν ἐν πολλῇ ἀπορίᾳ τῶν
ἀναγκαίων ἡσύχαζον.
Ἤδη δὲ οἱ ἐν Φισούλῃ πολιορκούμενοι ὡς μάλισο-
τα τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, φέρειν τε τὸ κακὸν οὐχ
οἷοί τε ὄντες, ἀπειπόντες δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐκ
Ῥαβέννης ἐλπίδα, τοῖς ἐναντίοις προσχωρεῖν
ἔγνωσαν. Κυπριανῷ τοίνυν καὶ ᾿Ιουστίνῳ ἐς
λόγους ἐλθόντες, τώ TE πιστὰ ὑπὲρ τῶν σωμάτων
λαβόντες, σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ φρούριον
ὁμολογίᾳ παρέδοσαν. καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ ἱ ἀμφὶ Kumpua-
νὸν ξὺν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐπαγόμενοι, φρου-
ράν τε αὐτάρκη ἐν Φισούλῃ καταστησάμενοι, ἐς
Αὔξιμον ἦλθον. Βελισάριος δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἡγου-
μένους τοῖς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ βαρβάροις ἀεὶ ἐνδεικνύ-
1 λιμῷ K: λοιμῶ L.
1 7, e. lime.
108
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvii. 21-27
Belisarius commanded the soldiers to throw into the
water the dead bodies of animals and such herbs as
nature has caused to be especially deadly for man,
and also to put in a kind of stone, very thoroughly
burned, which in olden times they were accustomed
to call “titanos,’ but which at the present time
they call “asbestos,” and thus to quench it in
the water. And the soldiers did accordingly, but
the barbarians made use of a well inside the forti-
fications which had an exceedingly scant supply of
water, and thus they supplied themselves during this
time, but with a smaller quantity than they needed.
Thereafter Belisarius no longer exerted himself
either to capture the place by storm or to carry out
any plot with regard to the water or anything else,
hoping ‘that by famine alone he would overcome
the enemy. And because of this purpose he exer-
cised the greatest care in guarding the lines. The
Goths, meanwhile, still expecting the army from
Ravenna and being in great want of provisions,
remained quiet.
By this time the Goths who were besieged in
Fisula were beginning to be exceedingly hard
pressed by famine, and, being unable to endure the
suffering, and desparing also of the hope from
Ravenna, they decided to yield to their opponents.
They accordingly opened negotiations with Cyprian
and Justinus, and, upon receiving pledges for their
lives, they surrendered both themselves and the fort-
ress. Then Cyprian and his colleagues, taking them
along with the Roman army, and after establishing
a sufficient garrison at Fisula, came to Auximus.
And Belisarius, from that time, was constantly dis-
playing their leaders to the barbarians in Auximus
109
28
29
30
31
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μενος ἐκέλευε τῆς ἀπονοίας μεθίεσθαι, τὴν ἐκ
Ῥαβέννης ἀποσεισαμένοις ἐλπίδα: ὄνησις yap?
TUS οὐ μή ποτε οὐδὲ αὐτοῖς ἔσται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον
τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ κεκακωμένοι οὐδὲν ἣ ἧσσον ἐς ταὐτὸν
τύχης τοῖς ἐν Φισούλῃ ἀφίξονται. οἱ δὲ πολλὰ
ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς λογισάμενοι, ἐπειδὴ τῷ λιμῷ"
οὐκέτι ἀντεῖχον, τούς τε λόγους ἐνεδέχοντο καὶ
παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν ἠξίουν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ αὐτοὶ ἀπαθεῖς
κακῶν ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπὶ Ῥαβέυνης πορεύσον-
ται. διὸ δὴ Βελισάριος τοῖς παροῦσι διηπορεῖτο,
πολεμίους μὲν τοιούτους τε τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τοσού-
τους τὸ πλῆθος τοῖς ἐν ἹῬαβέννῃ ἀναμίγνυσθαι
ἀξύμφορον εἶναι οἰόμενος, τοῦ δὲ καιροῦ ὑστερῆσαι
ὡς ἥκιστα ἤθελεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ ᾿Ῥάβεννάν τε καὶ
Οὐίΐττεγιν, ἠωρημένων ἔτι τῶν πραγμάτων, ἰέναι.
Φράγγοι γὰρ αὐτὸν ξυνετάρασσον, Γότθοις ἐς
ἐπικουρίαν ἀφίξεσθαι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐπίδοξοι
ὄντες. ὧν δὴ προτερῆσαι τὴν παρουσίαν ἐν
σπουδῇ ἔχων διαλύειν τὴν προσεδρείαν μήπω
Αὐξίμου ἁλούσης οὐχ οἷός τε ἣν. οἵ τε στρατιῶ-
ται οὐκ εἴων συγχωρεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις τὰ χρή-
ματα, τραύματα μὲν πολλὰ 9 ἐνδεικνύμενοι ὧνπερ
ἐνταῦθα πρὸς αὐτῶν ἔτυχον, πόνους δὲ πάντας
ἀπαριθμοῦντες τοὺς ἐν ταύτῃ σφίσι τῇ πολιορκίᾳ
ξυμπεπτωκότας, @ ὧν δὴ ἄθλα εἶναι τῶν ἡσσημένων
τὰ λάφυρα ἰσχυρίξοντο. τέλος δὲ οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι
ὄνησις γάρ K: δι᾽ ἧς ὄνησις L.
λιμῷ Ki: λοιμῶ L.
τραύματα Ke πολλὰ Ια : οὕτω μ. π. τραύμ. L.
ὧνπερ K: ἅπερ L.
ἔτυχον K: δεξάμενοι ἔτυχον L.
σι ὦ ὦ Pp μ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI, xxvii. 27-32
and bidding them cling no longer to their insane
purpose, but abandon their hope from Ravenna; for
they, like the others, would never receive the least
assistance, but after being utterly worn out by hard-
ship they would none the less come to the same fate
as had the garrison in Fisula. And they, after long
deliberation among themselves, seeing that they
could no longer hold out against the famine, were
ready to receive his proposals and expressed a de-
sire to surrender the city, on condition that they
themselves suffer no harm and proceed with their
belongings to Ravenna. As a result of this, Beli-
sarius was altogether uncertain what to do in the
situation before him, because, on the one hand, he
thought it inexpedient that a body of the enemy of
such marked excellence and so numerous besides
should join forces with their comrades in Ravenna,
and, on the other hand, he was quite unwilling to
let slip the moment of opportunity, but wished to
move against Ravenna and Vittigis while the situ-
ation was still unsettled. For the Franks were
causing him great concern, since he fully expected
that they would come to the assistance of the Goths
almost immediately. And though he was eager to
anticipate their arrival, he was unable to break up
the siege with Auximus still uncaptured. The
soldiers, furthermore, would not allow him to con-
cede their property to the barbarians, displaying
many wounds which they had received at their hands
before the city and recounting all the struggles
which had fallen to their lot during this siege ; and
they declared that the rewards for these sufferings
were surely the spoils of the vanquished. But
finally, since the Romans were compelled by the
1 Ὁ} δ:
33
34
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καιροῦ ὀξύτητι ἀναγκασθέντες, καὶ Doror TO
λιμῷ βιαζόμενοι ξυνίασιν ἀλλήλοις, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τῶν
μὲν χρημάτων πὰ ἡμίσεια Ῥωμαῖοι ἐν σφίσιν
αὐτοῖς διανέμωνται, τὰ δὲ _ λειπόμενα Por Oot
ἔχοντες βασιλέως κατήκοοι ὦσιν. ἑκάτεροι τοί-
νυν “ὑπὲρ τούτων τὰ πιστὰ ἔδοσαν, ᾿ἣ Ῥωμαίων μὲν
οἱ ἄρχοντες τὰ ξυγκείμενα κύρια εἶναι, Dor Bou δὲ
τῶν χρημάτων οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀποκρύψασθαι. οὕτω
τε δὴ τὰ χρήματα πάντα ἐνείμαντο καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι
μὲν Αὔξιμον ἔσχον, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τῷ βασιλέως
στρατεύματι ἀνεμίγνυντο.
XXVIII
᾿Επεὶ δὲ Βελισάριος Αὔξιμον εἷλε, “PaBevvav
πολιορκεῖν ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο καὶ ἅπαν τὸ στρά-
τευμα ἐνταῦθα ἐπῆγε. Μάγνον τε πέμψας ξὺν
πλήθει πολλῷ ὑπὲρ Ραβέννης ἐκέλευε 116-
δου" τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν ὄχθην ἀεὶ περιιόντα
φυλακὴν ἔχειν, ὅπως δὴ μὴ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνθένδε
οἱ Γότθοι τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίζωνται. καὶ
Βιτάλιος δέ οἱ ξὺν στρατῷ ἐκ Δαλματίας ἀφικό-
μενος ὄχθην τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐφύλασσεν.
ἐνταῦθα αὐτοῖς ξυνέβη τις τύχη, δήλωσιν ἄντι-
κρυς ποιουμένη ὅτι δὴ αὐτὴ πρυτανεύει ἀμφοτέροις
τὰ πράγματα. συχνὰς yap οἱ Τότθοι ἀκάτους
πρότερον ἐν Λιγούροις συλλέξαντες ἐς τὸν Πάδον
καθῆκαν, ἅσπερ ἐμπλησάμενοι σίτου τε καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων πλεῖν ἐπὶ PaBévyns διενοοῦντο.
1 ὑπὲρ ῥαβέννης K: ἐπὶ ῥαβέννης ἰέναι L.
2 Πάδου τε MSS.: τε bracketed by KraSeninnikoy.
112
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxvii. 32—xxviii. 3
pressing need of the moment, and the Goths were
overcome by the famine, they came to an agreement
with each other, stipulating that the Romans should
divide among themselves one half of their wealth,
while the Goths should keep the rest and be subjects
ofthe emperor. Both sides accordingly gave pledges
to secure this agreement, the commanders of the
Romans that the agreement should be binding, and
the Goths that they would conceal nothing whatever
of their wealth. Thus, then, they divided the whole
of it between them, and the Romans, on their part,
took possession of Auximus, while the barbarians
mingled with the emperor’s army.
XXVIII
Arter the capture of Auximus, Belisarius made
haste to lay siege to Ravenna, and he brought up his
whole army against it. He also sent Magnus with
a large force beyond Ravenna, with orders to move
constantly along the bank of the river Po and keep
guard, with the purpose of preventing the Goths
thereafter from bringing in provisions by way of the
river. Furthermore, Vitalius, who had come from
Dalmatia with an army to join him, was guarding
the other bank of the river. It was here that the
Romans met with a piece of good fortune which
_made it perfectly clear that Fortune herself was de-
_ termining the course of events for both sides. For
the Goths had previously collected a large number
of boats in Liguria and brought them down to the
Po, and after filling them with grain and other pro-
visions were purposing to set sail for Ravenna. But
. 113
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
οὕτω δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τούτου TO ὕδωρ ἐκείνῳ TO
χρόνῳ ὑπέληγεν ὥστε αὐτοῦ ναυτίλλεσθαι τὸ
παράπαν ἀδύνατα ἦν, ἕως ἐπελθόντες “Ρωμαῖοι
τὰς ἀκάτους σὺν τοῖς φορτίοις ἅπασιν εἷλον.
ὅ τε ποταμὸς οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐς ῥοῦν ἐπανιὼν
τὸν καθήκοντα ναυσίπορος τὸ λοιπὸν ἐγεγόνει.
τοῦτο δὲ αὐτῷ ξυμβῆναι οὐ πώποτε πρότερον
ἀκοῇ ἴσμεν. ἤδη τε οἱ βάρβαροι ἤρξαντο τῶν
ἐπιτηδείων ὑποσπανίξειν. οὔτε γὰρ διὰ κόλπου
τι ἐσκομίζεσθαι τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου εἶχον, θαλασσοκρα-
τούντων πωνταχῆ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ
ἀπεκέκλειντο. γνόντες δὲ οἱ Φράγγων ἄρχοντες
τὰ ποιούμενα προσποιεῖσθαί τε τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν
ἐθέλοντες, πρέσβεις παρὰ τὸν Οὐίττιγιν πέμ-
πουσι, ξυμμαχίας ὑπόσχεσιν προτεινόμενοι,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τῆς χώρας ξὺν αὐτῷ ἄρξουσιν. ὅπερ
Βελισάριος ὡς ἤκουσε, πρέσβεις καὶ αὐτὸς ἀντε-
ροῦντας Τερμανοῖς ἔπεμψεν ἄλλους τε καὶ
Θεοδόσιον τὸν τῇ οἰκίᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ ἐφεστῶτα.
Πρῶτοι μὲν οὖν οἱ Γερμανῶν πρέσβεις Owr-
τύγιδι ἐ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε: “ Ἔπεμψαν
ἡμᾶς οἱ Τερμανῶν ἄρχοντες, δυσχεραίνοντες, μὲν
ὅτι δὴ πρὸς Βελισαρίου “πολιορκεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς
ἤκουσαν, τιμωρεῖν δὲ ὑμῖν ὅτι τάχιστα κατὰ τὸ
ξυμμαχικὸν ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες. τὸ μὲν οὖν
στρατόπεδον ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ ἐς
μυριάδας πεντήκοντα ἤδη που τὰς "Αλπεις
ὑπερβεβηκέναι οἰόμεθα, οὕσπερ τοῖς πελέκεσι
τὴν Ῥωμαίων στρατιὰν ξύμπασαν ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ
1 αὐτοῦ Haury: αὐτὸν K, αὐτῶ L.
® προτεινόμενοι KL: προσποιούμενοι Ἡ.
3 ξὺν αὐτῶ LH: αὐτῶν K.
114
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxviii. 4-10
the water in this river fell so low at that time that
it was altogether impossible to navigate upon it,
until the Romans came up and seized the boats with
all their cargoes. Then the river not long after-
ward returned to its proper volume and became
navigable thereafter. And as far as we know from
tradition, this had never happened to the river before.
By this time the barbarians had already begun to
experience some lack of provisions. For they were
both unable to bring anything in by the lonian
Gulf, since their enemy commanded the sea every-
where, and they were shut off from the river. And
the rulers of the Franks, learning what was going on
and wishing to gain Italy for themselves, sent envoys
_ to Vittigis, holding out a promise of an offensive and
defensive alliance, on condition that they should
rule the land jointly with him. Now when Beli-
sarius heard this, he also sent envoys, among whom
was Theodosius, who stood at the head of his own
household, in order to speak against the Germans.
So the envoys of the Germans were admitted first
to Vittigis’ presence and spoke to the following
effect : “ The rulers of the Germans have sent us to
you, in the first place because they are vexed to hear
that you are thus besiged by Belisarius, and, in the
second place, because they are eager to avenge you
with all possible speed in accordance with the terms
of our alliance. Now we suppose that our army,
Numbering not less than five hundred thousand
fighting men, has by now crossed the Alps, and we
boast that they will bury the entire Roman army
Ee a es Se
SS ee κι ae ee ee eee
4 ἔχοντες LH: ἔχουσι K.
1
12
13.
14
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
c fol ’ fal “ lal
ὁρμῇ καταχώσειν αὐχοῦμεν. ὑμᾶς δὲ ov τῶν
/ fal ΄ὔ ve v >? \
δουλωσομένων τῇ γνώμῃ ἕπεσθαι ἄξιον, ἀλλὰ
an / fol LA
τῶν ἐς κίνδυνον πολέμου εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἐς Τ᾽ότθους
, " λ \ L o¢ \
καθισταμένων. ἄλλως TE, ἢν μὲν τὰ ὅπλα ξὺν
an /
ἡμῖν ἕλησθε, οὐδεμία λελείψεται Ῥωμαίοις ἐλπὶς
ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς στρατεύμασιν ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι,
’ γ᾽ > / / > \ 2 / sN r
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτόθεν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἀναδησόμεθα τὸ τοῦ
/ / Xx / \ € / /
πολέμου Kpatos. ἢν δέ γε ξὺν “Ῥωμαίοις τετά-
/ 79> ἃ an r / ”
ἕονται Τότθοι, οὐδ᾽ ὡς τῷ TOV Φράγγων ἔθνει
> / > \ 2 > / n /
ἀνθέξουσιν (ov yap ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως
€ 9 \ ” 2 \ Ἢ ig lal Ν \ an
ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσται), ἀλλὰ περιέσται ὑμῖν τὸ ξὺν τοῖς
πάντων πολεμιωτάτοις ἡσσῆσθαι. ἐς προῦπτον
δὲ κακὸν ἰέναι, παρὸν κινδύνου ἐκτὸς σώζεσθαι,
\ if id V4 a
πολλὴ ἄνοια. ὅλως δὲ ἄπιστον πᾶσι βαρβάροις
if / ’
Ρωμαίων καθέστηκε γένος, ἐπεὶ καὶ φύσει
/
πολέμιόν ἐστιν. ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν ξυνάρξομέν τε
βουλομένοις ὑ ὑμῖν ᾿Ιταλίας ἁπάσης καὶ τὴν χώραν
διοικησόμεθα ὅπη ἂν δοκῇ ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν. σὲ
\ \ / RS ὦ Sy ὦ “ τ © κ᾿
δὲ καὶ Τότθους ἑλέσθαι εἰκὸς 6 τι ἂν ὑμῖν
/ , ” / \ a -
ξυνοίσειν μέλλῃ. Φρράγγοι μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπον.
ἢ
Παρελθόντες δὲ καὶ οἱ Βελισαρίου πρέσβεις
f- fe ς an /
ἔλεξαν ὧδε: “Ὡς μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν τῷ βασιλέως
a tal \ a ial φ
στρατῷ λυμανεῖται τὸ Τερμανῶν πλῆθος, ᾧπερ"
/ a ἴω
οὗτοι δεδίττεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἀξιοῦσι, τί ἄν τις ἐν
a ,
ὑμῖν μακρολογοίη, ols ye διὰ μακρὰν ἐμπειρίαν
“ \
ἅπασαν ἐξεπίστασθαι τὴν τοῦ πολέμου ῥοπὴν
, ς ε « /
ξυμβαίνει, καὶ ws ἥκιστα ἀρετὴ ἀνθρώπων ὁμίλῳ
1 οὐ τῶν H Maltretus: οὕτω K, οὐ μετὰ τῶν L.
3. ᾧπερ Maltretus: ὕπερ MSS.
116
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxviii. 10-16
with their axes at the first onset. And you, on your
part, ought to conform to the purpose, not of those
who intend to enslave you, but of those who are
entering into the danger of war because of their
loyalty tothe Goths. And apart from this, if, on the
one hand, you unite your forces with ours, the Romans
will have no hope left of facing both our armies
in battle, but from the very outset and without any
effort at all we shall gain the supremacy in the war.
But if, on the other hand, the Goths choose to array
themselves with the Romans, even in that case they
will not withstand the Frankish nation (for the
struggle will not be evenly matched in point of
strength), but the ultimate result for you will be
defeat in the company of the most hostile of all
men. But to plunge into a disaster which can be
foreseen, when the opportunity is offered to be saved
without danger, is utter folly. Besides, the Roman
nation has proved itself altogether untrustworthy
toward all barbarians, since by its very nature it is
hostile to them. We therefore propose, if you are
willing, to share with you the rule of all Italy, and
we shall administer the land in whatever manner
seems best. And for thee and the Goths the natural
course to follow is that one which is destined to re-
dound to your advantage.’ Thus spoke the Franks.
And the envoys of Belisarius also came forward
and spoke as follows. “That the multitude of the
Germans will inflict no injury on the emperor's
army—and it is with this that they seek to scare
you—why should one enter into a lengthy proof
before you, seeing that you, certainly, have come to
understand by long experience what wholly governs
the course of war, and know that valour is in no
117
17
18
19
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
φιλεῖ ἐλασσοῦσθαι; ἐῶμεν yap λέγειν ws καὶ
πάντων μάλιστα βασιλεῖ πάρεστι πλήθει στρα-
τιωτῶν περιεῖναι τῶν “πολεμίων. τὸ δὲ δὴ τούτων
πιστόν, ᾧ χρῆσθαι αὐχοῦσιν ὅ "δες πάντας βαρβά-
ρους, μετά γε Θορίγγους καὶ τὸ Βουργουξιώνων
ἔθνος, καὶ ἐς τοὺς ξυμμάχους ὑμᾶς παρὰ τῶν
ἀνδρῶν ἐπιδέδεικται. ὡς ἡμεῖς γε ἡδέως ἂν
Φράγγους ἐροίμεθα τίνα ποτὲ μέλλοντες ὀμεῖσθαι
θεὸν τὸ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῖν ἐχυρὸν ἰσχυρίξονται
δώσειν. τὸν γὰρ ἤδη αὐτοῖς ὀμωμοσμένον ὅντινα
τετιμήκασι τρόπον ἐπίστασθε δή που οἵ γε
χρήματα μὲν τοσαῦτα τὸ πλῆθος, Ταλλίας δὲ
ὅλας ὃ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ ξυμμαχίᾳ κεκομισμένοι οὐχ
ὅσον ὑμῖν τοῦ κινδύνου συνάρασθαι οὐδαμῶς
ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπλα οὕτως ἀνέδην καθ᾽ ὑμῶν
εἵλοντο, εἴ τις ἐν ὑμῖν τῶν πρὸς τῷ ΙΠάδῳ
ξυμπεπτωκότων διασώζεται λόγος. καὶ τί δεῖ
τὰ φθάσαντα λέγοντας ἐλέγχειν τὸ τῶν Φράγγων
ἀσέβημα; τῆς παρούσης αὐτῶν πρεσβείας οὐδὲν
ἂν γένοιτο μιαρώτερον. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐπιλελησ-
μένοι τῶν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ὡμολογημένων τε καὶ
ταῖς ξυνθήκαις ὀμωμοσμένων κοινωνεῖν ° τῶν
πάντων ὑμῖν ἀξιοῦσιν. ἢν δὲ καὶ τούτου παρ᾽
ὑμῶν τύχωσιν, εἰς τί ποτε αὐτοῖς τελευτήσει τὸ
τῶν χρημάτων ἀκόρεστον σκοπεῖσθαι προσήκει." ὃ
ὡς καὶ H: ὡς K, ὅτι καὶ Le
ᾧ χρῆσθαι αὐχοῦσιν KH: καὶ ἡμῶν (ἡμῶν L corr., ὑμῶν
1
2
L pr. m.) εἰδότων L.
3 χρήματα--ὅλας H: om. KL.
4 καὶ MSS: Haury suggests καὶ ἐν.
5 κοινωνεῖν KH: κρείττω νυν L.
8 πάντων KH: πάντω" τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν βοήθειαν ἐσομένην L.
7 τύχωσιν KH: τύχωσιν, ὥστε ξυνελθεῖν γότθους τῶ φράγγων
στρατῶ 1..
118
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxviii. 16-22
circumstances wont to be overcome by mere throngs
of men. For we need not add that, in point of fact,
the emperor surpasses all others in the ability to
outstrip his enemies in regard to multitude of
soldiers. But as touching the loyalty of these
Franks, which they proudly claim to shew toward
all barbarians, this has been well displayed by them,
first to the Thuringians and the Burgundian nation,
and then to you also, their allies! And indeed we,
on our part, should take pleasure in asking the
Franks by what god they can possibly intend to
swear when they declare that they will give you
surety for their loyalty. For you understand surely
in what manner they have honoured the one by
whom they have already sworn—they who have
received from you vast sums of money, as you know,
and also the entire territory of Gaul as the price of
their alliance, and yet have decided not merely to
render you no assistance at all in your peril, but
have actually taken up arms thus wantonly against
you, if any account of those things which happened
on the Po is preserved among you.! But why need
we demonstrate the impiety of the Franks by re-
counting past events? Nothing could be more
unholy than this present embassy of theirs. For
just as if they had forgotten the terms, they them-
selves have agreed upon and the oaths they have
taken to secure the treaty, they claim the right to
share your all with you. And if they do actually
obtain this from you, it befits you to consider what
will be the end of their insatiable greed for money.”’
1 Cf. chap. xxv. 9, above.
8 σκοπεῖσθαι προσήκει KH: εἰκός ye λογίζεσθαι L.
110
23
24
26
27
28
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Τοσαῦτα μὲν καὶ of Βελισαρίου πρέσβεις
ἔλεξαν. Οὐϊΐττιγις δὲ ξὺν Γότθων τοῖς ἀρίστοις
πολλὰ κοινολογησάμενος τάς τε πρὸς βασιλέα
ξυνθήκας εἵλετο καὶ ἀπράκτους ἀπεπέμψατο
τοὺς Γερμανῶν πρέσβεις. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν [ότθοι
μὲν καὶ Ρωμαῖοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο
ἤδη, Βελισάριος δὲ οὐδέν TL ἧσσον ἐφύλασσε
τοῦ μὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίξεσθαι.
καὶ Βιτάλιον μὲν ἐς Βενετίους i ἰόντα ὡς * πλεῖστα
ἐπάγεσθαι τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων ἐκέλευεν, αὐτὸς
δὲ ᾿Ιλδίγερα πέμψας τὸν Πάδον ἐφύλασσεν
ἑκατέρωθεν, ὅπως τε οἱ βάρβαροι μᾶλλον ἀπορίᾳ
τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδώσουσι καὶ τὰς ξυνθήκας
ποιήσονται 7 αὐτὸς βούλεται. καὶ ἐπεὶ σῖτον
πολὺν ἐν δημοσίοις οἰκήμασιν ἔτι ἐντὸς Ραβέννης
ἀποκεῖσθαι ἔγνω, τῶν τινα ταύτῃ ὠκημένων
ἀνέπεισε χρήμασι ταῦτα δὴ τὰ οἰκήματα ξὺν
τῷ σίτῳ λάθρα ἐμπρῆσαι. φασὶ δὲ καὶ γνώμῃ
Ματασούνθης, τῆς Οὐιττίγιδος γυναικός, ταῦτα
ἀπολωλέναι. ἐπειδή τε ὁ σῖτος ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου
ἐκέκαυτο, οἱ μέν τινες ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς γεγενῆσθαι
τὸ ἔργον ὑπετόπαζον, οἱ δὲ “κεραυνῷ τὸν χῶρον
βεβλῆσθαι ὑπώπτευον. ἑκάτερα δὲ λογιζόμενοι
1D ότθοι τε καὶ Οὐίττιγις ἐ ἐς ἀμηχανίαν ἔτι μᾶλλον
ἐνέπιπτον, οὐδὲ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς πιστεύειν τὸ
λοιπὸν ἔχοντες καὶ πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ “πολεμεῖσθαι
οἰόμενοι. ταῦτα μὲν. οὖν ταύτῃ ἐπράσσετο.
Ἔν δὲ "Λλπεσιν αἱ Γάλλους τε καὶ Λιγούρους
1 τοὺς γερμανῶν πρέσβεις KIT: φράγγους L.
2 ὡς H, Suidas: τὰ KL.
3 πέμψας KH: ἐπιπέμψας L,
atk: of L, ἢ Εν
120
ee a ἘΠ π-
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxviii. 23-28
Thus spoke the envoys of Belisarius in their turn.
As for Vittigis, after long conference with the
noblest of the Goths, he gave his preference to the
proposed treaty with the emperor, and sent away
the envoys of the Germans unsuccessful. And from
that time the Goths and the Romans began directly
to carry on negotiations with each other, but Beli-
sarius was no whit the less on his guard to prevent
the barbarians from bringing in provisions for them-
selves. Furthermore, he commanded Vitalius to go
to Venetia and bring over as many of the towns of
that region as possible, while he himself, with
Ildiger, whom he had sent forward, was maintaining
a guard over both banks of the Po, in order that the
barbarians might yield more readily through lack of
provisions and make the treaty as he himself wished.
And since he learned that a large amount of grain
was still lying in storage in public warehouses inside
Ravenna, he bribed one of the inhabitants of the
city to set fire secretly to these same warehouses
and destroy the grain with them. But they say
that, in reality, it was by the will of Matasuntha,
the wife of Vittigis, that they were destroyed. Now
some few were led by the fact that the grain burned
suddenly to believe that the thing had been carried
out by a plot, but others suspected that the place
had been struck by lightning. Still, whichever of
the two views they took, both the Goths and
Vittigis were, more than ever, plunged into a state
of helplessness, unable as they were even to trust
their own compatriots thereafter, and thinking that
war was being waged against them by God Himself.
Such was the course of these events.
Now there are numerous strongholds in the Alps
121
29
30
41
92
99
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
διορίζουσιν, ἅσπερ! “Adres Κουτίας καλοῦσι
«ς tal / \ / 7, @
Ρωμαῖοι, φρούρια συχνὰ ξυμβαίνει εἶναι. οὗ
\ / > “ / \ ”
δὴ Γότθοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι,
ξύν τε γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτῶν ῳκημένοι,
φυλακὴν εἶχον, οὕσπερ ἐπεί οἱ βούλεσϑαι Βελι-
σάριος προσχωρεῖν ἤκουσε, τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινά,
Θωμᾶν ὄνομα, ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὰ πιστὰ δόντες παραστήσονται
ὁμολογίᾳ τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβάρους. καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐς
τὰς ΓΑλπεις ἀφικομένους Σίσιγις, ὃ ὃς τῶν ἐνταῦθα
φυλακτηρίων ἦρχεν, ἑνὶ τῶν φρουρίων δεξάμενος,
αὐτός τε προσεχώρησε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑκάστους
εἰς τοῦτο ἐνῆγεν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Οὐραΐας τετρα-
κισχιλίους Auyoupous τε κἀκ τῶν ἐν ταῖς "Αλπεσι
/ 3 > / > \ Ῥ ΜΝ e
φρουρίων ὃ ἀπολεξάμενος, ἐπὶ PaBevvav ὡς Bon-
θήσων κατὰ τάχος ἤει. οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ τὰ Σισίγιδι
πεπραγμένα ἐπύθοντο, ἀμφὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις δεδιότες,
>? lal a ’ / ». \ \ > of
ἐνταῦθα πρῶτον ἠξίουν ἰέναι. διὸ δὴ Οὐραΐας
παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς τὰς "Αλπεις Κουτίας ἦλθε
καὶ τὸν Σίσιγιν ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Θωμᾶν ἐπο-
r ε rn
λιόρκει. ταῦτα ᾿Ιωάννης τε, ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ
ἀδελφιδοῦς, καὶ Μαρτῖνος πυθόμενοι (ἀγχοτάτ
γὰρ Πάδον ποταμοῦ ὄντες ἐτύγχανον ὃ) κατὰ
τάχος ἐβοήθουν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ καὶ τῶν ἐν
ταῖς "Αλπεσι φρουρίων. τισὶν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς
ἐπισκήψρααντες © εἷλον, καὶ τοὺς ἐνταῦθα φκημέ-
νοὺς ἠνδραποδίσαντο, ἐν οἷς παῖδάς τε συχνοὺς
καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ Οὐραΐᾳ στρατευομένων
1 ἅσπερ--- Ῥωμαῖοι KL: om. H.
2 ἐνῆγεν Η : ἦγεν KL.
3 Λιγούρους---φρουῤίων KL: om, H.
{ce K: τε καὶ L, om. H.
122
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxviii. 28-33
which separate Gaul from Liguria, and which the
Romans call the Cottian Alps. These strongholds
were garrisoned, as had been the custom for many
years, by many of the noblest of the Goths, who
resided in them together with their wives and
children; and when Belisarius heard that these
garrisons wished to submit themselves to him, he
sent to them one of his officers, Thomas by name,
with some few men, with instructions to give pledges
and accept the surrender of the barbarians there.
And when they reached the Alps, Sisigis, who com-
manded the garrisons of that district, received them
in one of the fortresses, and not only submitted
himself but also urged each of the other commanders
to do likewise. Just at this time Uraias, who had
selected four thousand Ligurians and men from the
fortresses in the Alps, was moving with all speed
toward Ravenna with the intention of relieving the
city. But when these men learned what had been
done by Sisigis, they became feartul for their families
and demanded that they should first go to them.
Consequently Uraias entered the Cottian Alps with his
whole army, and laid siege to Sisigis and the force of
Thomas. Now when John, the nephew of Vitalian,
and Martinus learned of this situation (for they
happened to be very near the Po), they came to the
rescue as quickly as possible with their whole army ;
and by falling suddenly upon some of the fortresses
in the Alps, they captured them and made slaves of
their inhabitants, and a large number of these
captives, as chance would have it, proved to be
children and wives of the men who were serving
5 ἀγχοτάτω---ἐτύγχανον KL: om. H.
δ ἐπισκήψαντες Hs ἐπισκέψαντες K, ἐπεισπεσόντες L,
123
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
34 ξυνεπεσεν εἶναι. πλεῖστοι yap αὐτῶν ἐκ τούτων
35 δὴ τῶν φρουρίων ὁρμώμενοι εἵποντο. οἵπερ, ἐπεὶ
ἁλῶναι τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔμαθον, ἀποταξάμενοι
τοῦ Γότθων στρατοπέδου ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου, τοῖς
ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν, καὶ ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ Οὐραΐας οὔτε τι ἐνταῦθα ἀνύτειν οὔτε τοῖς
ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ κινδυνεύουσι Γότθοις βοηθεῖν i ἴσχυ-
σεν, ἀλλὰ ἄπρακτος ἐς Avyoupiav ξὺν ὀλίγοις
ἐλθὼν ἡ ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. καὶ Βελιυσάριος κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν
Οὐϊττιγίν τε καὶ Τότθων τοὺς δοκίμους ἐν
“Ῥαβέννῃ καθεῖρξε.
XXIX
Tore δὲ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐκ βασιλέως ἀφίκοντο,
Δόμνικός τε καὶ “Μαξιμῖνος, ἐκ βουλῆς ἄμφω,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὴν εἰρήνην κατὰ τάδε ποιήσονται"
2 Οὐίττιγιν μὲν πλούτου τὸ ἥμισυ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ
φέρεσθαι, χώρας τε ἄρχειν ἣ ἐκτὸς Πάδου
ποταμοῦ ἐστι" τῶν δὲ δὴ χρημάτων τὸ ἥμισυ
βασιλέως εἶναι, καὶ αὐτὸν ὅσα ἐντὸς Πάδου
ποταμοῦ ἐστιν ὑπήκοα ἐς ἀπαγωγὴν φόρου
3 ποιήσασθαι. ,“Βελισαρίῳ TE Ob πρέσβεις τὰ
βασιλέως γράμματα δείξαντες ἐς Ῥάβενναν
ἐκομίσθησαν. “μαθόντες δὲ Γότθοι καὶ Οὐΐττιγις
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἥκοιεν, ἄσμενοι κατὰ ταῦτα ὡμολόγησαν
4 τὰς 'σπονδὰς θήσεσθαι. ἅπερ ἀκούσας Βελι-
σάριος ἤσχαλλεν, ἐν ξυμφορᾷ μεγάλῃ ποιούμενος,
εἰ μή τις αὐτὸν ἐῴη, παρὸν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, τό τε
κράτος τοῦ πολέμου παντὸς φέρεσθαι καὶ
δορυάλωτον Οὐίττιγιν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀγαγεῖν.
124
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxviii. 33—xxix. 4
under Uraias. For the most of the men under his
command were natives of these very fortresses.
And when these men learned that their own homes
had been captured, they detached themselves sud-
denly from the army of the Goths, having decided
to go over to the troops under John, and as a result
of this Uraias was able neither to accomplish any-
thing there nor to bring assistance to the Goths
endangered in Ravenna, but he returned unsuccessful
with a few men to Liguria and remained quietly
there. And Belisarius without interference held
Vittigis and the nobles of the Goths confined in
Ravenna.
XXIX
Ir was in these circumstances that envoys arrived
from the emperor, Domnicus and Maximinus, both
members of the senate, in order to make peace on
the following terms. Vittigis was to receive one-
half of the royal treasure, and to rule over the
territory which is north of the river Po; but the
other half of the money was to fall to the emperor,
and he was to make’ subject and tributary to himself
all that lay south of the Po. So the envoys, having
shewn the emperor's letter to Belisarius, betook
themselves to Ravenna, And when the Goths and
Vittigis had learned the purpose of their coming,
they gladly agreed to make the treaty on these
terms. But Belisarius, upon hearing this, was moved
with vexation, counting it a great calamity that any-
one should prevent him from winning the decisive
victory of the whole war, when it was possible to do
so with no trouble, and from leading Vittigis a
captive to Byzantium, So when the envoys returned
125
10
1
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐπειδή τε of πρέσβεις ἐκ “PaBévyns πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἵκοντο, γράμμασιν οἰκείοις ἐπιρρῶσαι τὰς ξυνθή-
Kas ἥκιστα ἤθελεν. ὧνπερ οἱ Τότθοι αἰσθόμενοι
νῷ τε δολερῷ" τὴν εἰρήνην σφίσι Ῥωμαίους
προτείνεσθαι ὑπετόπαξον, καὶ ὑποψίᾳ ἐς αὐτοὺς
μεγάλῃ ἐχρῶντο, ἄντικρύς τε ἤδη ἔφασκον. ἄνευ
τῶν Βελιεσαρίου γραμμάτων τε καὶ ὅρκων οὔποτε
ξυνθήκας πρὸς αὐτοὺς θήσεσθαι.
᾿Ακούσας δὲ Βελεσάριος λοιδορεῖσθαί οἱ τῶν
ἀρχόντων τινάς, ὡς δὴ ἐπιβουλεύων τοῖς βασιλέως
πράγμασι τὸν πόλεμον καταλύειν οὐδαμῶς βού-
λουτο, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας, Δομνίκου τε καὶ
Μαξιμίνου παρόντων, ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ““Τὴν μὲν τοῦ
πολέμου τύχην ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἑστάναι
αὐτός τε οἶδα καὶ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον ταὐτά μοι γινώ-
σκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς οἶμαι. πολλούς τε γὰρ ἐπί-
δοξος, ὅτι δὴ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἀφίξεται, odca ἡ τῆς
νίκης ἐλπὶς ἔσφηλε, καὶ τοῖς ἠτυχηκέναι 2 δοκοῦσι
τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἤδη παρὰ δόξαν περιεῖναι ξυνέβη.
διὸ δή φημι χρῆναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης βου-
λευομένους οὐ τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα προβάλλεσθαι
μόνον, ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερα δὲ τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἔσεσθαι
σφίσιν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντας, οὕτω τὴν αἵρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι
τῆς γνώμης. τούτων δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων, ὑμᾶς
τε τοὺς ξυνάρχοντας καὶ τούσδε τοὺς βασιλέως
πρέσβεις ξυνεισάγειν ὃ ἔδοξεν ἔ ἔμοιγε,ἡ ὅπως ἐν τῷ
παρόντι κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ἑλόμενοι 6 τι ἂν βασιλεῖ
1 νῷ τε δολερῶ KH: τοτε δολερῶς L,
2 ἠτυχηκέναι K: δεδυστυχηκέναι L.
3 ξυνεισάγειν KK: ξυναγαγεῖν L. 4 ἔδοξεν ἔμοιγε L: om. Καὶ,
1 ¢.e. either good or bad.
126
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxix. 5-11
to him from Ravenna, he refused absolutely to ratify
the agreement by his own signature. And when
the Goths became aware of this, they began to feel
that the Romans were offering them peace with
treacherous intent, and became very suspicious of
them; and they forthwith declared flatly that with-
out both the signature and the oath of Belisarius
they would never make a compact with the
Romans.
And Belisarius, upon hearing that some of the com-
manders were criticizing him bitterly, on the ground
that he was plainly plotting against the emperor’s
cause, and for this reason was quite unwilling to
bring the war to an end, called them all together,
and, in the presence of Domnicus and Maximinus,
spoke as follows. ‘ I am not alone in knowing that
the fortune of war is by no means fixed and firm, but I
think that each one of you shares this same view with
me regarding it, For many men have been deceived
by the hope of victory when it seemed certain that
it would come to them, while men who, to all
appearances, have met with disaster, have many a
time had the fortune to triumph unexpectedly over
their adversaries. Consequently I say that men
deliberating with regard to peace should not put
before them only the expectation of success, but
reflecting that the result will be either way,! they
should make their choice of policy on this basis.
In view of this, it has seemed best to me, at any
rate, to bring to a conference you, my colleagues,
and these envoys of the emperor, to the end that
the present occasion may afford an opportunity to
choose at our leisure whatever course may seem
destined to be of advantage to the emperor, that
127
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ξυνοίσειν δοκῇ, μήποτέ τινα ὀπίσω τῶν _Tpay-
μάτων κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ “ποιήσησθε μέμψιν. τῶν γὰρ
ἀτοπωτάτων ἂν εἴη σιωπᾶν μὲν ἕως ἔξεστιν ἐξε-
λέσθαι τὰ κρείσσω, σκοπουμένοις δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς
τύχης ἀπόβασιν τὰς αἰτίας ποιεῖσθαι. ὅσα μὲν
οὖν ἐς τὴν τοῦ πολέμου διάλυσιν βασιλεῖ τε
δέδοκται καὶ Οὐιττίγιδι βουλομένῳ ἐστίν, ἐπί-
στασθε δή που. εἰ δὲ καὶ ὑμῖν ξύμφορα ταῦτα
εἶναι δοκεῖ, λεγέτω παρελθὼν ὃ ἕκαστος. εἰ μέντοι
πᾶσάν τε ᾿Ιταλίαν οἴεσθε Ρωμαίοις ἀνασώσασθαι
οἷοί τε εἶναι καὶ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν ἐπικράτησιν
ποιήσασθαι, οὐδὲν κωλύσει μηδὲν ὑποστειλα-
μένους εἰπεῖν. ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Βελισάριος εἶπεν,
ἅπαντες ἄντικρυς ἀπεφήναντο τὰ βασιλέως βου-
λεύματα βέλτιστα εἶναι, καὶ οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς οἵους
τε ἔσεσθαι περαιτέρω τοὺς πολεμίους ἐργάξεσθαι.
Βελισάριος δὲ ἡσθεὶς τῶν ἀρχόντων τῇ γνώμῃ
γράμμασιν αὐτὴν ἠξίου δηλῶσαι, ὡς μήποτε αὐτὴν
ἀρνηθεῖεν. οἱ δὲ καὶ γράψαντες ἐν βιβλιδίῳ ἐδή-
λουν οὐχ οἷοί τε εἶναι περιέσεσθαι τῷ πολέμῳ
τῶν ἐναντίων.
Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ Ρωμαίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐγίνετο.
Γότθοι δὲ τῷ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι οὐκέτι τε ἀντέχειν
τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ δυνάμενοι Οὐιττίγιδος μὲν τῇ ἀρχῇ
ἤχθοντο ἅ ἅτε ὡς μάλιστα δεδυστυχηκότος, βασιλεῖ
δὲ προσχωρεῖν ὥκνουν, δεδιότες ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν,
ὅπως δὲ μὴ δοῦλοι βασιλέως γενόμενοι ἔκ τε
Ἰταλίας ἀνίστασθαι ἀναγκάζοιντο καὶ ἐς Βυζάν-
τίον ἰόντες ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσεσθαι. ἐν σφίσιν οὖν
αὐτοῖς βουλευσάμενοι, εἴ τι ἐν Γότθοις καθαρὸν
1 κωλύσει Hoeschel: κωλύσειν MSS.
128
HISTORY OP THE WARS; VI. xxix. 11-18
after the event you may never bring any reproach
against me. For it would be a thing most monstrous,
first to be silent as long as it is possible to choose
the better course, and later, upon surveying the
outcome decreed by fortune, to bring accusations.
Now as to the emperor's decision with a view to the
conclusion of the war, and as to the wishes of
Vittigis, you are of course well informed. And if
you, too, think this course advantageous, let each
man come forward and speak. If, however, you
think that you are able to recover the whole of Italy
for the Romans and to gain the mastery over the
enemy, nothing will prevent you from speaking with
complete frankness.’’ When Belisarius had thus
spoken, all expressed the opinion with certainty that
the emperor’s decision was best, and that they would
be unable to do the enemy any further harm, And
Belisarius was pleased with the expression of the
commanders’ opinion, and asked them to set it down
in writing, in order that they might never deny it.
They accordingly wrote a document stating that
they were unable to achieve superiority over their
opponents in the war.
These deliberations, then, were being carried
forward in the Roman camp. But the Goths, hard
pressed by the famine and no longer able to endure
their suffering, were in a state of suspense ; for while
they were hostile to the rule of Vittigis, seeing that
he had been unfortunate in the extreme, still they
were reluctant to yield to the emperor, fearing only
this, that upon becoming slaves of the emperor they
would be compelled to remove from Italy and go to
Byzantium and settle there. So after deliberating
among themselves, all the best of the Goths decided
129
VOL. Iv. K
19
20
21
23
24
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἣν, βασιλέα τῆς ἑσπερίας Βελισάριον ἀνειπεῖν
ἔγνωσαν. πέμψαντες δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν λάθρα ἐδέοντο
ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν καθίστασθαι: ταύτῃ γὰρ αὐτῷ
ἄσμενοι ἕψεσθαι ἰσχυρίξοντο. Βελεσάριος δὲ
καταστῆναι μὲν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐχ ἑκόντος βασι-
λέως ἥκιστα ἤθελε: τῷ τε “γὰρ τοῦ τυράννου
ὀνόματι ὑπερφυῶς ἤχθετο καὶ ὅρκοις δεινοτάτοις
πρὸς βασιλέως καταληφθεὶς πρότερον ἔτυχε,
μήποτε αὐτοῦ “περιόντος νεωτεριεῖν" ὅπως δὲ τὰ
παρόντα ὡς ἄριστα διοικήσηται, ἀσμένως ἔδοξε
τοὺς τῶν βαρβάρων λόγους ἐνδέχεσθαι. ὧν δὴ
αἰσθόμενος Οὐίττιγις ἔδεισέ τε καὶ Γότθους ' ὡς
βέλτιστα βεβουλεῦσθαι εἰπὼν Βελισαρίῳ καὶ
αὐτὸς λάθρα παρήνει ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἰέναι"
οὐδένα γάρ οἱ ἐμποδὼν στήσεσθαι. καὶ τότε δὴ
Βελεσάριος αὖθις τούς τε βασιλέως πρέσβεις καὶ
πάντας ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἠρώτα, εἰ
αὐτοῖς λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον εἶναι δοκεῖ Porous
TE ἅπαντας ξὺν “Οὐιττίγιδι δορυαλώτους ποιή-
σασθαι, καὶ χρήματα μὲν πάντα ληΐσασθαι,
᾿Ιταλίαν δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ξύμπασαν ἀνασώσασθαι. οἱ
δὲ ὑψηλόν τε καὶ ὑπέρογκον τοῦτο “Ῥωμαίοις
εὐτύχημα ἔφασκον ἔσεσθαι, καὶ πράσσειν αὐτὸν
ὅπη ἂν δύνηταί TL? ὡς τάχιστα ἠξίουν. αὐτίκα
γοῦν παρά τε Οὐΐττεγιν καὶ ᾿ότθων τοὺς δοκίμους
Βελισάριος τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς ἔπεμψε, κελεύων
ἐπιτελῆ ποιήσειν ὅσα ὑπέσχοντο. οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς
ἐς ἄλλον τινὰ χρόνον τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀποτίθεσθαι ὁ ὁ
λιμὸς ξυνεχώρει, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐγκείμενος ἐς
1 Γότθους Haury: γότθοις MSS.
2 +: L: τῷ K, Christ would bracket.
130
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxix. 18-25
to declare Belisarius Emperor of the West. And
sending to him secretly, they begged him to assume
the royal power; for upon this condition, they
declared, they would follow him gladly. But Beli-
sarius was quite unwilling to assume the ruling
power against the will of the emperor; for he had
an extraordinary loathing for the name of tyrant, and
furthermore he had, in fact, been bound by the
emperor previously by most solemn oaths never
during his lifetime to organize a revolution; still, in
order to turn the situation before him to the best
advantage, he let it appear that he received the
proposals of the barbarians gladly. And Vittigis,
perceiving this, became fearful, and saying that the
deliberations of the Goths had arrived at the best
possible result, he too secretly urged Belisarius to
enter upon the royal power; for no one, he said,
would stand in his way. Then indeed Belisarius
again called together the envoys of the emperor and
all the commanders and asked them whether it
seemed to them a matter of great importance to
make all the Goths with Vittigis captives, and to
secure as plunder all their wealth, and recover the
whole of Italy for the Romans. And they said that
this would be for the Romans a great and over-
whelming piece of good fortune, and they begged
him to bring it about as quickly as possible, by
whatever means he could. Accordingly Belisarius
at once sent to Vittigis and the notables of the
Goths some of his intimates, bidding them carry
out what they had promised. And indeed the
famine would not permit them to put off the matter
to any other time, but, by its increasing pressure,
was driving them to this decision. Consequently
131
K 2
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
/ GS) \ \ / > SAC 7
ταύτην ἐνῆγε. διὸ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς τὸ Ρωμαίων
, ὃ / 5 7 \ “ δ᾽ af
OTpaToTrEcoy στελλουσιν αὖθις, ἄλλο μὲν OTL δὴ
> Ν na nr \ \
ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἐροῦντας, ἐν παραβύστῳ δὲ πρὸς
, \ \ / ¢ yo /
Βελισαρίου τὰ πιστὰ ληψομένους, ὡς ἄχαρί τε
αὐτῶν ἐργάσεται οὐδένα καὶ βασιλεὺς τὸ λοιπὸν
rn \
᾿Ιταλιωτῶν αὐτὸς καὶ ότθων εἴη, οὕτω τε ξὺν
n an a €
αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ Ρωμαίων στρατῷ ἐς Ράβενναν
Ὁ
ἥξοντας. Βελισάριος δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὦμοσεν
ἅπαντα, καθάπερ οἱ πρέσβεις ἠξίουν, ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς
βασιλείας αὐτῷ Οὐιττίγιδι καὶ Τ᾽ ότθων τοῖς
ἄρχουσιν ὀμεῖσθαι ἔφη. καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ πρέσβεις
οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἀποσείεσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν οἰόμενοι,
> ? > / > fal / / 3. /
ἀλλ᾽ ἐφίεσθαι αὐτῆς πάντων μάλιστα, αὐτίκα
\ 4 ΟῚ «ς / \ b] fal > / 7
δὴ μάλα és Ράβενναν ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἐκέλευον ἰέναι.
\ / \ / / Wes) /
καὶ τότε δὴ Βελισάριος Βέσσαν τε καὶ ᾿Ιωάννην
an / 4
καὶ Napof καὶ ᾿Αράτιον (τούτους yap οἱ ὡς
/ 4 S e , » >
μάλιστα δύσνους εἶναι ὑπώπτευεν) ἄλλον ἀλλα-
χόσε ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι τά τε
ἀναγκαῖα σφίσι πορίζεσθαι: αὐτῷ γὰρ οὐκέτι
ἔφασκε δυνατὰ εἶναι ἐς τοῦτο δὴ τὸ χωρίον παντὶ
τῷ στρατῷ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίζεσθαι. καὶ οἱ
μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν, ξὺν ᾿Αθανασίῳ τῷ τῶν
/ / /
πραιτωρίων ὑπάρχῳ, ἄρτι ἥκοντι ἐκ Βυξαντίου,
αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατεύματι σὺν Τότθων τοῖς
πρέσβεσιν ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἤει. καὶ νηῶν στόλον
/
ἐμπλησάμενος σίτου καὶ TOV ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων
, \
ἐκέλευε κατὰ τάχος ἐς Κλάσσες τὸν λιμένα
a ef \ a € ,
ἐσπλεῖν: οὕτω γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ PaBévyns προάσ-
τειον καλοῦσιν οὗ ὁ λιμήν ἐστιν.
᾿Εμοὶ δὲ τότε διασκοπουμένῳ τὴν ἐς ᾿Ῥάβενναν
εἴσοδον τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἔννοιά τις ἐγένετο,
1 ὅτι δὴ Ki; τι οὐδὲν 1).
132
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxix. 25-32
they again sent envoys to the camp of the Romans,
with instructions to make some vague statement
openly, but in secret to receive pledges from Beli-
sarius, both that he would do no harm to anyone of
the Goths, and that thenceforth he himself would be
king of the Goths and Italians; this accomplished,
they were to come with him and the Roman army
into Ravenna. As for Belisarius, he swore to every-
thing else, just as the envoys required of him, but
concerning the kingship he said that he would swear
to Vittigis himself and the rulers of the Goths.
And the envoys, thinking that he would never reject
the kingship, but that he would strive for it above
all other things, made not the least hesitation in
urging him to come with them into Ravenna. Then
Belisarius ordered Bessas and John and Narses and
Aratius to go with their several commands to different
places (for these were the men whom he suspected
of being exceedingly hostile to him), and to provide
provisions for themselves ; for he alleged that it was
no longer possible for him, in the place where he was,
to bring in provisions for the whole army. So these
officers, as well as Athanasius, the pretorian prefect,
who had recently come from Byzantium, proceeded
to carry out the instructions given them, but he
himself with the remainder of the army marched
into Ravenna with the envoys of the Goths. And
loading a fleet of ships with grain and other pro-
visions, he gave orders that they should sail with all
speed into the harbour of Classes; for thus the
Romans call the suburb of Ravenna where the
harbour is.
And while I watched the entry of the Roman
army into Ravenna at that time, an idea came to
133
33
34
35
37
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀνθρώπων μὲν ξυνέσει ' ἢ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἀρετῇ ὡς
ἥκιστα περαίνεσθαι. τὰ “πρασσόμενα, εἶναι δέ τι
δαιμόνιον, ὅπερ αὐτῶν ἀεὶ στρέφον τὰς διανοίας
ἐνταῦθα ἄγει οὗ δὴ κωλύμη τις τοῖς περαινομένοις 2
οὐδεμία ἔσται. τοὺς γὰρ ἐναντίους οἱ Γότθοι
πλήθει καὶ δυνάμει παρὰ πολὺ ὑπεραίροντες καὶ
οὔτε μάχῃ διακριθέντες, ἐπεὶ 8 ἐν “Ραβέννῃ ἐγέν-
οντο, οὔτε ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν δεδουλωμένοι τὸ φρόνημα,
δορυάλωτοί τε πρὸς τῶν ἐλασσόνων ἐγίνοντο καὶ
τὸ τῆς δουλείας ὄνομα ἐν ὕβρει οὐδεμιᾷ ἦγον. αἱ
δὲ γυναῖκες (ἐτύγχανον yap T pos τῶν ἀνδρῶν
ἀκηκουῖαι 4 μεγάλους τε τὰ σώματα καὶ ἀριθμοῦ
κρείσσους τοὺς πολεμίους εἶναι) ἐπειδὴ ἅπαντας
ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης καθήμεναι εἶδον, ἔς τε τὰ πρόσωπα
τῶν ἀνδρῶν πᾶσαι ἀπέπτυον," καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν
ἐνδεικνύμεναι τοὺς νενικηκότας τὴν ἀνανδρίαν ὃ
ὠνείδιζον.
Βελισάριος δὲ Οὐΐττεγιν μὲν οὐ ξὺν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐν
φυλακῇ εἶχε, τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων 6 ὅσοι ἐντὸς Πάδου
ποταμοῦ ᾧκηντο, ἐς ἀγροὺς τοὺς σφετέρους ἰόντας,
ἐκέλευεν αὐτῶν κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. πο-
λέμιον γάρ οἱ οὐδὲν ἐνταῦθα ὑπώπτευεν ἔσεσθαι,
οὐδὲ Τότθους ποτὲ ταύτῃ ξυστήσεσθαι, ἐπεὶ
πολλοὺς πρότερον τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἐς τὰ
ἐκείνῃ χωρία καταστησάμενος ἔτυχεν. οἱ δὲ
κατὰ τάχος ἄ ἄσμενοι ἤεσαν. οὕτω τε “Ῥωμαῖοι ἐν τῷ
ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη ἐγίνοντο: οὐ γὰρ ἔτι Γότθων ἔν γε
"»
ξυνέσει Ἰζ : ἢ ἀνδρεία ἢ πληθύι L.
περαινομένοις Wahler : περαιουμένοις KL: πεπρωμένοις Vj.
ἐπεὶ Ki: ἀφ᾽ οὗ L.
ἀκηκουῖαι Maltretus: ἀκηκοέναι MSS.
ἐπειδὴ ---ἀπέπτυον Ν: τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν ἀνδρῶν πᾶσαι ἀπέπτυον
134
οι». ὦ to
————————————— ο-π͵͵οεεαύ ἝἝ Ἕὠ ΞΒ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxix. 32-37
me, to the effect that it is not at all by the wisdom
of men or by any other sort of excellence on their
part that events are brought to fulfilment, but that
there is some divine power which is ever warping
their purposes and shifting them in such a way that
there will be nothing to hinder that which is being
brought to pass. For although the Goths were
greatly superior to their opponents in number and
in power, and had neither fought a decisive battle
since they had entered Ravenna nor been humbled
in spirit by any other disaster, still they were being
made captives by the weaker army and were regard-
ing the name of slavery as no insult. But when the
women, as they sat at the gate, had seen the whole
army (for they had heard from their husbands that
the enemy were men of great size and too numerous
to be counted), they all spat upon the faces of their
husbands, and pointing with their hands to the
victors, reviled them for their cowardice.
As for Belisarius, he held Vittigis under guard,
but not in disgrace, and urged those of the barbarians
who lived south of the river Po to go to their own
lands and care for them unmolested. This he did
because he felt that he would have no hostile force
to deal with in that quarter, and that the Goths of
that region would never unite, because he had, as it
happened, previously established a large number of
Roman troops in the towns there. So these Goths
gladly made haste to return, And thus the Romans
were now making their position secure, for in
ἐπειδὴ ἅπαντας ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως καθημένους εἶδον Li, ἐπειδὴ---εἶδον
om.
u dvavBplay Hoeschel: ἀνδρίαν K, ἀνδρείαν Li.
135
38
39
40
41
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
“Ῥαβέννῃ πλήθει ἡσσῶντο. μετὰ δὲ τὰ ἐν ΠΠαλα-
τίῳ χρήματα ἔλαβεν, ἅπερ διακομίζειν βασιλεῖ
ἔμελλε. Γότθων γὰρ οὐδένα οὔτε αὐτὸς ἐληΐσατο
οὔτε ἄλλῳ τῳ ληΐσασθαι ξυνεχώρησεν, ἀλλ᾽
αὐτῶν ἕκαστος τὴν οὐσίαν κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα
διεσώσατο. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ὅσοι ἐς τῶν
χωρίων τὰ ἐχυρώτατα ' φυλακὴν εἶχον ‘PaBevvav
τε καὶ Οὐίττιγιν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἔχεσθαι ἤκου-
σαν, πρέσβεις παρὰ Βελισάριον ἔπεμπον, σφᾶς
τε αὐτοὺς ὁμολογίᾳ παραδιδόναι καὶ ἅπερ ἐφύλασ-
σον ἀξιοῦντες. καὶ ὅς, ἅπασι τὰ πιστὰ προθυ-
μότατα παρασχόμενος, Ταρβήσιόν τε καὶ εἴ TL?
ἄλλο ἐν Βενετίοις ὀχύρωμα ἣν 3 παρεστήσατο.
Καισῆνα γὰρ ἐν Αἰμιλίᾳ μόνη ἐλέλειπτο, ἣν δὴ
πρότερον ξὺν Ῥαβέννῃ παραστησάμενος ἔτυχε.
καὶ Τότθοι μὲν ἅπαντες ὅσοι τούτων δὴ τῶν
χωρίων ἦρχον, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα τὰ πιστὰ ἔλαβον,
παρὰ Βελιεσάριον ἥκοντες. αὐτοῦ ἔμενον" ἸΙλδί-
βαδος δέ, ἀνὴρ δόκιμος, ὅσπερ φρουρᾶς τῆς ἐν
Βερώνῃ ἦρχε, πρέσβεις μὲν ἐς Βελισάριον ἐφ᾽
οἷσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι καὶ αὐτὸς ἔπεμψεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ
τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἐν Ραβέννῃ εὑρὼν Bers-
σάριος ἔσχεν, οὐ μὴν οὔτε ἐς Ράβενναν ἦλθεν οὔτε
Βελεσαρίῳ ὑποχείριος γέγονε. τύχη γάρ τις
αὐτῷ ξυνέβη ἣν δὴ ἐγὼ αὐτίκα δηλώσω.
1 ἐχυρώτατα L: ἐχυρώματα ΚΑ.
2 εἴ τι Maltretus: om. MSS.
3 ἦν K pr. m.: ὃν K corr., om. L.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxix. 37-41
Ravenna at least they were no longer outnumbered
by the Goths. He next took possession of the
money in the palace, which he intended to convey
to the emperor. But as for the private property of
the Goths, neither did he take plunder from any
individual, nor would he permit any other Roman to
take such plunder, but each one of them preserved
his property according to the terms of the agree-
ment. Now when those of the barbarians who were
keeping guard in the strongest of the towns heard
that both Ravenna and Vittigis were held by the
Romans, they began to send envoys to Belisarius,
craving permission to submit themselves by surrender
and the places they guarded. And he most willingly
furnished pledges to them all, and thus took over
Tarbesium? and such other strongholds as there
were in Venetia. For Caesena was the only one
remaining in Aemilia, and this he had previously
taken over along with Ravenna. And the Goths
whot commanded these towns, as soon as they
received the pledges, came to Belisarius and
remained with him—all except Ildibadus, a man of
note, who commanded the garrison in Verona; for
though he too sent envoys to Belisarius on the same
mission as the others, especially because Belisarius
had found his children in Ravenna and taken
possession of them, still he did not either come to
Ravenna or submit himself to Belisarius. For
fortune brought him to a situation which I shall
now describe.
1 Modern Treviso.
137
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
XXX
Twes τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες βασκα-
νίαν ἐς Βελισάριον ἔχοντες διέβαλλον αὐτὸν
βασιλεῖ, τυραννίδα οὐδαμόθεν αὐτῷ προσήκουσαν
ἐπενεγκόντες. βασιλεὺς δὲ οὐχ ὅσον ταῖς δια-
δ [
βολαῖς ταύταις ἀναπεισθείς, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι οἱ ὁ Μηδικὸς
πόλεμος ἐνέκειτο ἤδη, Βελισάριον μὲν ὡς τάχιστα
/
μετεπέμψατο, ὅπως ἐπὶ Ilépcas στρατεύσειεν"
> a \? / / Mot /
ἐπιμελεῖσθαι δὲ ᾿Ιταλίας Βέσσαν τε καὶ ᾿Ιωάννην
ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐκέλευε, καὶ Κωνσταντιανῷ ἐς
,ὔ ,
‘PaBevvav ἐκ Δαλματίας ἐπέστελλεν ἰέναι. [ότ-
\ Ὁ / “ We / > \
θοι δὲ οἱ Πάδου τε ποταμοῦ καὶ Ῥαβέννης ἐκτὸς
vA > 7 ς ΄ \
ἵδρυντο, ἀκούσαντες ὡς ᾿ Βελισάριον βασιλεὺς μετα-
πέμποιτο, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐν ἀλογίᾳ τὸ πρᾶγμα
εἶχον, οὐκ ἄν ποτε οἰόμενοι Βελισάριον τῆς ἐς
᾿Ιουστινιανὸν πίστεως περὶ ἐλάσσονος τὴν ᾿Ιταλί-
ας βασιλείαν ποιήσασθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ πολλὴν
τῆς ἀφόδου τὴν “παρασκευὴν ἐπύθοντο ἔῖναι,
ξυμφρονήσαντες, εἴ τι αὐτῶν καθαρὸν ἐνταῦθα
»Μ rH 4 > r \ \ > ah \
éTt ἐλέλειπτο, ἐς Τικινὸν παρὰ Οὐραΐαν τὸν
> , > a 5 , ͵
Οὐιττίγιδος ἀδελφιδοῦν ἦλθον, πολλά τε πρότε-
\ > σὴ ΄, MG ἮΝ come
pov ξὺν αὐτῷ κλαύσαντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε: “Οὐκ
ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῷ Γότθων γένει αἰτιώτατος τῶν
/ fal cr \
παρόντων κακῶν ἢ σὺ γέγονας. ἡμεῖς γὰρ τοῦ
θεῖον τὸν σόν, οὕτως ἀνάνδρως " τε καὶ ἀτυχῶς *
ἐξηγούμενον, πάλαι ἂν τῆς ἀρχῆς παρελύσαμεν,
ὥσπερ Θευδάτον τὸν Θευδερίχου ἀδελφιδοῦν, εἰ
/
μή σου τὸ δοκοῦν δραστήριον αἰσχυνόμενοι
1 βασκανίαν---ἔχοντες K: om L.
2 ἀνάνδρως K: ἄνανδρον L, 8 ἀτύχως K: ἄτυχον L,
P ρ UX x
138
_
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxx. 1-5
XXX
Cerrain officers of the Roman army, out of malice
toward Belisarius, began to slander him to the
emperor, advancing against him a charge of usurpa-
tion for which there were no grounds whatever in his
ease. And the emperor, not so much because he was
persuaded by these slanders as because the Medic
war was already pressing upon him, summoned
Belisarius to come as quickly as possible, in order
to take the field against the Persians; meanwhile
he commanded Bessas and John with the others to
take charge of Italy, and directed Constantianus
to go to Ravenna from Dalmatia. Now the Goths
who inhabited the country to the north of the Po
and of Ravenna, upon hearing that the emperor was
summoning Belisarius, at first, indeed, paid no heed
to the matter, thinking that Belisarius would never
regard the kingdom of Italy as of less account
than loyalty to Justinian. But when they learned
that he was making preparations for his departure
in real earnest, all the loyal Goths of that region
who were still left formed a common purpose and
went to Uraias, the nephew of Vittigis, at Ticinum ;
and after first lamenting long with him, they spoke
as follows: ‘The man who has proved to be chiefly
responsible for the present misfortunes of the nation
of the Goths is no other than you. For we, on our
part, should have long ago removed that uncle of
yours from the kingship, seeing that he has led us
in such a cowardly manner and with such ill fortune,
just as we removed Theodatus, the nephew of
Theoderic, unless, out of respect for the natural
vigour which you seemed to display, we had decided
139
10
ll
12
13
14
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Οὐιττίγιδι, μὲν τὸ τῆς βασιλείας ὄ ὄνομα ξυγχωρεῖν
ἔγνωμεν, ἔργῳ δὲ σοὶ μόνῳ παραδιδόναι τὴν
Τότθων ἀρχήν. ἀλλὰ περιέστηκεν ἡ τότε δοκοῦσα
ἡμῶν εὐγνωμοσύνη, νῦν ἄνοιά τε φαινομένη καὶ
τῶνδε ἡμῖν τῶν ξυμφορῶν αἰτία. Τότθων γάρ,
ὥσπερ οἶσθα, ὦ φίλε Οὐραΐα, τεθνάναι μὲν ἐν τῷ
πολέμῳ πλείστους τε καὶ ἀρίστους ξυμβαίνει, τῶν
δὲ περιόντων, εἴ τι μὲν ἄριστον ἀπολέλειπται, ξύν
τε Οὐιττίγιδι καὶ χρήμασι πᾶσι Βελισάριος ἄγων
οἰχήσεται. ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο μὴ οὐχὶ καὶ ἡμᾶς
ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον πείσεσθαι, ὀλίγους τε καὶ λίαν
οἰκτροὺς καθεστῶτας, οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀντείποι. τοι-
ούτων τοίνυν περιεστηκότων δεινῶν, τὸ ξὺν εὐ-
κλείᾳ τεθνάναι μᾶλλον ξυνοίσει ἢ ἢ παῖδάς τε καὶ
γυναῖκας πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐς τῆς γῆς τὰς ἐσχα-
τιὰς ἀγομένους ἰδεῖν. πράξομεν δέ τι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
ἀρετῆς ἄξιον, ἤ ἤν γέ σε τῶν ἔργων ἀρχηγὸν ἕξομεν.
Τότθοι μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπον.
Οὐραΐας δὲ ἀμείβεται ὧδε: “Ὡς μὲν δεῖ ἐν
τοῖς παροῦσι δεινοῖς πρὸ τῆς δουλείας ἡμᾶς τὸν
κίνδυνον αἱρεῖσθαι, ταὐτά pe ὑμῖν γινώσκειν
ξυμβαίνει. ἐς Γότθων δέ με τὴν βασιλείαν καθί-
στασθαι παντάπασιν οἶμαι ἀξύμφορον εἶναι"
πρῶτα μέν, ὅτι Οὐιττίγιδος ἀδελφιδοῦς ὦν, ἀνδρὸς
οὕτως ἠτυχηκότος, εὐκαταφρόνητος ἂν τοῖς πολε-
μίοις εἶναι, δοκοίην, ἐπεὶ ἐς τοὺς συγγενέας ἀεὶ τὰς
ὁμοίας " τύχας παραπέμπεσθαι οἴονται ἄνθρωποι"
ἔπειτα δὲ οὐδὲ ὅσια ποιεῖν δόξαιμι, ἐπιβατεύων
τῆς τοῦ θείου ἀρχῆς, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μοι ἀχθομέ-
νους ὑμῶν τοὺς πλείστους, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἕξω. ἐγὼ
δέ φημι χρῆναι Γότθων ἄρχοντα ἐς κίνδυνον τόνδε
1 οἰκτροὺς K: ἐχθροὺς L.
140
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxx. 5-14
to concede to Vittigis merely the title of king, but
in fact to entrust to youalone the rule of the Goths.
What, however, seemed then consideration, now
stands out clearly as folly and the cause of these mis-
fortunes of ours. For very many of the Goths, as
you know, dear Uraias, and our noblest, have
perished in the war, and such nobles as are left
among the survivors Belisarius will lead away along
with Vittigis and all our wealth. And no one could
deny that we too shall suffer this same fate a little
later, seeing that we are reduced to a small and
pitiabie band. Since, therefore, such a dire fate has
encompassed us, it will be preferable for us to die
with glory rather than to see our wives and children
led by the enemy to the extremities of the earth.
And we shall, in all probability, accomplish some-
thing worthy of valorous men, if only we have you
as leader of our struggles.” Thus spoke the Goths.
And Uraias replied as follows: “ You say that
we ouglit in our present extremity to choose the peril
of battle rather than slavery, and this opinion I share
with you. But, on the other hand, I think it
altogether inexpedient for me to ascend the throne
of the Goths, in the first place because, being the
nephew of Vittigis, a man who has been so un-
fortunate, I should appear to the enemy as worthy
to be despised, since men believe that among kins-
men the like fortune is ever handed on from one to
another; and, in the second place, I should seem
to act impiously in usurping the rule of my uncle,
and in case I do this I shall probably have the
most of you angry with me. But my opinion is that
Ildibadus must become ruler of the Goths for this
2 ὁμοίας K: om, L.
IAI
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
’ / / “
Ιλδίβαδον καθίστασθαι, ἄνδρα ἐς ἄκρον ἀρετῆς
ἥκοντα καὶ διαφερόντως δραστήριον. ᾧ δὴ καὶ
Θεῦδιν θεῖόν γε ὄντα τὸν τῶν Οὐισυγότθων ἡγού-
μενον ξυνάρασθαι τοῦ πολέμου διὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς
3 \ > / \ \ \ \ 3 nr \ > /
οὐδὲν ἀπεικός. διὸ δὴ Kal τὸν ἀγῶνα ξὺν ἐλπίδι
/ >
ἀμείνονι πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους διοίσομεν.᾽
Τοσαῦτα καὶ Οὐραΐας εἰπὼν τὰ ξύμφορα 1 ότθοις
ἅπασι λέγειν ἔδοξε. καὶ αὐτοῖς ᾿Ιλδίβαδος ἐκ
, 9. ἡ ΄ a 2 \ \
Βερώνης αὐτίκα μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν. ᾧ δὴ τὴν
πορφύραν περιβαλόντες, βασιλέα τε 1 ὐτθων 1
ἀνεῖπον καὶ σφίσιν εὖ θέσθαι τὰ παρόντα
ἐδέοντο. ὧδε μὲν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ᾿Ιλδίβαδος
/ ’ / \ cA ‘ ef
κατέστη. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Τότθους ἅπαντας
ξυγκαλέσας ἔλεξε τοιάδε" “ἽἍπαντας ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες
nr a - /
ξυστρατιῶται, πολλῶν ξυνεπίσταμαι εἶναι πολέ-
» , 2 Ν
μων ἐμπείρους, ὥστε οὔποτε εἰκότως εἰς τὸ
fal nr /
πολεμεῖν ἐκ TOD εὐθέος χωρήσομεν. ἐμπειρία
\
yap λογισμὸν φέρουσα θρασύνεσθαι ἥκιστα
εἴωθεν. ἄξιον δὲ ἀναμνησθέντας πάντων 5 ὑμᾶς
lal r Ν
τῶν πρότερον ξυμπεπτωκότων, οὕτω τανῦν ὑπὲρ
τῶν παρόντων βουλεύεσθαι. λήθη γὰρ πολλοῖς
τισιν ἐπιγενομένη τῶν ἤδη φθασάντων ἐπῆρε
lal \
μὲν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐν δέοντι ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας τὰς γνώμας,
’ δὲ lal ,ὔ e na » 8 Ὁ a0,
ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεγίστοις ἱκανῶς ἔσφηλεν. ὑίττιγις
, “
τοίνυν οὐκ ἀκόντων γε οὐδὲ ἀντιτεινόντων ὑμῶν
b n ΄ coe Need “ \ ta) > ?
ἐς τῶν πολεμίων αὑτὸν ὁ καθῆκε τὰς χεῖρας, ἀλλ
‘ rn /
ἀπειπόντες τότε πρὸς TA τῆς τύχης ἐναντιώματα
1 γότθων K: om. L. 2 πάντων K: πάντας L,
3 ἔσφηλεν L: ἀφεῖλεν Κα. 4 αὑτὸν L: αὐτῶν K.
142
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxx. 14-21
perilous enterprise, a man who has attained the
highest excellence and is conspicuously energetic.
And it is to be expected with certainty that Theudis
also, the ruler of the Visigoths, seeing that he is
Ildibadus’ uncle, will assist him in the war because
of his kinship. And this indeed will be ground
for more confident hope in carrying on the struggle
against our opponents.”
When Uraias, in his turn, had spoken thus, it
seemed to all the Goths that his words pointed out
the course which would be to their advantage. And
Ildibadus was straightway summoned by them and
came from Verona. Then, after clothing him in
the purple, they declared him king of the Goths
and entreated him to take the situation in hand and
set matters right for them. Thus did Ildibadus
come into the royal power. But a short time after
this, he called all the Goths together and spoke as
follows: “ All of you, fellow-soldiers, as I am well
aware, have had experience in many wars, so that
we shall probably never proceed to make war on the
spur of the moment. For experience brings a man
sober judgment, so that he is not wont to act rashly
_in any case. Now you ought, in fairness to your-
selves, to call to recollection all that has befallen us
heretofore, and make plans to meet the present
situation with this in mind. For when forgetfulness
of past events comes upon men, it often, through
folly, exalts their minds at the wrong moment, and
then, when their all is at stake, utterly overthrows
them. Now when Vittigis placed himself in the
hands of the enemy, it was not against your will
nor did you strive to prevent him, but at that time
you bowed before the adversities of fortune and con-
143
23
24
20
27
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ξυμφορώτατον ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἡγήσασθε εἶναι Βελι-
σαρίῳ οἴκοι καθήμενοι ἐπακούειν μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς
σώμασι διακινδυνεύειν ἀπέραντα. νῦν μέντοι
αὐτὸν ἀκηκοότες ἐς" Βυζάντιον στέλλεσθαι,
νεωτέροις πράγμασιν ἐγχειρεῖν ἔγνωτε. καίτοι
ἐχρῆν ἐκλογίζεσθαι ὑμῶν ἕκαστον ὡς οὐχ ἅπαντα
τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἣ δοκεῖ γίγνεται, ἀλλὰ τῶν
δεδογμένων παρὰ δόξαν πολλάκις ἡ τῶν πραγμά-
των ἀπόβασις ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας ἐχώρησε. τύχη γὰρ
καὶ μετώμελος τὰ πολλὰ κατορθοῦν ἐκ τοῦ
ἀπροσδοκήτου πεφύκασιν: ὅπερ καὶ νῦν Βελι-
σαρίῳ ξυμβήσεσθαι οὐδὲν ἀπεικός. ἄμεινον
τοίνυν πυθέσθαι μὲν αὐτοῦ πρότερον, πειρᾶσθαι
δὲ ἀντικαθιστάναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον. ἐπὶ τὰ πρώην
ξυγκείμενα, οὕτω τε ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων τὰ
δεύτερα ἰέναι."
Ταῦτα ᾿Ιλδίβαδος εἰπὼν εὖ τε βεβουλεῦσθαι
Ρότθοις ἔδοξε καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς Ῥάβενναν κατὰ
τάχος ἔπεμψεν. οἱ δὴ Βελισαρίῳ ἐ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες
τῶν τε ξυγκειμένων σφίσιν ὑπέμνησαν καὶ ἅτε
διαλυτὴν τῶν ὡμολογημένων ἐκάκιζον, αὐθαί-
ρετον μὲν ἀποκαλοῦντες ἀνδράποδον, ὀνειδίζοντες
δὲ ὅτι δὴ οὐκ ἐρυθριῴη πρὸ τῆς βασιλείας τὴν
δουλείαν αἱρούμενος, ἄλλα τε τοιαῦτα πολλὰ
λέγοντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρεκάλουν. οὕτω γὰρ
καὶ ᾿Ιλδίβαδον ἐθελούσιον ἀφίξεσθαι ἰσχυρίξοντο,
τήν τε πορφυρίδα καταθησόμενον ἐς τοὺς αὐτοῦ
πόδας καὶ βασιλέα Βελεσάριον Πότθων τε καὶ
Ἰταλιωτῶν προσκυνήσοντα. οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις
1 διακινδυνεύειν ἀπέραντα Ἰζ : διατινδυνεύειν. ἀπαίρειν τε L.
3 ἐς K: καὶ ἐς L
144
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxx. 21-27
sidered that we should best consult our own interests
by sitting at home and obeying Belisarius rather
than by risking our lives in endless dangers. But
now, upon hearing that Belisarius is setting out for
Byzantium, you have decided to undertake a revolu-
tion. And yet each one of you ought to have taken
into consideration that things do not always happen
for men as they will them, but many times the out-
come of events has unexpectedly gone contrary to
what has been determined upon. For chance ora
change of heart have a way of setting most things
right when least expected ; and even now it is by no
means improbable that this is what will happen to
Belisarius. It is better, therefore, to make enquiries
of him first and to attempt to bring the man back to
the earlier agreement, and only after this should you
proceed to the next best step.”
When Ildibadus had thus spoken, the Goths
decided that he had counselled well, and he sent
envoys to Ravenna with all speed. So these envoys,
upon coming before Belisarius, reminded him of the
agreement made with them and reproached him as
a breaker of his promises, calling him a slave by his
own choice, and chiding him because, they said, he
did not blush at choosing servitude in place of the
kingship ; and with many other speeches of a similar
sort they kept urging him to accept the rule.
For, should he do so, they declared that Ildibadus
would come of his own accord in order to lay down
the purple at his feet and do obeisance to Belisarius
as king of the Goths and Italians. So the envoys,
145
ΟΣ live L
28
29
30
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ταῦτα ἔλεγον, οἰόμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα τὸ τῆς βασι-
λείας ὄνομα οὐδὲν μελλήσαντα ἐπισπάσασθαι 1
αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα. ὁ δὲ οὐ προσδεχομένοις 5
αὐτοῖς ἄντικρυς ἀπεῖπεν, ὡς οὐκ ἄν ποτε ζῶντος
᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως Βελισάριος ἐπιβατεύοι
τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας ὀνόματος. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα
ἀκούσαντες ἀπηλλάσσοντό TE ὡς τάχιστα καὶ
᾿Ιλδιβάδῳ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀπήγγελλον. Βελι-
σάριος δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον ἤει καὶ ὁ χειμὼν
ἔληγε, καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ
τῷδε, ὃν ΤΙροκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.
1 οὐδὲν μελλήσαντα ἐπισπάσασθαι K: καταδέχεσθαι οὐδὲν
μελήσεσθαι L.
2 προσδεχομένοις K: προσδοκωμένοις L,
146
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VI. xxx. 27-30
on their part, kept making these speeches, thinking
that the man would without any hesitation take
upon himself the kingly title immediately, But he,
contrary to their expectation, refused them outright,
saying that never, while the emperor Justinian
lived, would Belisarius usurp the title of king. So
they, upon hearing this, departed as quickly as
possible and reported the whole matter to Ildibadus.
And Belisarius took his way to Byzantium; and the
winter drew to its close and the fifth year ended in 5404.0.
this war, the history of which Procopius has written.
147
L 2
HISTORY OF THE WARS:
BOOK VII
THE GOTHIC WAR (continued)
ΠΡΟΚΟΠΙΟΥ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΣ
THEP TON ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ AOTOS ΕΒΔΟΜΟΣ
I
Οὕτω μὲν Βελισάριος, ἔτι τῶν πραγμάτων
ἠωρημένων, ξύν τε Οὐιττίγιδι καὶ Γότθων τοῖς
δοκίμοις καὶ τοῖς Ἰλδιβάδου παισὶ τὰ χρήματα
πάντα ἐπαγόμενος ἐς Βυξάντιον ἧκε, καί οἱ
"Ihduyép τε καὶ Βαλεριανὸς καὶ Μαρτῖνος ξὺν
Ἡρωδιανῷ εἵποντο μόνοι. βασιλεὺς δὲ ᾿Ιουστι-
νιανὸς Οὐίττιγιν μὲν ξὺν τῇ γυναικὶ ἀσμένως εἶδε,
καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων τὸν ὅμιλον κάλλους τε
σώματος καὶ μεγέθους πέρι ἐθαύμασε. τὸν δὲ
Θευδερίχου πλοῦτον ἀξιοθέατον ὄντα δεξάμενος
ἐν Παλατίῳ τοῖς μὲν ἐκ βουλῆς ἐν παραβύστῳ
, ;
θέαμα προὔθηκεν, ἐπὶ τῷ ὄγκῳ τῶν πεπραγμένων
φιλοτιμούμενος, οὔτε δὲ ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐξήνεγκεν
οὔτε τὸν θρίαμβον Βελισαρίῳ παρέσχετο, ὥσπερ
ἡνίκα > Γελίμερά τε καὶ Βανδίλους νενικηκὼς
ἦλθε. πᾶσι μέντοι ἐν διυγγήμασι Βελιεσάριος ἣ ἣν,
νίκας τε δύο ἀναδησάμενος, οἵας οὔπω πρότερον
ἀνθρώπων οὐδενὶ διαπεπρᾶχθαι ξυνέπεσε, καὶ
βασιλεῖς μὲν ἀγαγὼν αἰχμαλώτους ἐς Βυξάντιον
δύο, Γιξερίχου δὲ καὶ Θευδερίχου TO TE γένος καὶ
τὰ χρήματα λάφυρον Ῥωμαίοις παρὰ δόξαν
1 ἡνίκα K: ὅτε 1,.
150
HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK VII
THE GOTHIC WAR (continued)
I
Tuus Belisarius departed, though the situation
was still unsettled, and he arrived at Byzantium in
company with Vittigis and the notables of the Goths
and the children of Ildibadus, bringing with him all
the treasure; and he was escorted by Ildiger,
Valerian, Martinus, and Herodian only. Now the
Emperor Justinian did indeed take pleasure in seeing
Vittigis and his wife, and marvelled at both the beauty
and the great stature of the barbarian throng. But
upon receiving the wealth of Theoderic, a notable
sight in itself, he merely set it forth for the members
of the senate to view privately in the palace, being
jealous because of the magnitude and splendour of
the achievement; and neither did he bring it out
before the people, nor did he accord to Belisarius
the customary triumph, as he had done when he
returned from his victory over Gelimer and the
Vandals. However, the name of Belisarius was on
the lips of all: to him were ascribed two victories,
such as had never before fallen to the lot of any
one man to achieve; he had brought two kings
captive to Byzantium, and unexpectedly had made
both the race and the possessions of Gizeric and of
Theoderic Roman spoil—two kings than whom none,
151
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πεποιημένος, ὧν δὴ ἐπιφανέστερος ἔν γε βαρβά-
ροις οὐδεὶς πώποτε γεγονὼς ἔτυχε, καὶ τὸν μὲν
πλοῦτον ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων αὖθις ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν
ἀποκομίσας, γῆς τε καὶ θαλάσσης τὴν ἡμίσειαν
μάλιστα, μοῖραν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ
ἀνασωσάμενος. ἣν τε Βυξαντίοις πρὸς ἡδονὴν *
Βελισάριον ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἐκ
τῆς οἰκίας προϊόντα ἰδεῖν, ἢ ἐς αὐτὴν ἐπανήκοντα,
κόρον τε αὐτῶν τοῦ θεώματος Bouman οὐδεὶς ἔλαβε.
πομπῇ γὰρ αὐτοῦ ἰσχυροτάτῃ 3 ἡ πρόοδος ἐ ἐῴκει,
ἐπεί οἱ Βανδίλων τε πλῆθος καὶ Γότθων τε καὶ
Μαυρουσίων ἀεὶ εἵπετο. ἣν δὲ καὶ τὸ σῶμα καλός
τε καὶ μέγας καὶ εὐπρόσωπος πάντων μάλιστα.
οὕτω δὲ πρᾷόν τε καὶ εὐπρόσοδον παρεῖχεν
ἑαυτὸν τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ὥστε ἀνθρώπῳ πένητί
τε λίαν καὶ ἀδόξῳ ἐμφερὴς εἶναι.
“Epos δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς πρός τε στρατιωτῶν
ἀεὶ καὶ “ἀγροίκων ἄμαχός τίς ἐγένετο, ὅτι δὴ ἐς
μὲν τοὺς στρατιώτας φιλοδωρότατος ἐγεγόνει
ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων" τῶν τε γὰρ ἐν ξυμβολῇ
ἠτυχηκότων χρήμασι. μεγάλοις παρεμυθεῖτο τὰ
πρότερα τραύματα καὶ τοῖς εὐδοκιμήσασι enna
τε καὶ στρεπτοὺς ἔχειν ἄθλα παρεῖχεν," ἵππου
δὲ ἢ τόξου ἢ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν στρατιώτου ἐν τῇ
μάχῃ ἀπολωλότος ἕτερον ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς
Βελισαρίου αὐτίκα ὑπῆρχεν" ἐς δὲ τοὺς ἀγροίκους
ὅτι δὴ τοσαύτῃ φειδοῖ τε καὶ προνοίᾳ ἐχρῆτο
ὥστε βιασθῆναι μὲν αὐτοῖς οὐδὲνδ πώποτε
1 ἡδονὴν Καὶ : ἡδονῆς L.
2 αὐτοῦ ἰσχυροτάτη L: αὐτῶν ἰσχυρότατα K.
3 ἐμφερὴς K: ἐμφερῆ Land Suidas.
_ © ἔχειν ἄθλα παρεῖχεν L: ἔχειν ἄθλα K, παρεῖχεν adda
KraSeninnikov, παρείχετο Suidas.
152
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. i. 4-8
among barbarians at least, has ever been more illus-
trious; and he had brought back their wealth from
the enemy and restored it once more to the state,
and recovered for the empire in a short space of time
almost one half of its territory on land and sea. And
the Byzantines took delight in watching Belisarius as
he came forth from his house each day and proceeded
toward the market-place or as he returned to his
house, and none of them could get enough of this
sight. For his progress resembled a crowded festival
procession, since he was always escorted by a large
number of Vandals, as well as Goths and Moors.
Furthermore, he had a fine figure and was tall and
remarkably handsome. But his conduct was so
meek and his attitude toward those who met him so
affable that he seemed like a very poor man and
one of no repute.
As a commander the love ever felt for him both
by soldiers and peasants was irresistible, seeing that,
in his treatment of his soldiers on the one hand,
he was surpassed by none in generosity ; (for when
any had met with misfortune in battle, he used to
console them by large presents of money for the
wounds they had received, and to those who had
distinguished themselves he presented bracelets and
necklaces to wear as prizes, and when a soldier had
lost in battle horse or bow or anything else whatso-
ever, another was straightway provided in its place
by Belisarius); and in his treatment of the peasants,
on the other hand, he won their affection because he
shewed so much restraint and such consideration for
them that it never fell to their lot to suffer any
ἢ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν K: αὐτῶν οὐδένα L, αὐτοὺς οὐδὲν Suidas,
153
10
11
12
19
14
15
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
fol / “
στρατηγοῦντος Βελισαρίου τετύχηκε, πλουτεῖν
δὲ \ 86 Ἵ a i ia ara 3
é παρὰ δόξαν EvvéBawe πᾶσιν οἷς ἂν αὐτοῦ
by ὃ / [4] AO 2 2 δίὃ ἊΝ
ἐπιδημοίη στρατιᾶς πλῆθος.32 ἀπεδίδοντο yap
° \ 4
αὐτοῖς κατὰ γνώμην τὰ ὦνια πάντα. Kal ἡνίκα
\ ? / ἊΝ 7. 2 Ν > \ /
μὲν ἀκμάζοι τὰ λήϊα, ἐς TO ἀκριβὲς διεφύλασσε
fal lA r
μή τινι παριοῦσα ἡ ἵππος λυμήνηται. τῶν δὲ
ε / 2 ta) / ” i > n
ὡραίων ἐν τοῖς δένδροις ὄντων ἅψασθαι αὐτῶν
\ / - ‘
οὐδενὶ TO παράπαν ἐξουσία ἐγίνετο. καὶ μὴν
καὶ σωφροσύνης ὑπερφυῶς μετεποιεῖτο" ὃ οὐδὲ γὰρ
οὖν οὐδὲ ἄλλης ὅτι μὴ τῆς γεγαμημένης γυναικὸς
¢ , ’,
ἥπτετο. αἰχμαλώτους οὖν ἔκ τε Βανδίλων καὶ
/ fol
Γότθων ἑλὼν τοσαύτας τε TO πλῆθος καὶ τοιαύτας
\
Ta πρόσωπα, οἵας οὐδείς που ἀνθρώπων εἶδεν,
"ἢ ε bd 7 ᾽ fal ef ” »
οὔτε οἱ ἐς ὄψιν αὐτῶν τινα ἥκειν οὔτε ἄλλως
ἐντυχεῖν εἴασεν. ἣν δὲ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν
2 / “ 2 ,
ἀγχίνους τε διαφερόντως κἀν τοῖς ἀπόροις
nr ΄ὔ /
ἐπινοῆσαι. τὰ βέλτιστα ἱκανώτατος. ἐν μέντοι
͵ὔ 7 » / 3 \ rn ᾽ al
κινδύνοις πολέμου εὔψυχός τε HY ξὺν TO ἀσφαλεῖ
Ν \ an > / 2 ΄ \
καὶ ξὺν λογισμῷ εὐτολμότατος, ὀξύς τε καὶ
> nm?
μελλητὴς EV TH ETL TOUS πολεμίους ἀεὶ EYKELPNCEL,
\ /
κατὰ τὴν χρείαν ἑκάτερον. ἄνευ δὲ τούτων ἐν
\ fal lal
μὲν τοῖς δεινοῖς εὔελπίν te τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ
fol r \
ταραχῆς παρείχετο κρείσσω, εὐημερῶν δὲ οὔτε
ἐπῆρτο οὔτε ἐτρύφα' μεθύοντα γοῦν Βελισάριον
/
οὐδείς ποτε εἶδεν.
“ \ Ων ΄ ne , a
Ὅσον μὲν οὖν χρόνον τοῦ Ρωμαίων στρατοῦ
1 αὐτοῦ K: αὐτὸς 1,.
2 πλῆθος K: πλήθει L.
3 ἐξουσία---μετεποιεῖτο MSS.: ἐξῆν. ἣν δὲ καὶ σώφρων καὶ
λίαν ἐνάρετος Suidas.
154
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VIL. i. 8-16
violence when Belisarius was general—nay, rather,
all those whose land was visited by a large body of
troops under his command unexpectedly found that
they were enriched ; for they always set their own
price upon everything sold to the soldiers. And
whenever the crops were ripe, Belisarius used to
watch closely that the cavalry in passing should
not damage any man’s grain, Also, when the fruit
was ripe on the trees, not a single man was permitted
to touch it. Furthermore, he possessed the virtue
of self-restraint in a marvellous degree; and hence
it was that he never would touch any woman other
than his wedded wife. And so, although he took
captive such great numbers of women from both the
Vandals and the Goths, and such beautiful women as
no man in the world, I suppose, has ever seen, he
refused to allow any of them to come into his
presence or meet him in any other way. In
addition to all his other qualities, he was also re-
markably shrewd, and-in difficult situations he was
able with unerring judgment to decide upon the
best course of action. Furthermore, in the dangers
of war he was both courageous without incurring
unnecessary risks and daring to a degree without
losing his cool judgment, either striking quickly or
holding back his attack upon the enemy according
to the requirements of the situation, Nay more, in
desperate situations, on the one hand: he shewed
a spirit which was both full of confidence and un-
rufHed by excitement, and in the fulness of success,
on the other hand, he neither gave way to vanity
nor rushed into indulgence ; at any rate no man ever
saw Belisarius intoxicated.
Now as long as he was in command of the Roman
155
17
18
19
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔν Te Λιβύῃ καὶ ᾿Ιταλίᾳ προὔστη, νικῶν τε
διετέλει καὶ τὰ ἐν ποσὶν ἀεὶ κτώμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ
ἐς Βυζάντιον μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ
πρότερον αὐτοῦ ἡ ἀρετὴ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐγνώσθη.
αὐτός τε γὰρ πάσῃ ἀρετῇ προὔχων καὶ πλούτου
μὲν πολλοῦ ἐξουσίᾳ, δυνάμει δὲ ὑ ὑπασπιστῶν τε
καὶ δορυφόρων τοὺς πώποτε στρατηγοὺς ὑπερ-
αίρων, φοβερός, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἄρχουσί τε πᾶσι
/
Kal στρατιώταις ἐγένετο. ἀντιτείνειν τε γὰρ
ἐπιτάττοντι,' οἶμαι, οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα, ἐπιτελῆ τε
πράσσειν ὅσα ἐπιτώττοι οὐδαμοῦ ἀπηξίουν, τήν
τε ἀρετὴν αἰσχυνόμενοι καὶ δεδιότες τὴν δύναμιν.
ἑπτακισχιλίους γὰρ ἱππέας ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας παρεί-
xeTo: ὧν δὴ ἀπόβλητος μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐγεγόνει,
αὐτῶν δὲ ἕκαστος πρῶτός τε ἐν τῇ παρατάξει
ἑστάναι καὶ προκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων
5) / 2 / ¢ / \ € /
ἀρίστους ἠξίουν. Ρωμαίων δὲ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι,
ἡνίκα πρὸς Γότθων πολιορκούμενοι τὰ ποιούμενα
ἐν ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου ξυμβολαῖς ἔβλεπον, ἐν
θαύματι μεγάλῳ ποιούμενοι ἀνεφθέγγοντο ὡς
οἰκία μία τὴν Θευδερίχου δύναμιν καταλύοι.
Βελισάριος | μὲν οὗν τῷ τε ἀξιώματι καὶ τῇ
γνώμῃ, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, δυνατὸς γεγονὼς τά τε
ξυνοίσοντα τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν ἐβουλεύετο
καὶ τὰ δεδογμένα ἔπρασσεν ἀεὶ αὐτονόμῳ γνώμῃ.
δὲ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες, ἴσοι μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ πρὸς
ἀλλήλους ὄντες καὶ οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ κέρδη οἰκεῖα ἐν
1 ἐπιτάττοντι ἴζ : ἐπιτάττοντος L.
1 His official retinue.
2 Described in Book V. xix.—VI. x.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. i. 16-23
army both in Libya and in Italy, he was continually
victorious and always acquired whatever lay before
him. But when he had been brought back to
Byzantium by imperial summons, his ability was
recognized still more fully than in previous times
and received most generous appreciation, For since
by his own outstanding merit in every field he was
prominent above all his fellows, and surpassed the
generals of all time in the vastness of his wealth and
the number of his bodyguards and spearmen, he was
naturally looked upon by all officers and soldiers
alike as a formidable person. For no one, I am sure,
had the hardihood to resist his commands, and his
men never refused to carry out whatever orders he
gave, both respecting as they did his ability and
fearing his power. For he used to equip seven
thousand horsemen from his own household,? and
not one of these was an inferior man, but each of
them could claim to stand first in the line of battle
and to challenge the best of the enemy. Indeed,
when Rome was beleaguered by the Goths, and the
Roman elders were watching the progress of the
struggle through the various engagements,” they
marvelled greatly and cried out that one man’s
household was destroying the power of Theoderic.
So Belisarius, having become, as was noted above,
aman of power, both because of the respect accorded
him and because of his sound judgment, continued to
advise such measures as would prove in the interest
of the emperor’s cause and to carry out with independ-
ent judgment the decisions reached. But the other
commanders, being, unlike him, on an equality with
one another, and having no single thought in mind
except to make sure of their own personal gain, had
157
24
26
27
28
29
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
a ΝΜ 4 ; , « /
νῷ ἔχοντες διαπράσσεσθαι, τούς τε ‘Pwpaious
ληΐζεσθαι καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐνδιδόναι τοὺς
, 1 nO YA \ » > Wi) 3) ,
κατηκόους ᾿ ἤδη ἤρξαντο, καὶ οὔτε αὐτοὶ 5 ἐφρό-
νουν τὰ δέοντα ἔτι οὔτε τοὺς στρατιώτας τῶν
/ by 4 3 as \
παραγγελλομένων ἐπακούοντας εἶχον. διὸ δὴ
πολλά τε αὐτοῖς ἡμαρτήθη καὶ τὰ πράγματα
ty ¢ / VA 3 f ’ /
διεφθάρη Ῥωμαίοις ξύμπαντα ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ.
ἅπερ ἐγὼ ὅτῳ δὴ τρόπῳ ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.
«.
᾿Επειδὴ Βελισάριον ἐκ “PaBSévyns ἀναστάντα
e il BZ ’ / > / Λ /
ὁδῷ ἰέναι ᾿Γλδίβαδος ἐπύθετο, τούς τε βαρβάρους
fal > \ fal «ς ᾽ὔ
ξυνῆγεν ἀμφ᾽ αὑτὸν ἅπαντας καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων
στρατιωτῶν ὅσους νεώτερα πράγματα ἤρεσκε.
καὶ τῆς μὲν ἀρχῆς ὡς μάλιστα ἐπεμελεῖτο,
> , δ / fal / Ses) nr
ἀνασώσασθαι δὲ Τ᾿όστθων τῷ γένει τὸ ᾿Ιταλιωτῶν
κράτος ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο. κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν
> / x / > nr “ \ / ,
οὐ πλέον ἢ χίλιοι αὐτῷ εἵποντο Kal πόλιν μίαν
Τικινὸν 3 εἶχον, κατὰ βραχὺ δὲ προσεχώρησαν
αὐτῷ ἅπαντες ὅσοι ἐν τῇ Avyoupia καὶ Βενετίαις
ἦσαν.
"Hy δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρός τις ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τοῖς δημο-
/ > \ a / \ Ἂν
σίοις ἐφεστὼς λογισμοῖς: λογοθέτην τὴν τιμὴν
/ c / fal c cal Φ
ταύτην ἑλληνίζοντες καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. οὗτος
n ,
ἀεὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὴν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐπεκάλει
ζημίαν. τοιούτων δὲ ἀδικημάτων αὐτοὺς ὑπάγων,
‘autos μὲν ἔνδοξος ἐξ ἀδόξων ταχὺ γέγονεν, ἐκ
1 κατηκόους K: κατηκόους ἀδικεῖν L.
2 αὐτοὶ Haury: αὐτοῖς MSS.
3 σίκινον Dindorf: πικηνῶν Καὶ, πιγκηνῶν L.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. i. 23-29
already begun both to plunder the Romans! and
to put the civil population at the mercy of the
soldiers, and neither were they themselves any longer
giving heed to the requirements of the situation, nor
could they secure obedience to their commands on the
part of the soldiers. Consequently, many blunders
were committed by them, and the entire fabric of the
Roman power was utterly destroyed in a short space
of time. And I shall now proceed to recount the
story of these events as best I can.
When Ildibadus learned that Belisarius had
departed from Ravenna and was on his way, he
began to gather about him all the barbarians and as
many of the Roman soldiers as were inclined to
favour a revolution. And he sought by every means
to strengthen his rule, and laboured diligently to
recover for the Gothic nation the sovereignty of
Italy. Now at the first not more than a thousand
men followed him and they held only one city,
Ticinum, but little by little all the inhabitants of
Liguria and Venetia came over to his side.
Now there was a certain Alexander in Byzantium
who held the office of comptroller of the state
treasury ; this official the Romans call “logothete,” 2
using a Greek name. This man was always making
charges against the soldiers for the losses they
caused to the treasury of the state. And by sub-
jecting them to trial for offences of this.sort, he on
his part quickly rose from obscurity to fame and
1 Tn Italy.
2 “One who audits accounts.”
5 The maintenance of the army seemed to John to involve
unnecessary details of expenditure.
150
30
31
32
33
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πενήτων ἀτεχνῶς πλούσιος, ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλεῖ
χρήματα μεγάλα, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος, ἐπράξατο,
τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας ὀλίγους τε καὶ πτωχοὺς
εἶναι καὶ ὀκνηρῶς εἰς τοὺς κινδύνους ἔχειν
αἰτιώτατος ἐγένετο ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. βΒυ-
ξάντιοι δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ Ψαλίδιον ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν,
ὅτι δὴ αὐτῷ ῥάδιον ἣν ἀποτεμνομένῳ͵ κύκλῳ τὸ
χρυσοῦν νόμισμα ἔλασσον μὲν αὐτὸ ἐς ὅσον
βούλοιτο ἐξεργάζεσθαι, φυλάσσειν δὲ καὶ ὡς τὸ
κυκλοτερὲς σχῆμα ἐφ᾽ οὗπερ τὸ πρότερον ἦν.
ψαλίδιον γὰρ τοῦτο καλοῦσι τὸ ὄργανον, ὅτῳ τις
Ta τοιαῦτα ἐργάζεται. τοῦτον βασιλεὺς τὸν
᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἐπειδὴ Βελισάριον μετεπέμψατο,
ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν πέμπει. ὁ δὲ γεγονὼς ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ
λογισμοὺς προὔθηκε λόγον οὐκ ἔχοντας. τοὺς
μὲν γὰρ ᾿Ιταλιώτας οὔτε τῶν βασιλέως ἁψαμέ-
νους χρημάτων οὔτε τι ἄτοπον " εἰς τὸ δημόσιον
ὑπουργήσαντας ἐπὶ τὰς εὐθύνας ἐκάλει, τὴν ἐς
Θευδέριχον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Τότθων ἄρχοντας
ἀδικίαν ἐπικαλῶν, ἀναγκάζων τε ἀποτιννύναι, εἴ
τι ἐκείνους ἐξαπατήσαντες, ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ἔφασκεν,
ἐκέρδαινον ὦ τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν τά TE τραύματα
καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους τῇ τῶν λογισμῶν μικρολογίᾳ
παρὰ δόξαν ἠμείβετο. διὸ δὴ οἵ τε ᾿Ιταλιῶται
᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ δύσνοι ἐγένοντο καὶ τῶν
στρατιωτῶν οὐδεὶς ἔτι ἐς κίνδυνον πολέμου
καθίστασθαι ἤθελεν, GAN ἐθελοκακοῦντες ἐπὶ
μέγα χωρεῖν ἐποίουν ἀεὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ
πράγματα.
1 ὅτῳ τις τὰ τοιαῦτα Καὶ : ὦ ταῦτά τις L.
2 τιἄτοπον K: τινὰς αὐτῶν L.
3 ἐξαπατήσαντες Ια : ἐξαπαιτήσαντες L.
160
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VIL. i. 29-33
from poverty to immense wealth, and not only this,
but he also succeeded in collecting great sums of
money for the emperor, surpassing all predecessors
in this; but it was he, more than any other man,
who was chiefly responsible for the deterioration of
the army, in that the soldiers were both few and
poor and reluctant to face the perils of war. The
Byzantines indeed went so far as to call him by the
name “ Snips,’’ because it was an easy feat for him
to cut off the edge all around a golden coin, and
while thus making it as much smaller as he wished,
still to preserve the circular shape it originally had.
For they call the tool with which such work is done
“snips.” This Alexander, then, it was whom the
emperor sent to Italy after summoning Belisarius
to return. And directly upon his arrival at Ravenna,
he published an altogether unreasonable financial
reckoning. For though the Italians had neither laid
hands upon the emperor’s money nor committed any
offence against the state, he summoned them, first
of all, to face an investigation, laying to their charge
the wrongs they had done Theoderic and the other
Gothic rulers, and compelling them to pay whatever
gains they had made, as he alleged, by deceiving
the Goths. In the second place, he disappointed
the soldiers by the niggardliness of the reckoning
_ with which he repaid them for their wounds and
dangers. Hence not only did the Italians become dis-
affected from the Emperor Justinian, but not one of
the soldiers was willing any longer to undergo the
dangers of war, and by wilfully refusing to fight,
they caused the strength of the enemy to grow
continually greater.
ὁ ἐκέρδαινον Haury: εἶ ἐκέρδαινον K, ἐσύλησαν ἢ ἐκέρδανον L.
τότ
VOL, 1V,. M
34
36
37
38
39
40
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες διὰ ταῦτα ἡσυχῆ
ἔμενον, Βιτάλιος δὲ μόνος (ἔτυχε γὰρ ἐν Βενετίοις
ἄλλο τε πλῆθος στρατιᾶς ἔχων καὶ ,᾿βαρβάρων
᾿Βρούλων πολύν τινα ὅμιλον) διὰ μάχης ἐλθεῖν
Ἰλδιβάδῳ ἐτόλμησε, δείσας, ὃ ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μὴ ἐπὶ
μέγα δυνάμεως χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ αὐτὸν ἥκοντα
οὐκέτι ἀναστέλλειν οἷοί τε Mal. μάχης δὲ καρτερᾶς
ἀμφὶ πόλιν Ταρβήσιον γενομένης Βιτάλιος παρὰ
πολὺ ἡσσηθεὶς ἔφυγεν, ὀλίγους μέν τινας σώσας,
τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς αὐτοῦ ἀπολέσας. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ
μάχῃ "Ερουλοί τε πολλοὶ πίπτουσι καὶ Οὐίσανδος
ὁ τῶν ᾿Ερούλων ἀρχηγὸς θνήσκει. Θευδιμοῦνδος
δὲ ὁ Μαυρικίου τοῦ Μούνδου υἱός, μειράκιον ὧν
ἔτι, ἐς κίνδυνον μὲν θανάτου ἦλθεν, ὅμως δὲ ξὺν
Βιταλίῳ διέφυγεν. ᾿Ιλδιβάδου τε ὄνομα ἐκ τοῦ
ἔργου τούτου παρά τε βασιλέα ἦλθε καὶ πάντας
ἀνθρώπους.
ὕστερον δὲ Οὐραΐαν ᾿Ιλδιβάδῳ προσκεκρου-
κέναι ξυνέπεσεν ἀπ᾽ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. ἣν τῷ
Οὐραΐᾳ γυνὴ πλούτῳ τε καὶ σώματος κάλλει τὰ
πρωτεῖα φερομένη ἐν τούτοις δὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις
πασῶν μάλιστα. αὕτη ἐς τὸ βαλανεῖον κατῆλθέ
ποτε, κόσμου τε περιβεβλημένη πολύ τι χρῆμα
καὶ θεραπείαν ἐπαγομένη λόγου πολλοῦ ἀξίαν.
τήν τε ᾿Ιλδιβάδου γυναῖκα ἐν ἱματίοις λιτοῖς
ἐνταῦθα ἰδοῦσα, οὔτε ὡς ξυνοικοῦσαν βασιλεῖ
προσεκύνησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλως ὑπεριδοῦσα ἐς
αὐτὴν ὕβρισεν. ἔτι γὰρ TAbiBados πενίᾳ ξυνῆν
ὡς ἥκιστα βασιλικοῖς ἐντυχὼν χρήμασι. περι-
αλγὴς δὲ γενομένη τῆς ὕβρεως τῇ ἀτοπίᾳ τοῦ
Ἰλδιβάδου γυνή, παρά τε τὸν ἄνδρα δεδακρυμένη —
162
Ι
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. i. 34-40
j
|
While the other commanders were remaining quiet
| on account of this situation, Vitalius alone (for he
happened to have in Venetia a numerous army com-
prising with others a great throng of barbarian
Eruli) had the courage to do battle with Ildibadus,
fearing, as actually happened, that at a later time
_when his power had grown greatly they would be no
longer able to check him, But in the fierce battle
_ which took place near the city of Tarbesium,! Vitalius
was badly defeated and fled, saving some few men,
but losing the most of them there. In this battle
many Eruli fell and among them Visandus, the leader
of the Eruli, was killed. And Theudimund, the son
of Mauricius and grandson of Mundus, a mere lad at
the time, came indeed into danger of death, but
succeeded in making his escape in company with
Vitalius. Asa result of this achievement the name
of Ildibadus reached the emperor and spread over
the whole world.
But after a time it so fell out that enmity sprang
up between Uraias and Ildibadus for the following
reason, Uraias had a wife who in wealth and
ersonal beauty was adjudged first among all the
omen of these barbarians. This woman once went
own to the bath clad in great magnificence of
ornament and taking with her a very notable com-
pany of attendants. And seeing the wife of Ildibadus
there in plain garments, she not only did her no
Obeisance as the consort of the king but otherwise
too ignored and did her insult. For Ildibadus was
still in poverty, having by no means come into royal
wealth. And the wife of Ildibadus, being very
‘much offended by the uncalled-for insult, came to
1 Modern Treviso.
163
M 2
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
3 / e 2 On \ Jee, \ a
ἦλθε Kat of ἀμῦναι τὰ ἀνήκεστα πρὸς τῆς
O > ah Ν 4 > / ὃ Ν ὃ} \ A
ὑραΐου γυναικὸς παθούσῃ ἠξίου. διὸ δὴ τὰ μὲν
A ᾽ ah 4
πρῶτα ᾿Ιλδίβαδος Οὐραΐαν ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους
, e \ 2 \ / > rn
διέβαλεν, ὡς δὴ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους αὐτομολεῖν
μέλλοι, ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον δόλῳ ἔκτεινε καὶ ἀπ᾽
> (ay 5) \ , μὴ Sd /
αὐτοῦ ἐς τὸ Τότθων ἔχθος ἐνέπεσε. βουλομένοις
\ a
yap αὐτοῖς ὡς ἥκιστα ἣν οὕτως ἀνεπισκέπτως
Οὐραΐαν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι. πολλοί τε
ἤδη ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ξυνιστάμενοι ᾿Γλδιβάδῳ ἅτε
2 , ? / » an / /
ἀνόσια εἰργασμένῳ ἐλοιδοροῦντο. τίσασθαι μέν-
/ δ} an / >? \ 11 ὃ \ 0 δ
τοι τούτου δὴ τοῦ φόνου αὐτὸν 1 οὐδεὶς ἤθελεν.
7H ὃ / > > a 9s / \ /
ν 0€ τις ἐν αὐτοῖς Οὐέλας, nats μὲν γένος,
2 \ \ fal / 2 “ “
ἐς δὲ τὸ τῶν βασιλέως δορυφόρων ἀξίωμα ἥκων.
οὗτος ἀνήρ, μνησθεὶς γυναικὸς 5 εὐπρεποῦς τὴν
” 3) / , ” BA > / \
ὄψιν, ἐξαίσιόν τινα ἔρωτα ἤρα, ἐσταλμένου δὲ
αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τινα ποιοίη ξὺν
ἑτέροις τισὶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔφοδον, τὴν μνηστὴν
ἑτέρῳ τῶν βαρβάρων τινὶ ᾿Ιλδίβαδος, εἴτε ἀγνοίᾳ
/ “
εἴτε τῳ ἄχλῳ ἠγμένος, ξυνῴκισεν. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα
ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐπανήκων Οὐέλας ἤκουσε,
\ x / \ > rn ΝΜ [2 >
θυμοειδὴς ὧν φύσει, τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου ὕβριν οὐκ
ἤνεγκεν, ἀλλὰ αὐτίκα κτεῖναι ᾿Ιλδίβαδον ἔγνω,
rn ΄ /
χαριεῖσθαι Γότθοις ἅπασι 3 ταύτῃ οἰόμενος. καί
ποτε αὐτὸν Τότθων τοὺς ἀρίστους ἑστιῶντα
τηρήσας τῇ ἐπιβουλῇ ἐπεχείρησεν. ἀριστῶντα
γὰρ τὸν βασιλέα πολλούς τε ἄλλους καὶ τοὺς
1 αὐτὸν L: αὐτῶν K.
2 μνησθεὶς γυν. Ko: μνηστὴρ yur. γεγονὼς L.
3 γότθοις ἅπασι K: γότθους ἅπαντας L.
4 ἐπεχείρησεν K: ἐνεχείρησεν L.
164
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. i. 40-47
her husband in tears and demanded that he avenge
her for the outrageous treatment she had received
from the wife of Uraias. Accordingly Ildibadus
first slandered Uraias to the barbarians, imputing to
him that he was intending to desert to the enemy,
but a little later he put him to death by treachery,
and thereby incurred the enmity of the Goths. For
it was by no means in accordance with their wish
that Uraias should be thus unceremoniously removed
from the world. And forthwith a large number of
them formed a party and began to denounce I]dibadus
vehemently as having committed an unholy deed.
However, no one was willing to exact vengeance
from him for this murder.
But there was one among them, Velas by name,
who, though a Gepid by birth, had attained the
dignity of serving among the king’s guards. This
man had wooed a woman fair to look upon, and he
loved her with an extraordinary love ; but while he
was off on an expedition against the enemy, in order
to make some attack upon them in company with
certain others, Ildibadus, meantime, either through
ignorance or prompted by some other motive, married
his intended bride to someone else among the bar-
barians. And when Velas, returning from the army,
heard this, being passionate by nature, he could not
bear the insult thus done him, but decided im-
mediately to kill Ildibadus, thinking that’ he would
thereby render a welcome service to all the Goths.
And so, when the king on a certain occasion was
entertaining the noblest of the Goths at a banquet,
he watched for an opportunity and put his plot into
execution. For while the king is dining, it is
customary for many persons to stand about him and
165
48
49
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δορυφόρους περιίστασθαι νόμος. ὁ μὲν οὖν τὴν
a 2 \ 9, \ / 2 \ an /
χεῖρα ἐπιβαλὼν ἐς τὰ βρώματα ἐπὶ τῆς στιβάδος
\ ” »f \ > nan a ,
πρηνὴς ἔκειτο, Οὐέλας δὲ αὐτοῦ ἄφνω τῷ ξίφει
τὸν τράχηλον παίει. ὥστε, τῶν βρωμάτων ἔτι
ἐχομένων. ἐν τοῖς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου δακτύλοις, ἡ
κεφαλὴ εἰς τὴν τράπεξαν καταρραγεῖσα ἐξέπληξέ
τε καὶ ἐς θάμβος τι μέγα τοὺς παρόντας ἤνεγκεν
ἅπαντας. αὕτη μὲν τίσις ᾿ἸΙλδίβαδον περιῆλθε
τοῦ Οὐραΐα φόνου. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ
τὸ ἕκτον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃ ὃν Προ-
κόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.
II
*"Epdptyos δὲ ἦν τις ἐν τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ
€ \ \ / / \ / >
Poyos μὲν γένος, δύναμιν δὲ περιβεβλημένος ἐν
/ \ a / / ε ,c¢ \
τούτοις δὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις μεγάλην. οἱ δὲ “Poyol
οὗτοι ἔθνος μέν εἰσι Τοτθικόν, αὐτόνομοί τε τὸ
\ > / / \ > \ \ >
παλαιὸν ἐβίουν. Θευδερίχου δὲ αὐτοὺς τὸ κατ
ἀρχὰς ἑταιρισαμένου σὺν ἄλλοις τισὶν ἔθνεσιν, ἔ ες
τε τὸ Γότθων ἀπεκέκριντο γένος καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἐς
τοὺς πολεμίους ἅ ἅπαντα ἔπρασσον. γυναιξὶ μέντοι
ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμιγνύμενοι, ἀλλοτρίαις, ἀκραιφνέσι
παίδων διαδοχαῖς τὸ τοῦ ἔθνους ὄνομα ἐν σφίσιν
αὐτοῖς διεσώσαντο. τοῦτον 3. ᾿ράριχον, ἐπεὶ ἐς
ταραχὴν ἐπὶ τῷ Ἰλδιβάδου. φόνῳ καθεστήκει τὰ
πρώγματα, βασιλέα ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου οἱ “ῬΡογοὶ
a ε a a ἊΝ
ἀνεῖπον. ὅπερ τοῖς Γότθοις οὐδαμῶς ἤρεσκεν, ἀλλὰ
καὶ εἰς πολλὴν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἀθυμίαν κατέστησαν
1 περιίστασθαι Ἰζ : παρίστασθαι L.
2 τοῦτον Κα : τοῦτον τὸν L.
166
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. i. 47-ii. 5
among them his bodyguards. So when he had
stretched out his hand to the food as he lay reclining
upon the couch, Velas suddenly smote his neck with
his sword, And so, while the food was still grasped
in the man’s fingers, his head was severed and fell
upon the table, and filled all those present with
great consternation and amazement. Such, then,
was the vengeance which overtook Ildibadus for the
murder of Uraias, And the winter drew to a close
and the sixth year ended in this war, the history of
which Procopius has written.
II
THERE was a certain Eraric in the Gothic army,
one of the Rogi by birth, a man possessed of great
power among these barbarians. Now these Rogi are
indeed a Gothic nation, but in ancient times they
used to live as an independent people. But Theoderic
had early persuaded them, along with certain other
nations, to form an alliance with him, and they were
absorbed into the Gothic nation and acted in common
with them in all things against their enemies. But
since they had absolutely no intercourse with women
other than their own, each successive generation of
children was of unmixed blood, and thus they had
preserved the name of their nation among them-
selves. This Eraric, in the midst of the turmoil
consequent upon the murder of Ildibadus, was
suddenly proclaimed king by the Rogi. This act
pleased the Goths not at all; however, the most of
them had in fact fallen into great despondence be-
167
541 A.D.
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ate τῶν ἐλπίδων σφίσι διεφθαρμένων ἅσπερ ἐπι
᾿Ιλδιβάδῳ τὰ πρότερα ἔσχον, ὃς δὴ τήν τε ἀρχὴν
καὶ τὸ Ἰταλίας κράτος Γότθοις + ἀνασώσασθαὶ
ἱκανὸς ἣν. ᾿Βράριχος μέντοι οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ λόγου
ἄξιον ἔδρασε' μῆνας γὰρ πέντε ἐπιβιοὺς ἐτελεύ-
τῆσε τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. 'Τουτίλας ἣν τις, ᾿Ιλδιβάδου
ἀνεψιός, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ξυνέσεως ἥκων καὶ τὸ
δραστήριον ὡς μάλιστα ἔχων καὶ λόγου ἐν
Τότθοις πολλοῦ ἄξιος. οὗτος ὁ Τουτίλας Γότθων
μὲν τηνικαῦτα τῶν ἐν Ταρβησίῳ ἄρχων ἐτύγχανεν.
ἐπεὶ δὲΞ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι ᾿Ιλδίβαδον
οὕτως, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐπύθετο, πέμψας πρὸς
Κωνσταντιανὸν ἐς ΡῬάβενναν, τὰ πιστά οἱ δοθῆναι
ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐδεῖτο, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ αὑτὸν τε καὶ
Tordous, ὧν ἦρχε, ξὺν Ταρβησίῳ παραδώσει
“Ῥωμαίοις. ἅπερ Κιωνσταντιανὸς ἀσμένως ἀκού-
σας ὦμοσεν ἅπαντα καθάπερ ὁ 4 Τουτίλας ἤτησε,
τακτή τε ἡμέρα ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἀμφοτέροις ξυνέκειτο,
ἐν 7 ἔμελλε Τουτίλας τε καὶ Bomber οἱ ἐν Wey
βησίῳ φρουρὰν ἔχοντες δέξασθαι τῇ ἢ πόλει τινὰς 5
τῶν Κωνσταντιανῷ ἐπιτηδείων καὶ σφᾶς γε
αὐτοὺς ξὺν αὐτῇ ἐγχειρίσαι.
Ἤδη δὲ Γότθοι τῇ ᾿Βραρίχου ἀρχῇ ἤχθοντο,
οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων τὸν ἄνδρα ὁρῶντες τὸν πόλεμον
πρὸς Ῥωμαίους διενεγκεῖν, καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ
ἐμφανοῦς οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐκάκιξον ἅτε μεγάλων
ἔργων ἐμπόδιον γεγονότα σφίσιν, ὅτι δὴ ἐκποδὼν
Ἰλδίβαδον πεποίηται. τέλος δὲ ξυμφρονήσαντες ἴ
1 Τότθοις K: γότθος L. 2 ἐπεὶ δὲ L: ἐπειδὴ K.
8. ἐδεῖτο Ια : ἠτεῖτο ἴ,. 4 καθάπερ ὁ K: ὅσα L.
5 τῇ Κα: re 7H L. 6 rivas Καὶ : τινὰ Τ,.
7 ξυμφρονήσαντες Li: ξυμφωνήσαντες K,
168
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. ii. 5-11
cause the hopes they had formerly placed in Ildibadus
had been frustrated ; for he, they felt, would have
been able to recover the kingdom and the sovereignty
of Italy for the Goths, Eraric, however, did nothing
at all worthy of note; for after living in office five
months he died in the following manner. There
was a certain Totila, a nephew of Ildibadus, a man
gifted with remarkable discretion, energetic in the
extreme, and held in high esteem among the Goths.
This Totila happened at that time to be in command
of the Goths in Tarbesium. But when he learned
that Ildibadus had been removed from among men
in the manner described, he sent to Constantianus
at Ravenna asking that pledges be given him for his
safety, on condition that he hand over to the Romans
both himself and the Goths whom he commanded
along with Tarbesium, This proposal Constantianus
heard gladly and swore to everything just as Totila
requested, and a fixed day for the transaction was
agreed upon by both, on which Totila and the Goths
who were keeping guard in Tarbesium were to
receive into the city some of the associates of Con-
stantianus and put themselves and the city into
their hands,
But already the Goths were becoming dissatisfied
with the rule of Eraric, seeing the man to be incom-
petent to carry on the war against the Romans, and
the most of them were openly abusing him as one
who had stood in their way to great achievements,
alleging that he had done away with Ildibadus.!
And finally they made an agreement among them-
* This is the first intimation that Eraric had had anything
todo with the murder of Ildibadus, which in the previous
chapter was ascribed to Velas,
169
12
13
14
15
16
17
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
rear ee mapa Τουτίλαν ἐς Ταρβήσιον, ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν
ἀρχὴν παρακαλοῦντες. πολὺν γὰρ ἤδη πόθον
τῆς Ἰλδιβάδου ἀρχῆς ἐν αὐτοῖς ἔχοντες τὴν
ἐλπίδα τῆς νίκης ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τὸν ἐκείνου
ξυγγενῆ ἔτρεπον, εὐέλπιδες ἐπὶ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ
γενόμενοι, τῷ βούλεσθαι" ταὐτά." ὁ δὲ τοῖς
παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἥκουσιν ὃ ἄντικρυς τὴν ἐς “Ῥωμαίους
ὁμολογίαν ἀποκαλύψας ἔφασκεν ὡς, ἢν Γότθοι
᾿Εράριχον τῆς κυρίας ἐντὸς κτείνουσιν, ἕψεταί τε
αὐτοῖς καὶ πάντα ἐπιτελῆ ποιήσει ἧ αὐτοὶ
βούλοιντο. ταῦτα ἐπεὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἤκουσαν,
ἐπιβουλῇ ἐς τὴν ᾿Βραρίχου 4 καταστροφὴν εἴχοντο.
ταῦτα μὲν. ἐν τῷ Γότθων στρατοπέδῳ ἐ ἐγίνοντο.
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἐν τῷ
ἀσφαλεῖ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἀπολαύοντες ἀσχολίας
οὔτε ξυνίσταντο οὔτε τι δρᾶν ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους
διενοοῦντο. ᾿Εράριχος δὲ Τότθους ἅπαντας
συγκαλέσας πρέσβεις ἀνέπεισε πρὸς ᾿Ιουστι-
νιανὸν βασιλέα πέμψαι, δεησομένους ἐφ᾽ ᾧ
> / \ > \ / > > > ξ
εἰρήνην πρὸς αὐτοὺς θήσεται, ἐφ᾽ οἷσπερ Οὐιτ-
τίγιδι τὰ πρότερα σπένδεσθαι ἤθελεν: ὥστε τὰ
>’ \ / r / » > /
ἐκτὸς ILadou ποταμοῦ Τότθους ἔχοντας ἀπαλλάσ-
1) / lel Μ \ > \ /
σεσθαι ᾿Ιταλίας τῆς ἄλλης. Kal ἐπεὶ Γότθοι
ταῦτα ἐπήνεσαν, ἀπολέξας τινὰς τῶν οἱ ἐς τὰ
/ > / / ΝΜ Mv
μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείων, πρέσβεις ἔπεμψεν ἄλλους
ε \ \ /
τε καὶ Καβαλλάριον ὄνομα. οἱ δὲ πρὸς βασιλέα
ταῦτα δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ πράξειν ἔμελλον ἅπερ μοι
ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, λάθρα δὲ αὐτοῖς ἄλλο μηδὲν
1 βούλεσθαι Ἰζ : βουλεύεσθαι L.
2 ταὐτά Christ: ταῦτα MSS.
3 ἥκουσιν Li: ἤκουσεν Κ. 4 épaplxov Ια : ἐκείνου L.
5 πρέσβεις ἀνέπεισε KW: Bounty προὔθετο πρέσβεις L.
170
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. ii. 11-17
selves and sent to Totila at Tarbesium, urging him
to assume the royal power. For by now they were
beginning to feel generally a keen sense of regret
for the lost rule of Ildibadus, and so they began to
turn their hope of victory toward his relative Totila,
having come to feel confidence in the man because
his wish was the same as theirs. As for Totila, when
the messengers came before him, he, without any
concealment, disclosed his agreement with the
Romans, but said that, if the Goths should kill
Eraric before the appointed day, he would both
follow them and carry out everything in accordance
with their desires. When the barbarians heard this,
they set about forming a plot to compass the de-
struction of Eraric. Such was the progress of events
in the Gothic camp.
But in the meantime the Roman armies, though
enjoying security as a result of the preoccupation of
the enemy, were neither moving to unite their forces,
nor were they planning any action against the bar-
barians. As for Eraric, he called together all the
Goths and persuaded them to send envoys to the
Emperor Justinian, who should beg him to make
peace with them on the same terms on which he
had been willing previously to conclude a treaty with
Vittigis, on the condition, namely, that the Goths,
holding the territory north of the Po, should with-
draw from the rest of Italy. And since this was
approved by the Goths, he chose out some of those
especially intimate with him, including one Cabal-
larius by name, and sent them as envoys. Now
these envoys were ostensibly to treat of those matters
which I have mentioned above, but secretly he
instructed them to treat with the emperor of nothing
171
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πρὸς βασιλέα πράσσειν ἐπέστελλε, πλήν γε δὴ
ὅπως χρήματά τε αὐτὸς πολλὰ “λήψεται καὶ ἐς
πατρικίους ἀνάγραπτος εἴη ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ᾿Ιταλίαν παρα-
δοὺς ξύμπασαν τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς κατάθοιτο σχῆμα.
οἱ μὲν οὖν πρέσβεις ἐπειδὴ" ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐγένοντο,"
κατὰ ταῦτα ἔπρασσον. ἐν τούτῳ 1 ότθοι ᾿Εράρι-
χον κτείνουσι δόλῳ. τελευτήσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ
migpe Na Se κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα σφίσι THY ἀρχὴν
Toutinas.4
It
᾿Επεὶ δὲ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἔμαθετά τε ἀμφὶ
᾿Εραρίχῳ ξυνενεχθέντα καὶ ὅτι Γότθοι ουτίλαν
σφίσιν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν κατεστήσαντο, κακίξων τε
καὶ ἐρεσχελῶν τοὺς ἐνταῦθα τοῦ στρατοῦ ἄρχοντας
οὐκέτι ἀνίει διὸ δὴ φυλακτήρια καταστησά-
μενοι ἐν πόλει ἑκάστῃ ᾿Ιωάννης τε ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ
? la) \ / \ ΄ \ CAS,
ἀδελφιδοῦς καὶ Βέσσας καὶ Βιτάλιος καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι
/ > € / / Φ \
ξύμπαντες ἐς ῬΡάβενναν ξυνελέγοντο, οὗ δὴ
Κωνσταντιανὸς καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, οὗ πρόσθεν
ἐμνήσθην, διατριβὴν εἶχον. ἐπειδή τε ἅπαντες
ξυνελέγησαν, ἔδοξε σφίσιν ἄμεινον εἶναι πρῶτον
ἐπὶ Βερώνην, ἣ ἐν Βενετίαις ἐστί, στρατεύεσθαι,
καὶ ἐπειδὰν αὐτήν τε καὶ Τότθους τοὺς ἐνταῦθα
ἐξέλωσιν, οὕτω δὴ ἐπί τε Touvtinav® cat Τικι-
€ t?
vous * ἰέναι. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ Ρωμαίων στρατὸς
/ /
els δισχιλίους τε Kal μυρίους ξυνείλεκτο, ἄρχοντες
1 ἐπειδὴ KL: om. W.
2 ἐγένοντο KL: ἐγένοντο καὶ W.
3 παρέλαβε K: om. L.
4 χουτίλας Καὶ : τωτίλας λαμβάνει L.
5 ἀνίει Haury; ἀνήει K, ἀνείη L.
172
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. ii. 17-iii. 4
else than how he might himself receive a great sum
of money and be enrolled among the patricians in
return for handing over the whole of Italy and laying
aside his official title. So the envoys, upon reaching
Byzantium, proceeded to treat of these matters. It
was at this time that the Goths killed Eraric by
treachery. And after his death, Totila took over the
rule in accordance with the agreement made with
them.
Ill
Now when the Emperor Justinian learned of the
fate which had befallen Eraric and that the Goths
had established Totila as ruler over them, he began
to rebuke and censure the commanders of the army
in Italy and gave them no respite. The conse-
quence of this was that John, the nephew of
Vitalian, and Bessas and Vitalius and all the others,
after establishing garrisons in each city, gathered at
Ravenna, where Constantianus and Alexander, whom
I have mentioned previously,! were quartered. And
when they were all gathered together, it was decided
that the best procedure for them was to march first
against Verona, which is in Venetia, and then, after
capturing that city and the Goths there, to move
against Totila and Ticinum. So this Roman army
was assembled with a strength of twelve thousand
men, and its commanders were eleven in number,
1 Chap. i. 28, foll., above.
δ᾽ Τουτίλαν editors: τουτίλα K, τωτίλαν L.
7 Τικινοὺς Maltretus: πικηνοῖς K, πιγκηνοὺς L.
173
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δὲ αὐτῶν ἕνδεκα ἦσαν, ὧν οἱ πρῶτοι ἐτύγχανον
Κωνσταντιανός τε καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, οἱ καὶ εὐθὺ
πόλεως Βερώνης ἐχώρουν. γενόμενοι δὲ αὐτῆς
ἄγχιστα, ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα, ἐστρατο-
πεδεύσαντο ἐν τῷ ταύτῃ » πεδίῳ. τούτου “γὰρ
πανταχόσε τοῦ χωρίου πεδία ἱππήλατά ἐστι,
διήκοντα ἐς Μάντουαν πόλιν, ἥπερ διέχει πόλεως
Βερώνης ἡμέρας ὁδῷ.
Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Bevérous ἀνὴρ λόγιμος, Μαρκιανὸς
ὄνομα, ὅσπερ ἐν φρουρίῳ μὲν κατῴκητο πόλεως
Βερώνης οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν, εὐνοϊκῶς δὲ βασιλεῖ
ἐς Ta μάλιστα ἔχων τὴν πόλιν παραδοῦναι τῷ
Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο. καί, ἦν
γάρ οἱ τῶν τις φυλάκων ἐκ παιδὸς γνώριμος,
πέμψας παρ᾽ αὐτὸν τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς
χρήμασιν ἀναπείθει τὸν ἄνθρωπον τῇ πόλει τὸ
βασιλέως στράτευμα δέξασθαι. καὶ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα
ὡμολόγει ὁ τῶν πυλῶν φύλαξ, πέμπει τοὺς πρὸς
αὐτὸν > πράξαντας ὃ ὁ Μαρκιανὸς παρὰ τοὺς τοῦ
“Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντας, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τά τε ξυγκεί-
μενα ἐσαγγείλωσι καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἐς τὴν πόλιν
εἰσβάχλωσι. νύκτωρ. ἔδοξε δὲ τοῖς ἄρχουσι
ξύμφορον εἶναι, προτερῆσαι μὲν αὐτῶν ἕνα ξὺν
ὀλίγοις τισίν" ἢν δέ γε ὁ φύλαξ αὐτοῖς ἀνακλίνῃ
τὰς πύλας, ἐγ εσθαι τε αὐτῶν καὶ τῇ πόλει ξὺν
τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸν στρατὸν δέξασθαι. τῶν μὲν οὖν
ἄλλων ὑποστῆναι τὸν κίνδυνον οὐδεὶς ἤθελεν,
᾿Αρταβάζης δὲ μόνος ᾿Αρμένιος μὲν γένος, δια-
φερόντως δὲ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν
1 ταύτῃ Ἰζ : ταύτης L.
3 αὐτὸν Καὶ : αὐτὸ δὴ L.
174
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iii. 4-10
the first of whom were, as it happened, Constanti-
anus and Alexander; and they marched straight
toward the city of Verona, And when they had
come to a place close to the city, about sixty stades
away, they made camp in the plain there. For
plains which are suitable for cavalry stretch out in
every direction from this place and extend as far as
the city of Mantua, which is one day’s journey distant
from the city of Verona.
Now there was a man of note among the Veneti,
Marcian by name, who lived in a fortress not far
distant from the city of Verona, and being as he was
a staunch adherent of the emperor, he eagerly under-
took to hand over the city to the Roman army. And
since one of the guards had been known to him from
childhood, he sent to him some of his intimates and
persuaded the man by means of a bribe to receive
the emperor’s army into the city. Then, when the
guard of the gate had agreed, Marcian sent those
who had arranged the matter with the guard to the
commanders of the Roman army, in order both to
report to them the arrangements made and to join
them in forcing an entrance into the city by night.
The commanders then decided that it was advisable
for one of their number to go in advance with some
few men; and if the guard should set the gates
open for them, they were to hold them fast and
receive the army in safety into the city. Now no
one among them all was willing to undertake this
perilous enterprise except Artabazes alone,an Arme-
nian by birth but a man of exceptional ability in
war, who not at all unwillingly offered himself for
8 πράξαντας Haury: πράξοντας K, tuumpdtovras Li, ξυμπρά-
tavras Maltretus.
175
1]
12
13
14
15
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
οὔτι ἀκουσίως καθῆκεν αὑτόν. οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ
Περσῶν μὲν ἡγεῖτο, οὺς Βελεσάριος ἐς Βυξάντιον
ἐκ τῆς Περσῶν γῆς σὺν τῷ Βλησχάμῃ ὀλίγῳ
ἔμπροσθεν ἐτύγχανε πέμψας, τὸ Σισαυράνων
ἐξελὼν φρούριον. τότε δὲ ἄνδρας ἑκατὸν ἐκ τοῦ
παντὸς στρατοπέδου ἀπολεξάμενος ,ἀωρὶ τῶν
νυκτῶν ἄγχιστα τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένετο. καὶ
ἐπεὶ ὁ φύλαξ ἧπερ ξυνέκειτο ἀνεπέτασε σφίσι
τὰς πύλας, οἱ μέν τινες ἐνταῦθα ἑστῶτες τὸ
στράτευμα μετεπέμποντο, οἱ δὲ ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ
τὸ τεῖχος τοὺς ταύτῃ φυλάσσοντας ἔκτειναν
ἀπροσδόκητον ἐπιπεσόντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ Γ[Γότθοι
ἅπαντες ἤσθοντο τοῦ κακοῦ, διὰ πυλῶν ἑτέρων
φεύγοντες ὥχοντο.
Πέτρα" δέ τις ἐς ἄγαν ὑψηλὴ πρὸ τοῦ περι-
βόλου ἀνέχει, ὅθεν ἃ ἅπαντα κατανοεῖν πάρεστι τὰ
ἐν Βερώνῃ πρασσόμενα καὶ ἀπαριθμεῖσθαι τοὺς
ταύτῃ ἀνθρώπους, καὶ μὴν καὶ τοῦ πεδίου ἐπὶ
πλεῖστον ὁρᾶν. ἐνταῦθα οἱ Τότθοι καταφυγόντες
τὴν νύκτα ὅλην ἡσύχαζον. ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαίων
στρατὸς ἀπὸ σταδίων τεσσαράκοντα. τῆς πόλεως
ἥκων οὐκέτι ἐπίπροσθεν ἤει, τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει
χρημάτων ἀλλήλοις, ἀμφισβητούντων τῶν στρατη-
γῶν. ἔτι 8 τε αὐτῶν ἀμφὶ ταύτῃ διαμαχομένων
τῇ λείᾳ ἡμέρα τε ἤδη διαφανῶς γέγονε καὶ οἱ
Γότθοι᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς κατανενοη-
κότες τῶν τε ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν πολεμίων καὶ ὅσον
Βερώνης τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα διέχον εἱστήκει,
δρόμῳ ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐχώρουν ἃ δι᾿ αὐτῶν τῶν
οὔτι ἀκουσίως Li: οὔτοι ἀκούσιος K.
πέτρα Ki: ἄκρα 1..
ἔτι KK: οὕτω L. 4 ἐχώρουν K: ἐχώρησαν L.
@ τὸ μ
176
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iii. ro—16
the undertaking. This man commanded some
Persians whom Belisarius had, as it happened, sent
to Byzantium from Persian territory along with
Bleschames a little before this, after his capture of
the fortress Sisauranon.! So he on the present
occasion selected one hundred men from the whole
army and at a late hour of the night went up close
to the fortifications. And when the guard, true to
his agreement, opened the gate for them, some of
them took their stand there and were urging the
army to come, while the others mounted the wall
and killed the men on guard there, assailing them
as they did without warning. Then the whole
Gothic foree, upon perceiving their evil plight,
rushed off in flight through another gate.
Now there is a certain rock which rises to a great
height facing the fortifications of Verona, from which
it is possible to observe everything which is taking
place in the city and to count the people in it, and,
besides, to see for a very great distance over the
plain. Thither the Goths retreated and remained
quiet during the whole night. As for the Roman
army, it advanced to a point within forty stades of
the city, but proceeded no further, the generals
being engaged in a dispute among themselves over
the money in the city. And they still continued to
wrangle over this plunder until day had now clearly
dawned; but the Goths, after observing accurately
from the height both the number of: the enemy
scattered through the city and the distance at which
the rest of the army had halted from Verona, made
a rush toward the city, and passed through the very
1 Cf. Book II. xix. 24.
177
VOL. IV. N
17
18
19
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πυλῶν ὅθεν: ἀπαλλαγέντες πρότερον ἔτυχον"
οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτῶν οἱ ἐσεληλυθότες ἔχεσθαι ἴσχυσαν.
“Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ξυμφρονήσαντες τοῦ περιβόλου
ἀμφὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις κατέφυγον, τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων
αὐτοῖς πλήθει πολλῴ ἐς χεῖρας ἰόντων οἵ τε
ἄλλοι καὶ ᾿Αρταβάζης πάντων μάλιστα ἔργα
θαυμαστὰ ἐνδεικνύμενοι 3 καρτερώτατα τοὺς
ἐπιόντας ἠμύνοντο.
Καὶ τότε δὴ οἱ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες
τὰ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν Βερώνῃ χρημάτων πρὸς ἀλλήλους
διοικησάμενοι παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τὴν
πόλιν χωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν. ἀποκεκλεισμένας δὲ
σφίσι τὰς πύλας εὑρόντες ἰσχυρότατά τε τοὺς
πολεμίους ἀμυνομένους ὀπίσω κατὰ τάχος ἀπή-
λαυνον, (eel? μαχομένους ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου
τοὺς ἑτέρους ὃ θεώμενοι καὶ δεομένους μὴ σφᾶς
ἀπολιπεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ μένειν, ἕως ἂν κατα-
φυγόντες ἐς αὐτοὺς σώζοιντο. διὸ δὴ οἱ ἀμφὶ
τὸν ᾿Αρταβάξην τῷ τε πλήθει βιαζόμενοι τῶν
πολεμίων καὶ ἀπογνόντες τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκείων
ἐπικουρίαν, ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἔξω ἥλαντο ἅπαν-
τες. οἷς μὲν οὖν καταπεσεῖν eb ὁμαλοῦ χωρίου
ξυνέβη, οὗτοι δὴ ἀθῷοι 3 ἐς τὸ “Ρωμαίων στρατό-
πεδον ἐκομίσθησαν, ἐν οἷς καὶ ᾿Αρταβάξης ἣν"
ὅσοι μέντοι ἐς δυσχωρίας κατέπεσον, αὐτοῦ
ἅπαντες διεφθάρησαν. ἐπεί te Αρταβάζης ἐς τὸ
“Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον ἦλθε, πολλά τε ὀνειδίσας
καὶ χλοιδορησάμενος ἅπασι ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἤει, τόν TE
᾿Ηριδανὸν διαβάντες ἐν Φαβεντίᾳ πόλει ἐγένοντο,
1 ὅθεν Καὶ : ὧνπερ L.
2 ἐνδεικνύμενοι Ἰζ : ἐνδειξάμενοι L.
3 ἑτέρους Ἰζ : ἑταίρους L.
---ρ--πτ τ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iii. 16-22
gate through which, as it happened, they had
previously departed ; for those who had entered the
city were unable even to hold this gate. So the
Romans, taking counsel together, hastily sought safety
on the parapet along the circuit-wall ; and when the
barbarians in great numbers assailed them at close
quarters, they all, and Artabazes especially, made a
display of remarkable deeds and warded off their
assailants most vigorously.
At that moment the commanders of the Roman
army had at last reached an agreement with each
other regarding the money in Verona, and decided
to proceed against the city with all the rest of the
army. But finding the gates closed to them and
the enemy warding them off most vigorously, they
quickly marched to the rear, although they saw the
others fighting inside the fortifications and begging
them not to abandon them, but to remain there until
they should save themselves by fleeing to them. So
Artabazes and his men, being overcome by the num-
bers of the enemy and despairing of assistance from
their own army, all leaped down outside the wall.
Now all those who had the fortune to fall on smooth
ground betook themselves unscathed to the Roman
army, among whom was Artabazes also, but as many
as fell on rough ground were all killed instantly.
And when Artabazes had reached the Roman army,
he proceeded with them, having heaped abuse and
contumely upon them all; and after crossing the
Eridanus,' they entered the city of Faventia,? which
1 Modern Po, 2 Modern Faenza.
4 ἀθῷοι L: ἀθρόοι K.
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἃ , 1 \ fol Ad 72 > / δί δὲ
ἣ χώρας μὲν τῆς Αἰμιλίας ἐστί, σταδίους δὲ
εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν “Ραβέννης διέχει.
IV
Τουτίλας δὲ τὰ ἐν Βερώνῃ ξυμπεσόντα μαθὼν
Γότθων τε τῶν ἐκ Βερώνης πολλοὺς μετεπέμπετο,Ξ
καὶ ἐπεὶ παρῆσαν, παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ, ἐς πεντα-
κισχιλίους ὄντι, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἤει. ὃ δὴ
μαθόντες οἱ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες τὰ
παρόντα σφίσιν ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιοῦντο. καὶ
παρελθὼν ᾿Αρταβάζης ἔλεξε 3 τοιάδε: ““ Μηδεὶς
ὑμῶν, ἄνδρες ἄρχοντες, ὑπερφρονεῖν τῶν πολε-
μίων ἅτε ἡμῶν τῷ πλήθει ἐλασσουμένων τανῦν
ἀξιούτω, μηδέ, ὅτι πρὸς τοὺς Βελισαρίῳ δεδουλω-
μένους ἀγωνίζεται, λογισμῷ ἀναπεπτωκότι ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἴτω. πολλοὶ γὰρ δόξῃ οὐκ ἀληθεῖ
ἐξηπατημένοι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἔσφηλαν, καὶ κατα-
φρόνημά τισιν οὐκ ἐν δέοντι γινόμενον “ τὴν
ὑπάρ ρχουσαν αὐτοῖς καταλῦσαι δύναμιν i ἴσχυσεν,
ἐπεὶ καὶ ἄλλως ἡ προλαβοῦσα κακοπραγία τούσδε
τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐς εὐτυχίαν παρακαλεῖ. τύχη γὰρ
εἰς ἀπόγνωσιν ἀγαθῶν ἐλπίδων ἐλθοῦσα ἐς
εὐτολμίας ὑπερβολὴν ὃ περιίσταται. καὶ ταῦτα
οὐχ ὑποψίᾳ τανῦν ἠγμένος ἐν ὑμῖν εἴρηκα, ἀλλ᾽
οἷς διακινδυνεύσας πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔναγχος ἐκμε-
χώρας K: χώρα L.
μετεπέμπετο K: μετεπέμψατο L.
ἔλεξε K ἔλεξε πρὸς αὐτοὺς L.
ὑμῶν Ki: ἡμῶν
ἀξιούτω μηδὲ L: ἀξιοῖ, μὴ δὲ Καὶ,
γινόμενον K: ἐγγινόμενον L, ἐγγενόμενον Vy.
Φ σι Φ wre
180
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iii. 22-iv. 5
is in the land of Aemilia, one hundred and twenty
stades distant from Ravenna,
IY.
Torita, upon Jearning what had taken place at
Verona, summoned many of the Goths from that
city, and upon their arrival moved with his whole
army, amounting to five thousand men, against his
opponents. Now when the commanders of the
Roman army learned this, they began to deliberate
over their situation. And Artabazes came forward
and spoke as follows: ‘“ Fellow-commanders, let no
one of you think fit at the present time to despise
the enemy because they are inferior to us in num-
ber, nor, because he is fighting against men enslaved
by Belisarius, let him advance against them in a
reckless frame of mind. For many a man, deceived
by a false estimate of a situation, has brought about
his own downfall, while others who have been filled
with unjustified contempt of their foes have seen
their whole power ruined thereby; and even apart
from this, the very fact of their previous ill fortune
lures these men on to attain a fairer lot. For when
fortune has reduced a man to despair and robbed
him of his fair hopes, it changes his nature and leads
him to feel an extraordinary degree of daring. And
it is not because I am moved by mere suspicion that
I have made these statements before you, but because
of the thorough acquaintance I have recently made
with the daring of these men while engaged in
7 ἐλθοῦσα V,: οἵη. KL,
8. ὑπερβολὴν KL: ἀφορμὴν Vy.
181
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
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6 μάθηκα τὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν τόλμαν. καί με
/ \ \ ? /, \ ς / fal
νομιζέτω μηδεὶς ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἡσσηθέντα τῶν
πολεμίων θαυμάσαι τὴν δύναμιν. ἐπεὶ ἀνδρῶν
ἀρετὴ καὶ πλήθει ὑπεραιρόντων καὶ τούτῳ 5
ἐλασσουμένων τοῖς γε πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαμαχησο-
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ξυνοίσειν τοῦ ποταμοῦ τηρήσασι τὴν διάβασιν
- ᾽, 3 \ > 4 ᾽ὔ >
τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἐπειδὰν és ἥμισυ διαβαίνοιεν, ἐς
χεῖρας ἰέναι ἢ πᾶσιν ἀθρόοις ἤδη γεγενημένοις.
,ὔ ΝΜ a ες ΄ ΄ /
8 μηδενί τε ἄδοξος εἶναι ἣ τοιαύτη δεδόχθω νίκη.
δόξαν τε γὰρ καὶ ἀδοξίαν ἡ τῶν πραγμάτων
ἀπόβασις ὀνομάζειν φιλεῖ, καὶ τοὺς νενικηκότας
εἰώθασιν ἐπαινεῖν ἄνθρωποι, οὐ διερευνώμενοι τῆς
/ Ν , ” ’ / \ “
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3 € \ \ A lal / fol
εἶπεν. οἱ δὲ δὴ ἄρχοντες τῷ διαμαχομένῳ τῆς
/ lal / \ Yj ᾽ “
γνώμης τῶν δεόντων οὐδὲν ἔπρασσον, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ
μένοντες τὸν καιρὸν ἔτριβον.
fal /
10 Ἤδη δὲ ὁ τῶν Γότθων στρατὸς ἄγχιστα
> , W 3) \ / \ \ Μ
ἐγεγόνει, καὶ ἐπεὶ διαβαίνειν τὸν ποταμὸν ἔμελλον,
ξυγκαλέσας Τουτίλας ἅπαντας τοιαῦτα παρεκε-
λεύσατοι “Αἱ μὲν ἄλλαι ξύμπασαι μάχαι, ὦ
ἄνδρες ξυγγενεῖς, ὁμοίαν τινὰ μάχην ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ
πλεῖστον ἐπαγγελλόμεναι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἐς
/ an “ “
τὴν ἀγωνίαν ὁρμῶσιν, ἡμεῖς δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις οὐκ
ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς τύχης, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ τῷ διαλ-
λάσσοντι χρώμενοι ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα καθιστάμεθα
11 τόνδε. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἡσσηθέντες, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι,
οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἀναμάχεσθαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἕξουσιν.
1 we Haury: μὴ Κὶ, μοι L,
182
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII, iv, 5-11
mortal combat with them. And let no one think
that I now marvel at their power because I was
defeated along with a handful of men. For it is to
those who shall come to blows with them that men’s
valour becomes revealed, whether those men are
superior in number or inferior. My opinion then is
that it will be more to our advantage to watch for
the crossing of the river by the barbarians, and,
while the crossing is in progress, and about half their
men are across, to engage with them then, rather
than after they have already assembled, all in one
body. And let no man consider such a victory
inglorious. For the outcome of events alone is wont
to decide whether a deed shall be named glorious or
inglorious, and it is the victors whom men are accus-
tomed to praise without investigating the manner of
the victory.’ So spoke Artabazes. But the com-
manders, owing to the divergence of their opinions,
did nothing that they should, but continued to
remain where they were and lose their opportunity
by delay. ,
And now the army of the Goths had come very
near, and when they were about to cross the river,
Totila called them all together and exhorted them as
follows: “My kinsmen, all other battles give promise,
as a general thing, of a contest that will be more
or less even and thereby incite the contending
armies to the struggle, but we are entering this
combat, not on an equality with our enemy as regards
the advantages of fortune, but facing a very different
situation. For they, even in case of a possible defeat,
will be able after no long time to renew the fight
2 τούτῳ Dindorf, from an inferior MS. : τούτων KL.
183
12
13
14
15
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔν τε yap τοῖς ὀχυρώμασιν ᾿Ιταλίας ἁπάσης
πλῆθος αὐτοῖς στρατιωτῶν ἀπολέλειπται καὶ
ἄλλο στράτευμα ἐκ Βυζαντίου αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα
ἐπιβοηθήσειν οὐδὲν ἀπεικός. ἡμῶν δὲ ταὐτὸ
τοῦτο παθόντων τὸ Γότθων ὄνομα μετὰ τῆς
ἐλπίδος ἀπολωλέναι λελείψεται. ἐκ μυριάδων
γὰρ εἴκοσιν ἐς πεντακισχιλίους ἡμᾶς ἀπο-
κεκρίσθαι ξυμβέβηκε. τοσαῦτα ὑπειπὼν κἀκεῖνο
ὑμᾶς ὑπομνῆσαι οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου οἴομαι εἶναι, ὡς
ἡνίκα μὲν ξὺν ᾿Ιχλδιβάδῳ ὅπλα ἀνταίρειν βασιλεῖ
ἔγνωτε, τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ὑμῖν οὐ πλέον ἢ ἐς χιλίους
ξυμβιοῦν ἔτυχεν, ἡ δὲ χώρα περιίστατο ξύμπασα
ἐς Τικινὸν 1 σόλιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῇ ξυμβολῇ γεγόνατε
κρείσσους, ἐπίπροσθεν ἡ ἡμῖν 5 τά τε τῆς στρατιᾶς
καὶ τῆς χώρας κεχώρηκεν. ὥστε ἢν καὶ νῦν
ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι 7 7 βουλομένοις ὑμῖν, προϊόντος,
ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τοῦ πολέμου πάμπαν ὃ κρατήσειν τῶν
ἐναντίων ἐλπίδα ἔχω. τοῖς γὰρ νενικηκόσιν ἀεὶ
τὸ πλείοσί τε καὶ δυνατωτέροις γεγονέναι
ξυμβαίνει. προθυμείσθω τοίνυν ὑμῶν ἕκαστος
παντὶ σθένει τοῖς πολεμίοις ὁμόσε χωρεῖν τὴν
μάχην ἐξεπιστάμενος τὴν νῦν. οὐκ εὐδοκιμηκόσιν
ἡμῖν ὁ ἀναμάχεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους ἀμήχανον.
ἄξιον δὲ ἡμᾶς μετὰ τῆς ἀγαθῆς ἐλπίδος τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, τῇ τῶν “ἀνδρῶν ἀδικίᾳ
θαρροῦντας. οὕτω γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὃ τὰ ἐς τοὺς κατη-
κόους βεβίωται ὥστε ᾿Ιταλιώταις τανῦν τῆς
1 τικινὸν Haury: πικηνῶν K, πιγκηνῶν L, Τίκινον Mal-
tretus.
2 ἡμῖν Ko: ὑμῖν L.
3 πάμπαν K: τὸ πάντως L.
4 ἡμῖν L: ὑμῖν K,
184
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iv. 11-16
against us. For there is left behind for them a
numerous army quartered in the strongholds through-
out the whole of Italy, and, furthermore, it is not at
all improbable that another army will at a very early
date come to their assistance from Byzantium. But
if we, on the other hand, suffer this same fate, there
will be a final end of the name and hopes of the
Goths. For from an army of two hundred thousand
we have been reduced in the course of events to five
thousand men. Having made such a preface, I think
it not inappropriate to recall to your minds this fact
also, that when you decided to take up arms with
Ildibadus against the emperor, the number of your
band amounted to no more than one thousand men,
while your entire territory consisted of the city of
Ticinum. But since you came off victors in the
engagement, both our army and our territory have
increased. So that if you are willing in this battle
to display the same spirit of manly courage, I am
hopeful that, as the war goes on, following its natural
course, we shall accomplish the complete defeat of
our opponents. For it always proves true that the
victors increase both in numbers and in power. Let
each one of you, therefore, be eager to join battle
with the enemy with all your strength, understand-
ing clearly that if we do not succeed in the present
battle, it will be impossible to renew the struggle
against our opponents. It is reasonable, further-
more, for us to grapple with the enemy with high
hopes, taking courage from the unjust acts com-
mitted by them. For such has been their conduct
towards their subjects that the Italians at the
5 αὐτοῖς Hoeschel in marg.: αὐτοὺς MSS.
185
17
18
19
20
21
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τετολμημένης οὐ δέον αὐτοῖς ἐς Τότθους προ-
δοσίας κολάσεως οὐδεμιᾶς ἑ ἑτέρας προσδεῖ" * οὕτω
ξυλλήβδην εἰπεῖν ξύμπαντα αὐτοῖς τὰ κακὰ πρὸς
τῶν ὑποδεχθέντων γενέσθαι ξυνέβη. τί δ᾽ ἂν
πολεμίων εὐαλωτότερον γένοιτο οἷς γε τὰ ἐκ θεοῦ
δῆτα πεπραγμένα οὐχ ὑγιῶς ἔχει; καὶ μὴν καὶ
ἊΝ ΟἿ ΩΣ ὩΣ ΡΣ 3 ἢ BN οὖν Δ ote ΜΕ
TO? ἐξ ἡμῶν ἐς αὐτοὺς δέει 8 εὐέλπιδας 4 ἂν ἡμᾶς
ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα γίνεσθαι πρέποι. οὐ “γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλους
τινὰς ἀνθρώπων χωροῦμεν ἢ ὅσοι ἔναγχος ἐν μέσῃ
Βερώνῃ γενόμενοι μεθέντες τε οὐδενὶ λόγῳ, καίπερ
διώκοντος τῶν πάντων αὐτοὺς οὐδενός, οὕτω δὴ
αἰσχρῶς ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο."
Τοσαῦτα ὁ Τουτίλας παρακελευσάμενος τῶν οἱ
ἑπομένων τριακοσίους ἐκέλευεν, ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων
εἴκοσι τὸν ποταμὸν διαβαίνοντας, κατόπισθεν τοῦ
τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδου γενέσθαι, καὶ ἐπειδὰν
ἡ μάχη ἐν χερσὶ γένηται, κατὰ νώτου αὐτῶν
ἰόντας βάλλειν τε καὶ ἐνοχλεῖν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ,
ὅπως ἐκεῖνοι ξυνταραχθέντες οὐδεμιᾶς ἀλκῆς
μνήσονται. αὐτὸς δὲ παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ
αὐτίκα τὸν ποταμὸν διαβὰς εὐθὺ τῶν ἐναντίων
ἐχώρει: οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι εὐθὺς ὑπηντίαξον. ἐπειδή
τε ἀμφότεροι ὁδῷ ἰόντες ἐγγυτέρω ἀλλήλων
ἐγένοντο, Dor8os ἀνήρ, Οὐάλαρις ὄνομα, μέγας
τε τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ εἶδος φοβερὸς ἄγαν, ἔ ἔτι μέντοι
δραστήριός τε καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, τὸν ἵππον
ἐξελάσας πρὸ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατοῦ ἐν μεταιχμίῳ
προσδεῖ K: προσδεῖν L.
τῷ Kraseninnikoy : τὸ MSS.
σι.» 8 wp eH
δέει K: δέος L.
εὐέλπιδας Haury : ἐλπίδας K, ἐλπίδα L.
μνήσονται Ἰὰ : μνήσωνται L, 8. ἄγαν K: ἅμα L,
186
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iv. 16-21
present time need no further punishment for the
flagrant treason which they dared to commit against
the Goths ; so true is it that every form of evil, to
put all in a word, has fallen to their lot from the
hands of those whom they cordially received. And
what enemy could be more easy to overcome than
men whose deeds, even those done in God’s name,
are utterly wicked?! Nay more, the very fear we
inspire in them should properly be a further cause
for confidence on our part as we enter the struggle.
For those against whom we proceed are no other
men than those who recently first penetrated into
the middle of Verona, then abandoned it for no good
reason, and, although not a man pursued them,
yet even so rushed off in a disgraceful flight.”
After delivering this exhortation Totila com-
manded three hundred of his troops to cross the
river at a distance of about twenty stades from
where he stood and get behind the enemy’s camp,
and when the battle should come to close quarters,
to fall upon their rear, harassing them with their
missiles and assailing them with all their strength,
in order that the Romans might be thrown into
confusion and abandon all thought of resistance. He
himself, meanwhile, with the rest of the army
straightway crossed the river and advanced directly
upon his opponents; and the Romans immediately
came out to meet him. And when, as both armies
advanced, they came nearer to each other, a Goth,
Valaris by name, tall of stature and of most terrify-
ing mien, an active man withal and a good fighter,
rode his horse out before the rest of the army and
1 Referring to their violation of their oaths.
187
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔστη, τεθωρακισμένος τε καὶ κράνος ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ
ἔχων, καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας προὐκαλεῖτο, εἴ
τίς οἱ βούλοιτο ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι
κατωρρωδηκότες ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, ᾿Αρταβάζης δὲ
αὐτῷ ἐς ἀγῶνα κατέστη μόνος. ἄμφω τοίνυν
τὼ ἵππω KAT ἀλλήλοιν ἐλάσαντε, ἐπειδὴ ἄγχιστα
ἵκοντο, ἱ τὰ δόρατα ὦθουν, ᾿Αρταβάξης δὲ προ-
τερήσας ἔφθασε τὸν Οὐάλαριν ἐς πλευρὰν τὴν
δεξιὰν παίσας. ὁ δὲ βάρβαρος καιρίαν τυπεὶς
ὕπτιος ἐς τὴν γῆν πεσεῖν ἔμελλεν, ἀλλά οἱ τὸ
δόρυ ἐξόπισθεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔδαφος ἐπὶ πέτρας τινὸς
ἐρεισθὲν πεσεῖν αὐτὸν οὐδαμῆ εἴα. ὁ δὲ Apta-
βάζης ἐνέκειτο ἔτι μᾶλλον τὸ δόρυ ἐς τὰ τοῦ
ἀνδρὸς ὠθῶν ἔγκατα. οὔπω γὰρ αὐτὸν ἤδη ἁλῶ-
ναι καιρίᾳ πληγῇ ὑπετόπαξεν. οὕτω τε ξυνέβη
Οὐαλάριδος τὸ τοῦ δόρατος ἄκρον " σιδήριον
σχεδόν τι ὀρθὸν γεγενημένον τοῦ ᾿Αρταβάξου
θώρακος ἅπτεσθαι, κατὰ βραχύ τε προϊὸν
διελθεῖν μὲν τὸν θώρακα ὅλον, ὀλισθῆσαν δὲ τοῦ
δέρματος ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Αρταβάξου αὐχένα ψαῦσαι.
τύχῃ τέ τίνι ἀρτηρίαν ἐνταῦθά πη οὖσαν ἐπί-
προσθεν i ἰὼν ὁ σίδηρος τέμνει, καὶ ῥύσις αὐτίκα
πολλοῦ αἵματος ἦν. αἴσθησις δὲ ὀδύνης οὐδε-
μία τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐγίνετο, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν ἐς τὸ
Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα τὸν ἵππον ἀπήλαυνεν,
Οὐάλαρις δὲ νεκρὸς αὐτοῦ ἔπεσε. καὶ ᾿Αρτα-
βάξης δέ, τοῦ αἵματος οὐκέτι λωφήσαντος, τρίτῃ
ὕστερον ἡμέρᾳ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο, “Ῥωμαίοις
τε κατέσεισε τὴν πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα, ἐπεὶ καὶ τότε
ἀπόμαχος ὃ ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ ταύτῃ γενόμενος οὐκ
1 ἵκοντο Li: ἥκοντο Κ. 2 ἄκρον Κὶ : om. L.
3 ἀπόμαχος L: ἄμαχος K.
188
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iv. 21-29
took his stand in the open space between the
armies, clad in a corselet and wearing a helmet on
his head ; and he challenged all the Romans, if any-
one was willing to do battle with him. Whereupon
all remained quiet, being stricken with terror, save
Artabazes alone, who advanced to fight the man.
So they rode their horses toward each other, and
when they came close, both thrust their spears, but
Artabazes, anticipating his opponent, delivered the
first blow and pierced the right side of Valaris. And
the barbarian, mortally wounded, was about to fall
backward to the earth, but his spear, resting on
the ground behind him and being braced against a
rock, did not permit him to fall. As for Artabazes,
he continued to press forward still more vigorously,
driving the spear into the man’s vitals ; for as yet he
did not suppose that he had already suffered a
mortal wound. Thus it came about that Valaris’
spear stood practically upright and its iron point
encountered the corselet of Artabazes, and first,
entering little by little, it went clear through the
corselet, and then, slipping further, grazed the skin
of Artabazes’ neck. And by some chance the iron,
as it pushed forward, cut an artery which lies in
that region, and there was immediately a great flow
of blood. However, the man experienced no feel-
ing of pain, and he rode back to the Roman army,
while Valaris fell dead on the spot. But the flow
of blood from Artabazes’ wound did not abate and
on the third day afterwards he departed from
among men; and this mishap shattered all the
hopes of the Romans, since he was rendered unfit
for fighting in the engagement which followed, and
189
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
3. ἃ a \ ΄ IAN YA ς \
30 ἐπὶ μικροῖς Ta πράγματα αὐτὸς ἔσφηλεν. ὁ μὲν
31
32
yap ἔξω βελῶν γεγονὼς τοῦ τραύματος ἐπεμε-
λεῖτο, τὰ δὲ στρατεύματα ἄμφω ἐς χεῖρας
HAO ov.”
Kaprepas δὲ γενομένης τῆς ξυμβολῆς οἱ τρια-
κόσιοι βάρβαροι κατόπισθεν τοῦ Ῥωμαίων
στρατοῦ ὁδῷ ἰόντες ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐφάνησαν,
οὺς δὴ κατιδόντες Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος
εἶναι τῶν σφίσι μαχομένων οἰόμενοι. ἔς τε
ὀρρωδίαν ἔπεσον καὶ αὐτίκα ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο,
ὥσπερ ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονε. φεύγοντάς τε οἱ
βάρβαροι οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ Ῥωμαίους ἔκτεινον, καὶ
πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ζωγρήσαντες ἐν φυλακῇ
εἶχον, τὰ δὲ σημεῖα ξύμπαντα ἔλαβον, ὅ ὅπερ οὔπω
πρότερον Ῥωμαίοις ξυνέπεσε. τῶν τε ἀρχόντων
ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἔφευγε,
καὶ τὰς πόλεις ὅπη ἔτυχον διασωθέντες ἐφύ-
λασσον.
Vv
Χρόνῳ δὲ Toutiras οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον στρά-
τευμα ἐπί τε ᾿Ιουστῖνον καὶ Φλωρεντίαν ἔπεμψεν,
οἷς ὃ) ἄρχοντας Γότθων τοὺς μαχιμωτάτους
ἐπέστησε, Βλέδαν καὶ Ῥουδέριχον καὶ Οὐλίαριν.
οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ ἐς Φλωρεντίαν ἦλθον, ἐγκαθεζό-
μενοι ἀμφὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο.
Ἰουστῖνος δὲ ξυνταραχθεὶς 8 ἐπεὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων
ἐσκομισάμενος οὐδὲν ἔτυχεν, ἔπεμψεν ἐς 'Ῥάβεν-
1 ἄμφω Καὶ ; ξυνηνέχθη L. 2 ἦλθον K: ἐλθεῖν L.
3 ξυνταραχθεὶς Ια : ξὺν ταραχαῖς L.
190
Te τ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. iv. 29-v. 2
himself injured their cause in no small degree. For
while he went out of range of missiles and was
caring for his wound, the two armies engaged with
each other.
But when the engagement was hottest, the three
hundred barbarians suddenly appeared advancing
behind the Roman army; and when the Romans
saw these men, supposing as they did that their
assailants were a great multitude, they fell into a
panic and straightway rushed off in flight, each man
as best he could. And the barbarians kept up
a slaughter of Romans as they fled in complete
disorder, and many of them they captured and held
under guard, and they captured all the standards
besides, a thing which had never before happened
to the Romans.! As for the commanders, each one
of them as he could fled with only a few men, and
finding safety in whatever cities they happened to
reach they continued to guard them.
V
Nor long after this Totila sent an army against
Justinus and Florentia,? putting in command of the
force the most warlike of the Goths, Vledas,
_ Roderic, and Uliaris.s And when they came _ to
Florentia, they established themselves in camp
about the wall and entered upon a siege. There-
upon Justinus, in great agitation because, as it
happened, he had brought no provisions at all into
the city, sent to Ravenna to the commanders of
1 Incorrect of course ; the loss of the standards by Crassus
in 53 Β.6, and by Varus in 9 A.D. should have been known to
Procopius. 2 Modern Florence.
ΙΟΙ
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
vav πρὸς τοὺς τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντας,
βοηθεῖν σφίσι κατὰ τάχος δεόμενος. νύκτωρ τε
ὁ σταλεὶς τοὺς πολεμίους λαθὼν ἐς Ῥάβεννάν τε
ἀφίκετο καὶ τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ἀπήγγειλε. διὸ
δὴ στράτευμα Ῥωμαίων λόγου ἄξιον εὐθὺς ἐς
Φλωρεντίαν ἤει, ὧν δὴ Βέσσας τε καὶ Κυπριανὸς
L ᾿Ιωώννης ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ ἀδελφιδοῦς ἡγοῦντο.
ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Γότθοι πρὸς τῶν κατασκόπων ἐπύθοντο,
λύσαντες τὴν προσεδρείαν, ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς χωρίον
Μουκέλλιν ὄ ὄνομα, Φλωρεντίας διέχον ἡ ἡμέρας ὁδόν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ “Ῥωμαίων “στρατὸς ᾿Ιουστίνῳ ξυνέμιξεν,
ὀλίγους μέν τινας τῶν αὐτῷ ἑπομένων ἐπὶ φυλακῇ
τῆς πόλεως αὐτοῦ εἴασαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους
ἐπαγόμενοι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχώρουν.
Καὶ αὐτοῖς ὁδῷ πορευομένοις ξυμφορώτατον
ἔδοξεν εἶναι τῶν ἀρχόντων ἕνα παντὸς τοῦ
στρατοῦ τοὺς λογιμωτάτους ἀπολεξάμενον
πρόσω ἰέναι καὶ αὐτὸν ὃ μὲν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἀπροσδόκητον * ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν, τὸ δὲ
ἄλλο στράτευμα σχολῇ βαδίζον ἐνταῦθα ἰέναι.
κλήρους τε ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐμβεβλημένοι «τὴν τῆς
τύχης ἐκαραδόκουν ἐς τοῦτο γνώμην. ὁ μὲν οὖν
κλῆρος ἐκπεπήδηκεν ἐ ἐς ᾿Ιωάννην, οὐκέτι δὲ βου-
λομένοις τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἣν ἐπιτελεῖν τὰ ξυγκεί-
μενα. διὸ δὴ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ᾿Ιωάννης
ἠνάγκαστο ἐπίπροσθεν ἰὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους
χωρεῖν. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἔφοδον
γνόντες τὸ μὲν πεδίον, οὗ δὴ ἐνστρατοπεδευσά-
τοὺς λογιμωτάτους K: τὸν λογιμώτατον L.
ἀπολεξάμενον Haury: ἀπολεξαμένων K, ἀπολεξαμένοις L,
αὐτὸν Li: αὐτοὶ
ἀπροσδόκητον Li: ἀπροσδόκητοι K.
" ὦ τὸᾧἪἝ μὰ
’
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. v. 2-9
the Roman army, begging them to come to his
assistance with all speed. And the messenger
slipped unobserved through the enemy’s lines by
night, and upon reaching Ravenna reported the
situation which confronted the garrison. As a re-
sult of this intelli%ence a considerable Roman army
immediately started on the way to Florentia, under
command of Bessas, Cyprian and John the nephew
of Vitalian. When the Goths learned of this army
through their scouts, they broke up the siege and
withdrew to a place called Mucellis,! one day’s
journey distant from Florentia. And when the
Roman army had joined forces with Justinus, the
commanders left there a few of his men to guard
the city, but took the rest along with them and
proceeded against the enemy.
And as they proceeded on their way it was decided
that the most advantageous plan was for one of the
commanders to choose out the most famous fighters
--- -
in the whole army and with :them go in advance
of the others, and make a sudden and unexpected
attack upon the enemy, while the rest of the army
should proceed without quickening its pace and
come upon the scene later. So they cast lots with
this plan in view and awaited the decision of
fortune in the matter. Now the lot fell out for
John, but the commanders were no longer willing
to carry out the agreement. Thus it was that John
was compelled with his own troops alone to go in
advance of the others and make an attack upon
the enemy. But the barbarians, learning that their
Opponents were advancing upon them and being
greatly terrified, decided to abandon the plain
1 Modern Mugello (a valley).
193
VOL. IV. ο
10
11
12
13
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μενοι ἐτύγχανον, δέει πολλῷ ἀπολιπεῖν ἔγνωσαν,
ἐς λόφον δὲ μέγαν τινὰ ὃς ταύτῃ ἀνέχει ξὺν
θορύβῳ ἀνέδραμον. ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην
ἐνταῦθα ἐγένοντο, ἀναδραμόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ
τοὺς πολεμίους ἔργου εἴχοντο. καρτερῶς δὲ τῶν
βαρβάρων ἀμυνομένων ὠθισμός τε πολὺς γέγονε
καὶ πολλοὶ ἑκατέρωθεν ἔργα ἐνδεικνύμενοι θαυ-
μαστὰ ἔπιπτον. ᾿Ιωάννου δὲ κραυγῇ τε καὶ
ταραχῇ πολλῇ ἐπὶ τοὺς κατ᾽ αὐτὸν πολεμίους
ὁρμήσαντος ξυνέβη τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὐτοῦ ἕνα
πρός του τῶν πολεμίων ἀκοντίῳ βληθέντα πεσεῖν"
ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τε Ρωμαῖοι ἀποκρουσθέντες ὀπίσω
ἐχώρουν.
Ἤδη δὲ καὶ ὁ λοιπὸς τῶν «Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς
ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἀφικόμενοι φάλαγγά τε ποιησάμενοι
ἵσταντο. καὶ ei) μὲν φυγόντας τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν
᾿Ιωάννην ἐδέξαντο, ξὺν 5 αὐτοῖς ἂν ὁμόσε τοῖς
πολεμίοις χωρήσαντες ὃ ἐνίκησάν τε τῇ ξυμβολῇ
καὶ σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἑλεῖν ἴσχυσαν. ἀλλὰ
τύχῃ τινὶ ξυνέβη ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον
φήμην οὐκ ἀληθῆ “περιφέρεσθαι, ὡς δὴ ᾿Ιωάννης
πρός του τῶν αὐτοῦ δορυφόρων ἐ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ
ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθείη. ἐπεί τε ὁ λόγος ἐς
τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἦλθε, μένειν ἐνταῦθα οὐκέτι
ἠξίουν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς ὑπαγωγὴν αἰσχράν τινα ξύμπαντες
ἤεσαν. οὐδὲ γὰρ ξυντεταγμένοι οὐδὲ κατὰ Evp-
μορίας τινάς, GAN αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ὥς πη ἐδύνατο
ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμητο. καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ
Tel Dis ot Ke
2 ξὺν L: καὶ ξὺν K.
3 χωρήσαντες L: ἐχώρησαν K.
194
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. v. 9-16
where they had established their camp, and in
confusion ran to the top of a high hill which rises
near by. And when the force of John arrived there,
they too ran up against the enemy and opened the
attack. But since the barbarians defended them-
selves vigorously, a violent struggle took place and
many men on both sides, while making a remarkable
display of heroism, were beginning to fall. Now
though John had led a charge with loud shouting ©
and tumult against the enemy opposite him, it so
happened that one of his bodyguards was hit by
a javelin thrown by one of the enemy and fell;
as a result of this the Romans, now repulsed, began
to retire to the rear.
By this time the remainder of the Roman army
also had reached the plain, where they formed a
phalanx and stood waiting. And if they had stood
fast to give support to Jolin’s troops, which were
now in full flight, they could have advanced all
together upon the enemy, and not only would they
have defeated them in the battle, but they would
have been able also to capture practically the whole
force. But by some chance it so fell out that an
untrue report was circulated through the Roman
army to the effect that John had perished at the
hand of one of his own bodyguards during the
action then in progress. And when the report
came to the commanders, they were no longer
willing to hold their position, but they one and
all began to retire in a disgraceful sort of retreat,
For neither did they keep their troops in order,
nor did they move off in any kind of groups, but
each man for himself, just as he could, rushed off
in headlong flight. And many indeed perished in
195
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ταύτῃ ἀπώλοντο, ὅσοι μέντοι διεσώθησαν ἡμέρας
πολλὰς οὐδαμῆ διωκόμενοι ἔφευγον. χρόνῳ τε
ὕστερον ὡς ἑκάστῳ ἔτυχεν ἐς ὀχυρώματά τινα
ἐσελθόντες ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἀπήγγελλον τοῖς ἐντυγχά-
νουσιν ἢ ὅτι τεθνεὼς ᾿Ιωάννης εἴη. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
οὔτε ξυνεμίγνυντο ἔτι ἀλλήλοις οὔτε ξυνίστασθαι
τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους διενοοῦντο, ἀλλ᾽
ἕκαστος τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν περιβόλου ἐντὸς ἔμενε
καὶ τὰ ἐς πολιορκίαν ἡτοίμαζε, δεδιὼς μὴ οἱ
βάρβαροι ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἴωσι. ουτίλας δὲ φιλοφρο-
σύνην ἐς τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους emo ἐνδεικνύ-
μενος, προσποιεῖσθαί τε αὐτοὺς ' ἴσχυσε καὶ τὸ
λοιπὸν ἐθελούσιοι ξὺν αὐτῷ οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐπὶ
“Ῥωμαίους ἐστράτευον. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ
ἕβδομον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν
Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.
VI
"ἕπειτα δὲ ὁ Τουτίλας Καισῆνάν τε καὶ Tétpav
Ta φρούρια εἷχεν. ὀλίγον τε ὕστερον ἐς Τουσκίαν
ἀφίκετο, καὶ τῶν ἐνταῦθα χωρίων ἀποπειρασά-
μενος, ἐπεί οἱ προσχωρεῖν οὐδεὶς ἤθελε, Τίβεριν
ποταμὸν διαβάς, ἐς μὲν τὰ Ῥώμης ὅρια οὐδαμῆ
ἦλθεν, ἐς Καμπανοὺς δὲ καὶ Σαμνίτας αὐτίκα
ἥκων Βενεβεντὸν πόλιν ἐχυρὰν παρεστήσατο
οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, καὶ αὐτῆς τὰ τείχη ἐς ἔδαφος
καθεῖλεν, ὅπως μὴ στράτευμα ἐκ Βυζαντίου
ἧκον ἔκ τε ὀχυροῦ ὁρμώμενον πράγματα Τ᾽ ότθοις
παρέχειν δύνηται. μετὰ δὲ Νεαπολίτας πολιορ-
1 αὐτοὺς L: αὐτῶν K.
τοῦ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. v. 16-vi. 2
this flight, and as for the rest, all such as were
saved continued their flight for many days although
they were not pursued at all. And some time after-
wards they entered such strongholds as each one
happened upon, and the report they carried to those
they chanced to meet was only this, that John was
dead. And consequently they were no longer in
contact with each other, nor had they any purpose
of uniting thereafter against the enemy, but each
_ remained inside the circuit-wall of his own fort and
began to prepare for a siege, fearing that the
barbarians would come against him. Totila, mean-
while, was shewing great kindness to his prisoners,
and thereby succeeded in winning their allegiance,
and henceforth the most of them voluntarily served
under him against the Romans. And the winter
drew to its close, and the seventh year ended in
this war, the history of which Procopius has written.
VI
Arter this Totila took the fortresses of Caesena 1!
and Petra. And a little later he entered ‘Tuscany
and made trial of the places there; but since no
one was willing to yield to him, he crossed the
Tiber, and, carefully refraining from entering the
territory of Rome at all, he advanced immediately
into Campania and Samnium and with no trouble
won the strong city of Beneventum, the walls of
which he razed to the ground, in order that any
army coming from Byzantium might not be able, by
using this strong base, to cause trouble for the
Goths, After this he decided to besiege Naples,
1 Modern Cesena.
ΤΟ]
542A D.
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
lal ” 2 \ SN / a / /
κεῖν ἔγνω, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν δέχεσθαι TH πόλει, καίπερ
) \ \ / e “ δ
ἐπαγωγὰ πολλὰ λέγοντα, ὡς ἥκιστα ἤθελον.
Ld \ 2 a b ΄ « 7, \
Κόνων yap ἐνταῦθα ἐφύλασσε, Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ
/ lal /
᾿Ισαύρων χιλίους ἔχων. Kal αὐτὸς μὲν τῷ πλείονι
τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενος οὐ πολλῷ
” n / ς 7 f} \ fol
ἄποθεν τοῦ περιβόλου ἡσύχαζε, πέμψας δὲ τῆς
“ -“ Ν 4
στρατιᾶς μοῖραν, Κύμην te τὸ φρούριον καὶ ἄλλα
/
ἄττα ὀχυρώματα εἷλε, χρήματά τε ἐνθένδε περι-
βαλέσθαι μεγάλα ἴσχυσε. καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν ἐκ
βουλῆς ἐνταῦθα εὑρὼν οὔτε ὕβρισε! καὶ ξὺν πολλῇ
΄ 2 / > a / bye’) b rn
φιλοφροσύνῃ ἐλευθέρας ἀφῆκε, μέγα τε aT αὐτοῦ
ὄνομα ἐπί τε ξυνέσει καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ ἐς Ῥωμαίου
/ re ” P C μ 3
ο
ἅπαντας ἔσχε.
ig >
Kal ἐπεί of πολέμιον οὐδὲν ὑπηντίαζεν, ὀλίγους
fa) a / fa
ἀεὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ περιπέμπων ἔργα λόγου πολλοῦ
/
ἄξια ἔπρασσε. Bpittiovs μὲν καὶ Λευκανοὺς
παρεστήσατο, καὶ ᾿Απουλίαν ξὺν Καλαβρίᾳ ἔσχε,
τούς τε δημοσίους φόρους αὐτὸς ἔπρασσε, καὶ τὰς
τῶν χρημάτων προσόδους ἀντὶ τῶν τὰ χωρία
/ 2 / \ ΝΜ ’ [A a
κεκτημένων ἐφέρετο, Kal τἄλλα καθίστη ἅτε τῆς
᾽ / \ / X \ ae¢ ’
Ἱταλίας γεγονὼς κύριος. διὸ δὴ τῇ “Ρωμαίων
lal “ /
στρατιᾷ χρόνοις τοῖς καθήκουσιν οὐ κομιζομένῃ
τὰς συνειθισμένας συντάξεις χρήματα μεγάλα
\ ” δ." ’ > a « \ Ω a
βασιλεὺς ὠφειλε. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ οἱ μὲν ᾿Ιταλιῶται
r , rh
TOV TE προσηκόντων ἐκπεπτωκότες καὶ ἐς κινδύνου
, 4 2 , ? / ΄ δ
μέγεθος αὖθις ἐληλακότες ἐν πένθει μεγάλῳ ἐγί-
lal / \
vovTo. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπειθεστέρους αὑτοὺς
nr » a a ” a
τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ETL μᾶλλον παρεῖχον, ἔν τε ταῖς
1 ὕβρισε K: ὕβρισεν, ἀλλὰ L,
198
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII, vi. 2-7
because the inhabitants, in spite of his many winning
words, were quite unwilling to receive him into the
city. For Conon was keeping guard there with a
force of a thousand Romans and Isaurians. And
Yotila himself with the greater part of the army
made camp not far from the fortifications and
remained quiet, but he sent off a part of the army
and captured the fortress of Cumae and certain
other strongholds, from which he succeeded in
gathering in great sums of money. And _ finding
the wives of the senators there, he not only refrained
from offering them any insult, but actually shewed
such kindness as to let them go free, and by this
act he won a great name for wisdom and humanity
among all Romans.
And since no hostile force was operating against
_him, he was constantly sending small detachments
of the army round about and accomplishing results
of great importance. In this way he brought the
Brutii and Lucani under his sway,and gained Apulia
as well as Calabria. And he himself collected the
public taxes and also received the revenues from the
land instead of those who owned the estates, and
in all other matters he conducted himself as having
_ become master of Italy. In consequence of this the
Roman soldiers naturally did not receive their cus-
tomary payments at the times appointed, and the
emperor owed them great sums of money. Because
of this situation the Italians, on the one hand, having
been evicted from their property and finding them-
selves for the second time in very grave peril, were
beginning to feel greatly dejected, while the soldiers,
on the other hand, were shewing themselves increas-
ingly insubordinate to their commanders, and were
199
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
f Μ᾽ ” \ A 2
8 πόλεσιν ἄσμενοι ἔμενον. Κωνσταντιανὸς μὲν οὖν
10
:
12
14
Ῥάβενναν εἶχεν, ᾿Ιωάννης δὲ Ῥώμην, Σπολίτιον
Ν / Nye. lal 7 A
δὲ Βέσσας, καὶ lovarivos Φλωρεντίαν, Κυπριανὸς
δὲ Περυσίαν, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἕκαστος ὅπη φυγών
τε καὶ διασωθεὶς κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔτυχε.
᾽ , Ἐς
Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς μαθών τε καὶ ἐν ξυμφορᾷ
πεποιημένος τῶν ᾿Ιταλίας πραυτωρίων ἔπαρχον
A ε ͵, , 2,7? @ a
Μαξιμῖνον ὡς τάχιστα κατεστήσατο, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τοῖς
Ν / /
Te ἄρχουσιν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιστάτης εἴη καὶ
fal Ὁ \ /
τοῖς στρατιώταις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια KATA τὴν χρείαν
πορίζηται. καί οἱ νεῶν ξυνέπεμψε στόλον,
ἴω \\ 5) / an i 3 /
Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Δρμενίων στρατιωτῶν. ἐμπλησά-
μενος. ἡγεῖτο δὲ τῶν μὲν Θρᾳκῶν “Ηρωδιανός,
τῶν δὲ ᾿Αρμενίων Palas Ἴβηρ, ΤΠερανίου ἀδελφι-
an / \ > fal \ S 5 /
δοῦς: ξυνέπλεον δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Οὖννοι ὀλίγοι.
a \ 5 yA Σ , \ a
Μαξιμῖνος μὲν οὖν ἄρας ἐκ Βυζαντίου παντὶ τῷ
[/ n / > \ Ui Ss
στόλῳ τῆς Ἑλλάδος és τὴν "Ἢπειρον ἦλθεν"
Μ \ \ \ / 3 4 > \
ἔνθα δὴ τὸν καιρὸν κατατρίβων ἐκάθητο οὐδενὶ
fal v
λόγῳ. ἣν yap πολεμίων ἔργων οὐδαμῶς ἔμπειρος
\ SD) > a , \ \ > \
καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δειλός τε Kal μελλητὴς ἐς τὰ
μάλιστα.
Μετὰ δὲ καὶ Δημήτριον στρατηγὸν βασιλεὺς
ἔπεμψεν, ὃ ὃς δὴ τὰ πρότερα ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἐστρά-
fal /
Teve καταλόγου πεζικοῦ ἄρχων. καταπλεύσας
= « , ᾽ Ss , ? \ , ΄,
οὖν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐς Σικελίαν, ἐπεὶ Κόνωνά τε
καὶ Νεαπολίτας πικρότατα πολιορκεῖσθαι τῶν
/
ἐπιτηδείων παντάπασι σπανίζοντας ἤκουσε, βοη-
1 στρατιατῶν Comparetti: στρατὸν MSS., στρατοῦ Mal-
tretus.
200
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VIL. vi. 7-14
glad to remain inside the cities. So Constantianus
was holding Ravenna, John Rome, Bessas Spolitium,+
Justinus Florentia, and Cyprian Perusia ;? and each
one of the others was holding whatever town had
originally provided him shelter and safety in his
flight.
Upon hearing of these things, the emperor, in sore
distress, made all haste to appoint Maximinus pre-
torian prefect? of Italy, commissioning him to exercise
authority over the commanders for the purpose of
carrying on the war, and to furnish the soldiers
with provisions according to their needs. And he
sent a fleet of ships with him, manning them with
Thracian and Armenian soldiers. The leader of the
Thracians was Herodian, and of the Armenians
Phazas the Iberian, nephew of Peranius;4 and a
few Huns also sailed with them. So Maximinus
sailed forth from Byzantium with the whole fleet
and reached Epirus in Greece, where for no good
reason he proceeded to settle down and waste
precious time. For he was utterly inexperienced
in warlike deeds, and was consequently both timid
and exceedingly prone to delay.
Later on the emperor sent Demetrius also as
general, a man who had previously served under
Belisarius as commander of a detachment of infantry.5
So Demetrius sailed to Sicily, and, upon learning
that Conon and the inhabitants of Naples were ex-
ceedingly hard pressed by the siege, being altogether
out of provisions, he wished indeed to go to their
1 Modern Spoleto. 2 Modern Perugia.
° Praefectus practorio, though the praetorians in Italy were
no longer an imperial bodyguard.
4 See Book I. xii. 11, etc. 5 See Book V. v. 3.
201
15
16
17
18
20
21
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
θεῖν μὲν κατὰ τάχος ἤθελεν, ἀδύνατος δὲ ὦν, ἐπεί
οἱ στράτευμα βραχύ τε καὶ οὐκ ἀξιόλογον εἵπετο,
ἐπενόει τοιάδε. ναῦς ὅτι πλείστας ἐκ Σικελίας
ἁπάσης ἀγείρας σίτου τε αὐτὰς ἐμπλησάμενος
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ἔπλει, δόκησιν παρέχων
τοῖς ἐναντίοις πάμπολύ τι στράτευμα ἐν ταῖς
ναυσὶν εἶναι. καὶ ἔτυχέ γε τῆς τῶν πολεμίων
ἐννοίας. μέγαν γὰρ σφίσιν ἐπιέναι στρατὸν
ὦοντο, τεκμαιρόμενοι ὅτι δὴ στόλου πολύ τι
χρῆμα πλεῖν ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπύθοντο. καὶ εἰ μὲν
κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς εὐθὺ Νεαπόλεως ἰέναι Δημήτριος
ἤθελεν, οἶμαι ἂν αὐτὸν ἐκπλῆξαί τε τοὺς πολε-
μίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν διασώσασθαι, οὐδενός οἱ
ἀντιστατοῦντος. νῦν δὲ κατορρωδήσας τὸν κίνδυ-
νον καταίρειν μὲν ἐς Νεάπολιν ἥκιστα ἔγνω, ἐς
δὲ τὸν Ρώμης καταπλεύσας λιμένα, στρατιώτας
ἐνθένδε ἀγείρειν ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο. οἱ δὲ ἅτε
πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων ἡσσημένοι τεῦ καὶ μέγα
δέος ἔτι ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἔχοντες, ἕπεσθαι Δημητρίῳ
ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον.
διὸ δὴ μόνοις τοῖς ἐκ Βυζαντίου ξὺν αὐτῷ ἥκουσιν
ἐς Νεάπολιν ἰέναι ἠνάγκαστο.
Ἢν δέ τις Δημήτριος ἕ ἕτερος, Κεφαληνὸς γένος,
ναύτης μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν καὶ τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν
ἔργων τε καὶ κινδύνων ἀκριβῶς ἔ ἔμπειρος, πλεύσας
δὲ ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἔς τε Λιβύην καὶ ᾿Ιταλίαν
ἐγένετο ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν δόκιμος, καὶ
ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐπίτροπον βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν Νεαπόλεως
κατεστήσατο. ἐπειδή τε οἱ βάρβαροι τὸ χωρίον
πολιορκεῖν ἤρξαντο, ἀσελγείᾳ πολλῇ ἐχόμενος ἐς
1 igvas K: om. L. 2 ἤθελεν Καὶ ; ἦλθεν L.
3 re K: τε ἤδη L. 4 δόκιμος Καὶ : εὐδόκιμος L.
202
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. vi. 14-21
assistance with all speed, but was unable to do so
because the force which followed him was so small
as to be of little consequence, and so devised the
following plan. Gathering as many ships as possible
from all Sicily and filling them with grain and other
provisions, he set sail, making it appear to his
opponents that some enormous army was aboard the
ships. And he judged the mind of the enemy
correctly ; for they thought that a great army was
coming upon them, reaching this conclusion just
because they had learned that a huge fleet was sail-
_ ing from Sicily. And if Demetrius had been willing
at the very first to steer straight for Naples, I believe
that he would have both struck terror into the enemy
and saved the city, without a man opposing him.
But as it was, he felt that the danger involved was
too great, and so did not put in to Naples at all,
but sailing to the harbour of Rome began hastily to
gather soldiers from there. But the soldiers at
Rome, having been defeated by the barbarians and
still regarding them with great awe, were by no
means willing to follow Demetrius against Totila
and the Goths. Thus it came about that he was
compelled to go to Naples with only the troops who
had come with him from Byzantium.
Now there was another Demetrius, a Cephalenian
by birth, who had previously been a sailor and was
thoroughly skilled in all matters pertaining to the
sea and its dangers, and having sailed with Belisarius
to Libya and to Italy, he had become noted for this
skill of his; and for this reason the emperor had
appointed him governor of Naples. And when the
barbarians began to besiege the town, he was so
carried away by a spirit of utter wantonness that
203
--΄΄-..
22
29
24
20
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τὸν Τουτίλαν συχνὰ ὕβριζε, λίαν Te ἀθυρόγλωσσος
ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ ὁ ἀνὴρ ὠφθη.
Ἱροϊόντος δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀπωλείας
τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἐπὶ μέγα χωρούσης γνώμῃ
Κόνωνος ἐ ἐς λέμβον τινὰ λάθρα ἐσβὰς ἐτόλμησε
παρὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν Δημήτριον ἐ ἰέναι μόνος. ἐκ
δὲ τοῦ παραδόξου σωθείς τε καὶ ξυγγενόμενος τῷ
Δημητρίῳ ἐθάρσυνέ τε μάλιστα καὶ ἐς ταύτην δὴ
τὴν πρᾶξιν € ἐνῆγε. Τουτίλας δὲ τὸν πάντα λόγον
ἀμφὶ τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ ἀκούσας δρόμωνας μὲν
πολλοὺς ἄριστα πλέοντας ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχεν,
ἐπειδὴ δὲ κατῆραν ἐς τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτὴν οἱ πολέμιοι
Νεαπόλεως οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, ἐλῶυν ἐκ τοῦ
ἀπροσδοκήτου κατέπληξέτε καὶ ἐς φυγὴν ἅπαντας
ἔτρεψε. καὶ αὐτῶν πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτεινεν, ἐξώ-
ypnce δὲ πλείστους, διέφυγον δὲ ὅσοι ἐς τῶν νεῶν
τοὺς λέμβους ἐσπηδῆσαι κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἴσχυσαν, ἐν
τοῖς καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ στρατηγὸς ἦν. τὰς γὰρ
ναῦς ἁπάσας σὺν αὐτοῖς φορτίοις, αὐτοῖς ἀν-
δράσιν, οἱ βάρβαροι εἷλον. οὗ δὴ καὶ Δημήτριον
τὸν Νεαπόλεως ἐπίτροπον εὗρον. γλώσσάν τε
καὶ χεῖρας ἄμφω ἀποτεμόντες οὐκ ἔκτειναν μέν,
οὕτω δὲ λωβησάμενοι ὅπη βούλοιτο ἀφῆκαν
ἰέναι. ταύτην τε Τουτίλᾳ τὴν δίκην Δημήτριος
γλώσσης ἀκολάστου ἐξέτισεν.
ΥΠ
Ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Μαξιμῖνος πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶ
Σικελίᾳ προσέσχεν, ἔς τε τὰς Συρακούσας
1 ἐσβὰς K: ἐμβὰς L.
204
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. vi. 21-vii. 1
he commenced to heap insults upon Totila, and
continued often to do so, and the man was observed
to have an exceedingly reckless tongue during this
time of stress,
As the situation became worse and the loss of
life among the besieged was becoming serious, this
man, acting on the advice of Conon, had the daring
to embark secretly on a skiff and go alone to the
general Demetrius. And having, to everybody’s
surprise, made the voyage in safety and coming before
Demetrius, he endeavoured with all his power to stir
him to boldness, and urged him on to undertake the
task before him. But Totila had heard the whole truth
about this fleet and was holding many ships of the
swiftest sort in readiness; and when the enemy put
in at that part of the coast, not far from Naples, he
came upon them unexpectedly, and filling them with
consternation turned the whole force to flight. And
although he killed many of them, he captured a
very large number, and there escaped only as many
as succeeded at the first in leaping into the small
boats of the ships, among whom was Demetrius the
general. For the barbarians captured all the ships
with their cargoes, crews and all, among whom they
found Demetrius, the governor of Naples. And
cutting off his tongue and both his hands, they did
not indeed kill him, but released him thus mutilated
to go where he would. This then was the penalty
which Demetrius paid to Totila for an unbridled
tongue.
Vil
_Larer on Maximinus also put in at Sicily with all
his ships, and upon reaching Syracuse he remained
205
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀφικόμενος ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε, κατορρωδῶν τὰ πολέμια.
ἃ δὴ μαθόντες οἱ τοῦ Ρωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες
σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐς αὐτὸν ἔπεμπον, βοηθεῖν κατὰ
τώχος δεόμενοι οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ Κόνων ἐκ
Νεαπόλεως ἰσχυρότατα πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων
πολιορκούμενος" ἤδη γὰρ ἅπαντα σφᾶς τὰ
ἐπιτήδεια ἐπελελοίπει. ὁ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἅπαντα
ἐν ταύτῃ δὴ κατατρίψας τῇ ὀρρωδίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ τάς
τε βασιλέως ἀπειλὰς ἔδεισε καὶ κακεζόμενος
πρὸς τῶν ἄλλων ἀπεῖπεν, αὐτὸς μὲν ᾿ οὐδέν τι
ἧσσον αὐτοῦ ἔμεινε, τὸν δὲ στρατὸν ἅπαντα ξύν
τε Ἡρωδιανῷ καὶ Δημητρίῳ καὶ Φάξᾳ ἐς
Νεάπολιν ἔπεμψε, ᾿σφοδρότατα ἐγκειμένης ἤδη
τῆς τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥρας.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ Νεαπόλεως ὁ Ῥωμαίων στόλος ἀγχοῦ
ἐγένετο, κατέβαινε σκληρὸς ἄνεμος, ἐξαίσιόν τινα
χειμῶνα ἐγείρων. καὶ ὁ μὲν ζόφος " ἅπαντα
ἐνεδίδου, ὁ δὲ κλύδων τὰς κώπας ἀνασπᾶν ἢ
ἄλλο τι ἐνεργεῖν τοὺς ναύτας οὐκ εἴα. διά τε
τῶν ῥοθίων τὸν κτύπον ἔτι ἀλλήλων κατακούειν
οὐκ ἣν, ἀλλὰ ξύγχυσίς τε λαμπρῶς ἐκράτει καὶ
/
id
ἡ TOU πνεύματος ἐπρυπάνευς βία, ἥ ἥπερ αὐτοὺς ὡς
ἥκιστα ἐθελουσίους ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἤνεγκεν οὗ δὴ
ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο οἱ πολέμιοι. ἐπιβαίνοντες οὖν
κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν οἱ βάρβαροι τοῖς σκάφεσι τῶν
ἐναντίων, ἔκτεινόν τε καὶ κατέδυον οὐδενὸς σφίσιν
ἀντιστατοῦντος. ἐζώγρησαν δὲ ἄλλους τε πολ-
λοὺς καὶ Δημήτριον τὸν στρατηγόν. ᾿ἩΗρωδιανὸς
δὲ καὶ Φάξας ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ διαφυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν,
1 μὲν L: μέντοι Κα. 2 ὥφος K: φάζας L.
3 ἐνεδίδου MSS. : efAvev Christ.
4 ἐθελουσίους KraSeninnikoy : ἐθελουσίως MSS.
206
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. vii. 1-7
quiet, being terrified at the perils of war. Now when
the commanders of the Roman army learned of his
coming, they all sent to him with great eagerness,
begging him to come to the rescue with all speed ;
and Conon sent a particularly urgent message from
Naples, where he was most vigorously besieged by
the barbarians; for by this time all their provisions
had been exhausted. But Maximinus, after delaying
through the whole critical period in such a state of
terror, was finally moved by his fear of the emperor's
threats and gave way before the abuse of the other
commanders; so, while he himself still remained
just where he was, he sent the whole army to Naples
with Herodian, Demetrius and Phazas, the winter
season being already very close upon them.
But when the Roman fleet had reached a point
close to Naples, a violent wind came down upon
them, raising an extraordinarily severe tempest.
And the darkness covered! everything, while the
surging waters prevented the sailors from pulling
their oars or handling the ships in any other way.
And because of the roar of foaming waves they were
no longer able to hear one another, but complete
confusion prevailed and they were at the mercy of
the wind’s violence, which carried them, little as
they wished it, to the very shore where the enemy
were encamped. The barbarians, therefore, boarding
the craft of their opponents at their leisure, began
to kill the men and sink the ships without meeting
any opposition. And they also captured along with
many others the general Demetrius. But Herodian
and Phazas with some few men succeeded in making
1 The MSS. do not offer a readable text; the translation
represents Christ’s conjecture.
207
8
9
10
11
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
2 \ > n e an “
ἐπεὶ αὐτῶν αἱ νῆες οὐ λίαν mov! ἄγχιστα τοῦ
τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδου ἦλθον. τὰ μὲν οὖν
ἀμφὶ τῷ Ρωμαίων στόλῳ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχε.
Τουτίλας δὲ καλώδιον ἀναψάμενος ἐς τὸν
Δημητρίου αὐχένα, ἔς τε τὸν Νεαπόλεως περί-
βολον εἷλκε 3 καὶ παραινεῖν τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις
ἐκέλευε μηκέτι ἀνονήτοις ἐλπίσι πιστεύοντας
/ 3 \ \ / “ ΄
διαφθείρεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν ὅτι τάχιστα
, { “-“
Γότθοις ἐνδιδόντας μεγάλων ἀπηλλάχθαι κακῶν.
Ἰδύ \ / 3 \ \ yi /
ἀδύνατον yap βασιλέα 3 τὸ λοιπὸν ἄλλην σφίσιν
> / / 2 ᾽ > \ a / /
ἐπικουρίαν πέμψαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ
πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς τήν τε δύναμιν καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα
διολωλέναι. Δημήτριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν, ὅσα
/ a
Τουτίλας ἐκέλευεν. οἱ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι τῷ τε
λιμῷ ἤδη καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἀπορίᾳ ὑπερφυῶς πιεζό-
μενοι, ἐπεὶ τό τε πάθος Δημητρίου εἶδον καὶ τοὺς
λόγους ἅπαντας ἤκουσαν, ἀπογνόντες “ἐλπίδος
ἁπάσης ἔς τε οἰμωγὰς καὶ ἀμηχανίαν ἐνέπιπτον,
ἣν τε ἡ πόλις θορύβου πολλοῦ καὶ κωκυτοῦ
ἔμπλεως.
Μετὰ δὲ καὶ Τουτίλας αὐτοὺς ξυγκαλέσας ἐς
τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἔλεξε τοιάδε: “Οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν ἢ
μέμψιν ἐς ὑμᾶς ἔχοντες, ἄνδρες Νεαπολῖται,
τανῦν ἐς πολιορκίαν τήνδε κατέστημεν, ἀλλ᾽
ὅπως ἐχθίστων ὑμᾶς ἀπαλλάξαντες δεσποτῶν
οἷοί τε ὦμεν Tas τεῦ χάριτας ὑμῖν ἐκτιννύναι, ἢ
ὧνπερ ἡμᾶς δεδρακότες ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ τὰ
αλεπώτατα πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων πεπόνθατε.
μόνους γὰρ ᾿Ιταλιωτῶν ὑμᾶς ἁπάντων εὔνοιάν τε
τὴν μεγίστην ἐς Γότθων τὸ ἔθνος ἐπιδεδεῖχθαι
1 αὐτῶν αἱ νῆες οὐ λίαν Ια : αὐτοὶ ἐς οὐλίαν που L.
2 εἷλκε L: ἦλθε K,
208
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. vii. 7-12
their escape, because their ships did not come very
close to the enemy’s camp. Such was the fate of
the Roman fleet.
_ And Totila fastened a cord about Demetrius’ neck
and so dragged him up to the wall of Naples, where
he ordered him to advise the besieged no longer to
ruin themselves by trusting in hopes of no avail, but
to hand the city over as quickly as possible to the
Goths and thus rid themselves of bitter hardships ;
for the emperor, he said, was unable thereafter to
send them further aid, but in this fleet both their
strength and their hope had utterly perished. So
Demetrius spoke the words which Totila commanded,
And the besieged, being now exceedingly hard
pressed by famine and utter destitution, upon seeing
the fate of Demetrius and hearing all his words,
began to despair of every hope, and gave way to
sorrowing and helplessness, and the city was filled
with loud tumult and lamentation.
Afterwards Totila himself called them up to the
battlement, and addressed them as follows: “ Men
_ of Naples, it is not because we have any charge or
_ reproach to bring against you, that we have under-
taken this present siege, but in order that we may
_ be able, by freeing you from most hated masters, to
repay you for the service you have rendered us
_ during this war—a service which has induced the
enemy to treat you with the utmost severity. For
it has come about that you alone among all the
Italians have manifested the greatest loyalty to the
ὅ βασιλέα K: βασιλεῖ L.
‘ τάς τε MSS. : Dindorf would delete τε, τάς γε or ταύτῃ
Krageninnikov.
> ὑμῖν ἐκτιννύναι K: ὑμῶν ἑκάστω τιννύναι κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν L.
209
VOL. IV. P
ΝΣ σα A re ον πα πὰ. ὦ
18
14
10
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καὶ ἀκουσίους μάλιστα ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐναντίοις
γεγενῆσθαι ξυμβέβηκεν. ὥστε καὶ νῦν πο-
λιορκεῖν ὑμᾶς ξὺν ἐκείνοις ἠναγκασμένοι τὸ
πιστὸν ὑμῶν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, αἰσχυνόμεθα, καίπερ
οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ πονηρῷ Νεαπολιτῶν τὴν προσεδρείαν
ποιούμενοι. μὴ τοίνυν ἀχθόμενοι τοῖς ἐκ τῆς
πολιορκίας δεινοῖς Γότθους οἴεσθε δεῖν δι᾽ ὀργῆς
ἔχειν. οἱ γὰρ τοὺς φίλους εὐεργετεῖν, ἐπειγόμενοι
οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν εἰσὶν ἄξιοι πρὸς αὐτῶν φέρεσθαι,
κἂν μὴ διὰ τῶν πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀναγκάζωνται τὴν
πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαπράσσεσθαι χάριν. τῶν δὲ
πολεμίων ὡς ἥκιστα ὑμᾶς δέος εἰσίτω, μηδὲ τοῖς
προλαβοῦσιν ἠγμένοι κρατήσειν αὐτοὺς ἡμῶν
οἴεσθε: τὰ γὰρ τοῦ βίου παράλογα τύχη τινὶ
παρὰ δόξαν ἐλθόντα τῷ χρόνῳ αὖθις καταρρεῖν
εἴωθεν. οὕτω δὲ ὑμῖν εὗνοι 1 καθέσταμεν " ὥ ὥστε
καὶ Κόνωνα καὶ πάντας στρατιώτας κακῶν
ἀπαθεῖς ὅπη βούλοιντο συγχωροῦμεν ἰέναι, ἤν
γε τὴν πόλιν ἐνδόντες ἡμῖν ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλάσ-
σοιντο, ὃ πάντα τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχοντας" καὶ
ὑπὲρ τούτων ἡμᾶς καὶ τῆς Νεαπολιτῶν σωτηρίας
ὀμεῖσθαι οὐδὲν κωλύσει."
Τουτίλας μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν, ἐπήνεσαν δὲ οἵ τε
Νεαπολῖται καὶ οἱ ξὺν τῷ Κόνωνι στρατιῶται
πάντες. πολλὴ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀνάγκη τοῦ λιμοῦ
ἐπίεζε. πίστιν μέντοι ἐς βασιλέα φυλάσσοντες
καὶ βοήθειάν τινα ἔτι παρέσεσθαι σφίσι καρα-
εὖνοι K: om, L.
καθέσταμεν K: κατέστημεν L.
ἀπαλλάσσοιντο K: ἀπαλλάσσοιντο ὅτι τάχιστα L,
ths—owrnplas Dindorf ; τὴν---σωτηρίαν MSS.
Ὁ ὦ pH
210
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. vii. 12-18
Gothic nation and have fallen most unwillingly
under the power of our opponents. So that, in the
present circumstances, when we have been com-
pelled to besiege you along with them, we naturally
have a feeling of reluctance on account of your
loyalty to us, although we are not carrying on the
siege in order to harm the Neapolitans. Do not,
therefore, in vexation at the miseries arising from
the siege, think that you ought to regard the Goths
with anger. For those who are striving to benefit
their friends merit from them no blame, even though
they be compelled to use unpleasant means in
accomplishing the service they afford them. And
as for the enemy, let not the least fear of them
enter your hearts, and be not led by past events to
think that they will gain the victory over us. For
the unreasonable events of life,!) which are due to
chance and contrary to expectation, are apt as time
goes on to come to naught again. And such is the
good-will which we feel toward you that we make
the concession that both Conon and all his soldiers
may go free from harm wherever they may wish, on
the one condition that they yield the city to us and
depart hence, taking with them all their own posses-
sions; and nothing shall prevent our taking an oath
to secure these promises and to guarantee the safety
of the Neapolitans.”
Thus spoke Totila; and both the Neapolitans and
all the soldiers under command of Conon expressed
approval; for the keen necessity of famine was
pressing them hard.- However, by way of guarding
their allegiance to the emperor, and still expecting,
as they did, that some assistance would come to
1 He means the Roman successes.
211
p 2
19
20
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δοκοῦντες τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν ὡμολόγουν ἐνδώσειν
τὴν πόλιν. Toutiras δὲ πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς ἐκ
, :Σ va) > , 224 7 “
βασιλέως ἱ ἀνασοβεῖν ἐλπίδα ἐθέλων τριῶν
μηνῶν ἔταξε χρόνον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δὴ μετὰ τοῦτον τὰ
ὡμολογημένα ποιήσωσι. πρότερον δὲ οὐ προσβο-
λήν τινα κατὰ τοῦ περιβόλου ποιήσεσθαι
3 , > \ BA Ν >’ “ > > \
ἰσχυρίζετο, οὐδὲ ἄλλῃ τινὶ ἐπιβουλῇ ἐς αὐτοὺς
χρῆσθαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὗν οὕτως ἐδέδοκτο. οἱ δὲ
πολιορκούμενοι οὐκ ἀναμείναντες τὴν κυρίαν
(λίαν γὰρ ἐβιάξοντο τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ)
ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον τῇ πόλει “Ῥουτίλαν τε καὶ τοὺς
βαρβάρους ἐδέξαντο. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ
ὄγδοον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν
ΠΙροκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.
ΥΠΙ
Ered) δὲ Νεάπολιν Τουτίλας εἷλε, φιλαν-
θρωπίαν ἐς τοὺς ἡλωκότας ἐπεδείξατο οὔτε
πολεμίῳ οὔτε βαρβάρῳ ἀνδρὶ πρέπουσαν. τοὺς
μὲν γὰρ Ρωμαίους λιμῷ νενοσηκότας λαϑών, οἷς
δὴ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡ τοῦ σώματος ἰσχὺς ὀπίσω
ἤδη ἐκεχωρήκει, δείσας μὴ βρώσεως ἐκ τοῦ
αἰφνιδίου ἐς κόρον ἐλθόντες, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
ἀποπνιγεῖεν, ἐπενόει τάδε. φυλακὰς ἔν τε τῷ
λιμένι καὶ ταῖς πύλαις καταστησάμενος ἐκέλευε
μηδένα πη ἐνθένδε ἰέναι. αὐτὸς δὲ ἅπασι μικρο-
λογίᾳ τινὶ προμηθεῖ ἐνδεεστέρως ” ἢ κατὰ τὴν
ἐπιθυμίαν τὰ σιτία παρείχετο, προσεπιβάλλων
ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ τοσοῦτον τοῦ μέτρου ὅσον οὐ
1 ἐκ βασιλέως K: om. L.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. vii. 18-viii. 4
them, they agreed to give up the city after thirty
days. But Totila, wishing to dispel from their minds
every hope of assistance from the emperor, appointed
three months’ time, with the stipulation that after
this time they should do as had been agreed. He
declared, further, that until the time was accom-
plished he would make no assault on the wall, nor
employ any stratagem of any kind. The agreement
was accordingly approved in this sense. But the
besieged, without awaiting the appointed day (for
they were utterly overcome by the lack of necessi-
ties), a little later received Totila and the barbarians
into the city. And the winter drew to its close, and
the eighth year ended in this war, the history of
which Procopius has written.
VIII
Now when Totila captured Naples, he made a
display of kindness to his captives which was to be
expected neither from an enemy nor from a barbarian.
For finding sickness prevalent among the Romans
owing to famine—and indeed their bodily strength
had already been reduced by it—he feared lest, if
they suddenly sated themselves with food, they
would in all probability choke to death, and so he
devised the following plan. Stationing guards both
at the harbour and at the gates, he gave orders that
no one should go away from the city. Then he
himself, with a sort of provident parsimony, pro-
ceeded to issue food more sparingly than they desired
it, adding each day only so much to the quantity
* ἐνδεεστέρως K: ἐνδεέστερον L.
213
543 AP.
or
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δοκεῖν αἴσθησίν τινα τῶν ἐντιθεμένων ἐς ἀεὶ
γίγνεσθαι. οὕτω τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιρρώσας τὴν
δύναμιν καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀναπετάσας ἕκαστον ὅπη
βούλοιτο ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι.
Κόνωνα δὲ καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ στρατιώτας,
ὅσους δὴ αὐτοῦ μένειν. ἥκιστα ἤρεσκεν, ἐς ναῦς
ἐμβιβάσας πλεῖν κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ἐκέλευε. καὶ
οἱ μὲν αἰσχύνην σφίσι φέρειν οἰόμενοι τὴν ἐς
Βυζάντιον ἀναχώρησιν, πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ
Ῥώμης ὦ διενοοῦντο. τοῦ δὲ ἀνέμου σφίσιν
ἀντιστατοῦντος ἀπαίρειν ἐνθένδε οὐδαμῆ ἔχοντες
διηποροῦντο, δεδιότες μή τὶ Τουτίλαν τῶν
ὡμολογημένων ὀλιγωρεῖν διὰ τὸ κεκρατηκέναι
ξυμβαίη, καὶ κακόν τι μέγα πρὸς αὐτοῦ λάβωσιν.
ὧνπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Τουτίλας ἤσθετο, ξυγκαλέσας
ἅπαντας παρηγόρει τε" καὶ τὰ πιστὰ ἔτι μᾶλλον
αὐτοῖς ἐπιρρώσας, θαρσεῖν μὲν ἤδη ἐκέλευε καὶ
τῷ Πότθων στρατῷ φόβῳ οὐδενὶ ἀναμίγνυσθαι,
τά τε ἐπιτήδεια ἐνθένδε ὠνεῖσθαι καὶ εἴ του
ἄλλου δέοιντο, ἅτε παρὰ φίλων κομίζεσθαι.
ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα ἔτι σφίσιν ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας ἐφέρετο
καὶ χρόνος ἐτρίβη συχνός, ἵππους τε καὶ ὑποζύγια
παρασχόμενος, εφοδιοῖς " τε αὐτοὺς * δωρησά-
μενος, ἐς “Ῥώμην ὃ ἐκέλευεν ὁδῷ ἰόντας πορεύεσθαι,
πομπούς τινας τῶν ἐν Γότθοις δοκίμων σφίσι
ΕἸ ΠΣ
Τὸ δὲ Νεαπόλεως τεῖχος καθελεῖν ὃ ἐς ἔδαφος
ἐνεχείρησεν," ὅπως αὐτὴν μὴ καταλαβόντες αὖθις
ῥώμης Καὶ : ῥώμην L.
παρηγόρει τε Ια : παρηγορεῖν τε ἤρξατο L.
ἐφοδίοις K: ἐφόδια L.
αὐτοὺς Haury: αὐτοῖς MSS.
em ow =
214
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VIL. viii. 4-10
that the increase from day to day seemed not to be
noticed at all. And only after having thus built up
their strength did he open the gates and allow each
man to go wherever he wished.
As for Conon and the soldiers under his command,
as many as were by no means satisfied to remain
there he embarked on ships and bade them sail
wherever they chose. And thinking that the
return to Byzantium would bring disgrace upon
them, they were purposing to sail with all speed for
Rome. But since the wind stood against them and
they were consequently quite unable to put out from
the harbour, they were in great perplexity, fearing
lest Totila, seeing he had been victorious, should
decide to disregard his agreement in some measure,
and they should suffer some great harm at his hand.
When Totila perceived this, he called them all
together and reassured them and gave still further
confirmation of the pledges he had given, bidding
them take courage immediately, mingle with the
Gothic army with no fear, and buy from them their
provisions and procure whatever else they lacked as
from friends. But later, since the wind was still
blowing against them and much time had been
wasted, he provided them with both horses and
pack animals, presented them with travelling-money,
and bade them make the journey to Rome by land,
sending with them some of the Gothic notables as
an escort.
And he set about razing the wall of Naples to
the ground, so that the Romans might not take
5 ῥώμην K: ῥώμην αὐτίκα L.
8 καθελεῖν K: καθελὼν L,
7 ἐνεχείρησεν K: ἀνεχώρησεν L.
215
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18
14
16
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Ῥωμαῖοι ἔκ τε ἐχυροῦ ὁρμώμενοι πράγματα
Γότθοις παράσχωσιν. ἐν πεδίῳ γὰρ μᾶλλον ἐκ
τοῦ εὐθέος διακρίνεσθαι μάχῃ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἤθελεν
ὴ “τέχναις τισὶ καὶ σοφίσμασι διαμάχεσθαι.
μοῖραν μέντοι αὐτοῦ καθελὼν πολλὴν τὸ λοιπὸν
εἴασεν.
Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ῥωμαῖός τις αὐτῷ
προσελθών, KaraBpos γένος, ἡτιᾶτο τῶν δορυ-
φόρων τῶν αὐτοῦ τινα τὴν παῖδα παρθένον οὗσαν
οὔτι ἑκουσίαν βιάσασθαι. καὶ ὃς τὸν ἄνθρωπον
οὐκ ἀπαρνηθέντα τὸ ἔγκλημα τίσασθαι τῆς
ἁμαρτάδος ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ
pus δείσαντες δὲ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν τῶν βαρβάρων
i δοκιμώτατοι (δραστήριος γάρ τις ἀνὴρ ἐτύγ-
wie ὧν καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια) ξυλλεγέντες
εὐθὺς καὶ Τουτίλᾳ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἐδέοντο τῷ
ἀνθρώπῳ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀφεῖναι.
‘O δὲ πράως τε καὶ ταραχῇ οὐδεμιᾷ τῶν
λεγομένων τὴν μάθησιν ποιησάμενος ἔλεξε τοιάδε:
“Οὐκ ἀπανθρωπίας ὑπερβολῇ εἴκων οὐδὲ ξυγ-
γενῶν ὑπερηδόμενος ξυμφοραῖς, ἀλλ᾿ ὡς ἔνι
μάλιστα δεδιὼς μή τι [ότθοις ξυμβήσεται
φλαῦρον, ἐς λόγους τούσδε, ὦ ξυστρατιῶται,
καθίσταμαι. ἐγὼ μὲν οὗν τοῦτο οἷδα, ὡς τῶν
ἀνθρώπων ὁ πολὺς ὅμιλος τὰ τῶν πραγμάτων
ὀνόματα μετωβάλλουσιν ἐπὶ! τοὐναντίον. φιλ-
ανθρωπίαν μὲν γὰρ καλεῖν τὴν παρανομίαν
εἰώθασιν, ἐξ ἧς διεφθάρθαι τε τὰ χρηστὰ πάντα
ξυντεταράχθαι ξυμβαίνει, σκαιὸν δὲ καὶ
1 ἐπὶ Καὶ : ἐς πᾶν LV.
216
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII, viii. ro-17
possession of it again and, by using it as a strong
base, make trouble for the Goths. For he preferred
to reach an outright decision by a battle with them
ona plain rather than to carry on a long contest by
means of sundry devices of craft and cunning. But
after tearing down a large part of it he left the
rest.
While Totila was thus engaged, a certain Roman
came before him—a Calabrian by birth—and made
the charge that one of Totila’s bodyguards had
violated his daughter, who was a maiden, utterly
against her will. Whereupon, seeing that the man
did not deny the charge, Totila made haste to punish
him for the offence and confined him in prison. But
the most notable men among the barbarians began
to feel alarm for him (for he was, as it happened, an
active fellow and a good warrior), and so they
straightway gathered together and went before
Totila with the request that he dismiss the charge
against the man.
But he, gently and with no excitement, after
hearing their statement, spoke as follows: “ Fellow-
soldiers, the reason for my speaking as I now do is
not that 1 am yielding to a harsh inhumanity, or
taking especial delight in the misfortunes of my
kinsmen, but it is that I feel the greatest possible
apprehension lest some mischance befall the Goths.
Now I, for my part, know this, that the great
Majority of mankind twist and turn the names of
things until they reverse their meaning. For, on
the one hand, they are accustomed to call kindness
that which is really lawlessness, the outcome of
which is that everything respectable is brought to
utter confusion ; and, on the other hand, they call
217
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀτεχνῶς δύσκολον, ὃς ἂν τὰ νόμιμα περιστέλλειν
ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς βούληται, ὅπως δὴ τοῖς ὀνόμασι
τούτοις παραπετάσμασιν ἐς τὴν ἀσέλγειαν
χρώμενοι ἀδεέστερον ἐξαμαρτάνειν τε ἱκανοὶ εἶεν
καὶ τὴν μοχθηρίαν ἐνδείκνυσθαι. ὑμῖν δὲ παραινῶ
μὴ τῆς ὑμῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίας ἁμαρτάδα ἑνὸς
ἀνδρὸς “ἀνταλλάξασθαι, μηδὲ τοῦ μιάσματος
τοῦδε αὐτοὶ τὸ μέρος οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦντες μεταλαχεῖν.
τό τε γὰρ ἐξαμαρτεῖν καὶ τὸ διακωλύειν τὴν ἐς
τοὺς ἐξημαρτηκότας τιμωρίαν, οἶμαι, ἐν ἴσῳ ἐστί.
βούλομαι τοίνυν οὑτωσὶ σκοπουμένους ὑμᾶς
ποιήσασθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων διάγνωσιν,
ὡς νῦν αἵρεσις ὑμῖν δυοῖν πρόκειται, ἢ τὸν ἄνδρα
τοῦτον ὧν ἠδίκηκε μὴ δοῦναι τὴν δίκην, ἢ τὸ
Τότθων γένος * σεσῶσθαί τε καὶ τὸ τοῦ πολέμου
κεκτῆσθαι κράτος. σκέψασθε γάρ' ἣν ἡμῖν κατ᾽
ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου στρατιωτῶν μὲν πλῆθος
δόξῃ τε καὶ τῇ ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους ἐμπειρίᾳ
λαμπρόν, χρήματα δὲ ξυνελόντα εἰπεῖν ἀριθμοῦ
κρείσσω, ἵππων δὲ καὶ ὅπλων περιουσίας
ὑπερβολή τις, καὶ πάντα ὅσα ἔν γε ᾿Ιταλιώταις
ὀχυρώματά ἐστιν." καὶ ταῦτα γὰρ οὐκ ἀχρεῖα
παντάπασιν εἶναι δοκεῖ τοῖς ἐς πόλεμον καθι-
σταμένοις ἐφόδια. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπὸ Θευδάτῳ ταττό-
μενοι, ἀνδρὶ τὸ δίκαιον περὶ ἐλάσσονος τῆς ἐς τὸ
πλουτεῖν ἐπιθυμίας πεποιημένῳ, ἵλεων ἡμῖν
αὐτοῖς τὸν θεὸν παρανομίᾳ τῇ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὡς
ἥκιστα κατεστήσαμεν, ὅπη ποτὲ κεχώρηκεν
ἡμῖν ἡ τύχη ἐπίστασθε δή που, ὑφ᾽ οἵων τε καὶ
1
a τὸ-- γένος L: τῶ---γένει KV,.
ἐστιν K: ὄντα τυγχάνει L.
3 ) ~ ΠΟ 5 ai - Κ ὶ Ὦ V
καὶ ταῦτα γὰρ Li: οὕτω καὶ ταῦτα K, ef τῳ καὶ ταῦτα Vj.
21ὃ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. viii. 17-21
any man perverse and exceedingly difficult who
wishes to preserve the lawful order with exactness—
to the end, plainly, that by using these names as
screens for their wanton deeds they may be able
more fearlessly to do wrong and display their base-
ness. But I urge you not to sacrifice your own
security for the sinful act of a single man, nor to
assume any share yourselves in this foul sin, seeing
that you have done no wrong. For the act of com-
mitting a sin and that of preventing the punishment
of those who have committed sin are, in my judgment,
on the same plane. I wish, accordingly, that you
make your decision concerning the matter in hand
taking this point of view—that two alternatives are
now presented to your choice, either that this man
should not pay the penalty for the wrong he has
done or that the Gothic nation should be saved and
achieve victory in the war. For I would have you
consider this: we had, at the beginning of this war,
a vast army unsurpassed both in renown and in
actual experience of war; our wealth, to put all ina
word, was too great to be reckoned ; we possessed
an extraordinary abundance of both horses and
weapons ; and, lastly, we held all the fortresses that
there are in Italy. And truly these things are re-
garded as not entirely useless equipment when men
are entering into a war. But while we were arrayed
under Theodatus, a man who made less of justice
than of his desire to become wealthy, the lawlessness
of our daily conduct caused God to be in no wise
propitious to us, and to what our fortune has come
as a result of this you are, of course, well aware, as
you know what kind of men and how few of them
219
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24
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ὁπόσων ἡσσημένοις ἀνδρῶν. νῦν δὲ τὴν δίκην
παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ὁ θεὸς ὧν ἐξημάρτομεν ἱκανῶς ἔχων
αὖθις ἡμῖν κατὰ τὸ βούλημα ῥυθμίζει τὸν ius
καὶ τὸ ξύμπαν. εἰπεῖν ἄμεινον ἡμῖν ἢ κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα 1
Ta πράγματα ἄγει, οἷς γε ὑπὲρ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν
ὕναμιν νενικηκέναι τοὺς πολεμίους τετύχηκε.
περιστέλλειν οὖν τὴν τῆς νίκης πρόφασιν τῷ τὰ
δίκαια πράσσειν ξυνοίσει μᾶλλον ἢ ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας
αὐτῇ ἰόντας φθονεροὺς ἡμᾶς ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς
γεγενῆσθαι δοκεῖν. οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν, οὐκ ἔστι, τὸν
ἀδικοῦντα καὶ βιαζόμενον ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν εὐδο-
κιμεῖν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸν βίον. ἑκάστου ἡ τοῦ
πολέμου πρυτανεύεται, τύχη. Τουτίλας μὲν
τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. ἐπαινέσαντες δὲ τὰ εἰρημένα οἱ
Γότθων λόγιμοι τὸν δορυφόρον οὐκέτι ἐξητοῦντο,
ἀλλ᾽ εἴων ὅπως ποτὲ αὐτῷ πράσσειν δοκοίη. καὶ
ὃς τὸν μὲν ἄνθρωπον οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν διεχρήσατο,
τὰ δὲ χρήματα, ὅσα δὴ αὐτοῦ 3 ἐτύγχανεν ὄντα,
τῇ βιασθείσῃ παρέσχετο.
ΙΧ
Ἔν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα Τουτίλας ἔπρασσεν, ἐν τούτῳ
οἱ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων. στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες ξὺν τοῖς
στρατιώταις τὰ τῶν κατηκόων χρήματα ἥρπαζον,
καὶ ὕβρεώς τε καὶ ἀσελγείας οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν
ὑπελίποντο, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντες ἐν τοῖς
ὀχυρώμασιν ἔχοντες ἐρωμένας ὃ ἐκώμαζον, οἱ δὲ
| ἐλπίδα K; ἐλπίδας LY,. 2 αὐτοῦ K: αὐτῷ ΠΥ].
8 παρέσχετο K: παρείχετο L.
4 ὑπελίποντο Ια : ὑπελείποντο L.
220
-.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. viii. 21-ix. 1
have defeated us. But now that God has inflicted
upon us sufficient punishment for the sins we com-
mitted, he is once more ordering our lives in accord-
ance with our desire, and, to speak comprehensively,
he is guiding our affairs in a better way than we
could have hoped for, inasmuch as we have had the
fortune to be victorious over our enemies beyond
the measure of our actual strength. To preserve,
therefore, the justification of our victory by acting
righteously will be more to our interest than, by re-
versing our course, to let it seem that we have become
envious of our own selves. For it is not possible,
no, not possible, for a man who commits injustice
and does deeds of violence to win glory in battle,
but the fortune of war is decreed according to the
life of the individual man.” Thus then spoke Totila.
And the notables of the Goths, approving his words,
no longer begged for the bodyguard’s release, but
consented that he be treated in whatever manner
Totila might deem best. And he executed the man
not long afterwards, and gave to the injured girl all
the money that belonged to him,
ΙΧ
Wutte Totila was thus engaged, meantime the
commanders of the Roman army, as well as the
soldiers, were plundering the possessions of their
subjects} and they did not shrink from any act of
insolence and licentiousness whatsoever, but the
commanders, for their part, were revelling with
mistresses inside the fortresses, while the soldiers,
1 The civil population of Italy.
5 ἐρωμένας K: ἐρρωμένως L.
221
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
στρατιῶται ἀπειθεστέρους αὑτοὺς τοῖς ἄρχουσι
παρεχόμενοι εἰς πᾶσαν ἰδέαν ἀτοπίας ἐ ἐνέπιπτον.
τοῖς τε ᾿Ιταλιώταις περιῆν ἅπασι πάσχειν τὰ
χαλεπώτατα πρὸς ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων.
τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἀγροὺς ἐστέρηντο πρὸς τῶν πολε-
μίων, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατοῦ ἔπιπλα
πάντα. καὶ προσῆν αὐτοῖς αἰκίζεσθαί τε καὶ
οὐδενὶ λόγῳ διαφθείρεσθαι, τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ
ἀπορίᾳ πιεζομένοις. οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται ἀμύνειν
σφίσι κακουμένοις πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων οὐδαμῆ
ἔχοντες οὐχ ὅσον ἐρυθριᾶν ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τοῖς
παροῦσιν ἐγίνωσκον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους
ποθεινοὺς αὐτοῖς εἶναι οἷς ἐξημάρτανον ἀ ἀπειργά-
ζοντο. οἷς δὴ Κωνσταντιανὸς ἀπορούμενος
γράμματα ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἔπεμψεν, ἄντι-
κρυς ἀποφαίνων ὅτι δὴ Τότθων τῷ πολέμῳ
ἀντέχειν. ἀδύνατος εἴη. οἵ τε BNoe ἄρχοντες,
ὥσπερ τὴν γνώμην ἐπιψηφί ίξοντες,1 ἐν τούτῳ δὴ
τῷ γραμματείῳ τὴν ὁμολογίαν ἐσήμαινον τῆς ἐς
τὴν ἀγωνίαν ὀκνήσεως. ᾿Ιταλιώταις μὲν τὰ
πράγματα ἐφέρετο τῇδε.
Τουτίλας δὲ Ῥωμαίων τῇ βουλῇ ἐπιστολὴν
ἔπεμψεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: “Ὅσοι μὲν
ἀδικοῦσι τοὺς πέλας ἢ προλαβούσης ἀγνοίας
ἴσως " ἢ λήθης ἐπιγενομένης τινός, τούτοις ἄξιον
τοὺς τὰ δεινὰ πεπονθότας συγγνώμονας εἶναι.
τὸ γὰρ τῆς ἁμαρτάδος ξυμπεσὸν αἴτιον τῶν
ἐγκλημάτων αὐτοῖς παραιτεῖται τὸ πλεῖστον.
ἣν δέ τις ἐκ προνοίας ἀδικῇ μόνης, τούτῳ δὲ
μηδὲ ἀντιλέγειν ποτὲ περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων
1 ἐπιψηφίζοντες Καὶ : ἐπιφημίζοντες L.
3 ἴσως K: om. L
222
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. ix. 1-8
shewing themselves more and more insubordinate
to their commanders, were falling into every form of
lawlessness. As for the Italians, the result of the
situation for them was that they all suffered most
severely at the hands of both armies, For while, on
the one hand, they were deprived of their lands by
the enemy, the emperor's army, on the other hand,
took all their household goods. And they were
forced besides to suffer cruel torture and death for
no good cause, being hard pressed as they were by
the scarcity of food. For the soldiers, though utterly
unable to defend them when maltreated by the
enemy, not only refused to feel the least blush of
shame at existing conditions, but actually made the
people long for the barbarians by reason of the
wrongs they committed. And Constantianus, being
at a loss because of this situation, sent a letter to
the Emperor Justinian, setting forth plainly that he
was unable to hold out in the war against the Goths.
And the other commanders, as if giving their vote
in support of this view, indicated in this same letter
their reluctance to carry on the struggle. Such then
were the fortunes of the Italians.
Meantime Totila sent a letter to the Roman senate
written in the following terms. ‘Such men as wrong
their neighbours, being either the victims of ignor-
ance or blinded by some forgetfulness that has come
upon them, may fairly be forgiven by the victims
of their ill-treatment. For their ignorance or for-
getfulness, which led to their wrongdoing, also
excuses it for the most part. If, however, any man
does wrong as a result of deliberate intent solely,
such a man will have nothing left with which even
223
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
\ “
9 λελείψεται.. οὐ yap τοῦ ἔργου μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ
10
11
12
13
14
15
τῆς γνώμης αὐτὸς φέρεσθαι τὴν αἰτίαν δίκαιος
ἂν εἴη. οὐκοῦν, ἐπειδὴ ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχει, λογίζεσθε
ἤδη τί ποτε ἄρα ὑμῖν ἀπολελογῆσθαι πρὸς τὰ ἐς
Dor@ous εἰργασμένα ξυμβήσεται: πότερα ὑμᾶς
ἀγνοεῖν, τὰς Θευδερίχου τε καὶ ᾿Αμαλασούνθης
εὐεργεσίας τετύχηκεν, ἢ χρόνῳ τε αὐτὰς καὶ λήθῃ
ἐν ὑμῖν ἐξιτήλους. εἶναι; ; καίτοι οὐκ ἔστι τούτων
οὐδέτερον. οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ φαύλοις τισὶν οὐδὲ εἰς
τοὺς ὑμετέρους τὰς χάριτας αὐτούς, κατὰ δὴ
τὸν παλαιὸν χρόνον, ἐπιδεδεῖχθαι ξυνέβη, ὌΝ
ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ὅς γε ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς 5
ἔναγχός τε καὶ ἐξ ὑπογυίου, ὧ φίλοι “Ῥωμαῖοι.
ἀλλὰ τὴν Πραικῶν ἐς τὸ ὑπήκοον ἀρετὴν ἢ ἀκοῇ
λαβόντες ἡ ἢ πείρᾳ μαθόντες οὕτω δὴ προήσεσθαι
αὐτοῖς ὃ τὰ Γότθων τε καὶ ᾿Ιταλιωτῶν πράγματα
ἔγνωτε; καίτοι eEevayeicOe* μὲν ὑμεῖς αὐτούς,
οἶμαι, ἄριστα, ὁποίων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐτύχετε ξένων
καὶ φίλων ἐπίστασθε δή. που, εἴ τι τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
μέμνησθε λογισμῶν. ἐῶ γὰρ λέγειν τούς τε = OT pa-
τιώτας Kal τοὺς στρατιωτῶν ἄρχοντας, ὧν τῆς
τε φιλοφροσύνης καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας ἀπώνασθε"
ὧν δὴ αὐτοῖς ἕνεκα ἐς τοῦτο τύχης τὰ πράγματα
ἥκει. ὑμῶν δὲ οἰέσθω μηδεὶς μήτε ὑπὸ νέου
φιλοτιμίας τὰ ὀνείδη ταῦτα ἐς αὐτοὺς φέρεσθαι
μήτε με ἅτε βαρβάρων ἄρχοντα κομπωδεστέρους ὃ
1 \ ε / Wet) 5 A € / / 4
τοὺς ὑμετέρους K: τὰ ἐν μετρίοις L, τοὺς ὑμετέρους προγόνους
or πατέρας Christ.
2 ἔς ye ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς K: ἔν γε ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς L.
3 οὕτω---αὐτοῖς Haury: : οὕτω δὴ προιόντες, ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖς Καὶ,
εἴσεσθε. καὶ αὐτοὶ γὰρ L.
4 ἐξεναγεῖσθε Maltretus: ἐξαναν εἶσθαι K, ξεναγεῖτε L.
224
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. ix. 8-15
to defend his conduct. For it is not the deed alone,
but also the intention, for which this man himself
must, in justice, bear the responsibility. Therefore,
since this is so, consider forthwith what defence you
will possibly be able to make for your actions toward
the Goths. Has it really come to pass that you
are ignorant of the good deeds of Theoderic and
Amalasuntha, or have they been blotted from your
minds with the lapse of time and forgetfulness?
No, indeed; neither one of these is true. For it
was not in some small matter, nor toward your
ancestors in olden times that their kindness was
displayed, but it was in matter of vital importance,
dear Romans, towards your very selves, recently
and in days that are close at hand. But was it
because you had been informed by hearsay or learned
by experience the righteousness of the Greeks toward
their subjects that you decided to abandon to them
as you did the cause of the Goths and Italians? At
any rate, you, for your part, have, I think, entertained
them royally, but you know full well what sort of
guests and friends you have found them, if you have
any recollection of the public accounts of Alexander.}
For I need make no mention of the soldiers and the
commanders by whose friendliness and magnanimity
you have profited; and it is precisely this conduct
of these men which has brought their fortunes to
such a pass. Now let no one of you think that I am
moved by youthful ambition to bring these reproaches
-against them nor that I am inclined to boastful
1 See chap. i. 32.
5 ὑμεῖς--ἄριστα Li: ὑμῖν ἐς αὐτοὺς ἄριστα οἶμαι K.
κομπωδεστέρους Haury : κομποδεστέρους K, κομποδέστερον Li.
225
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς λόγους. οὐ γὰρ ἡμετέρας ἀρετῆς
ἔργον εἶναί φημι τὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐπικράτησιν,
ἀλλὰ τίσιν τινὰ" ἰσχυρίξομαι τῆς εἰς ὑμᾶς
ἀδικίας αὐτοὺς μετελθεῖν. καίτοι πῶς οὐκ ἂν
τῶν ἀτοπωτάτων δόξειεν, εἶναι τὸν μὲν θεὸν ὑπὲρ
ὑμῶν αὐτοὺς τίννυσθαι, v ὑμᾶς δὲ τῇ τούτων ἐμφι-
λοχωρεῖν ἀτοπίᾳ καὶ τῶν ἐντεῦθεν οὐκ ἐθέλειν
ἀπηλλάχθαι κακῶν; δότε τοίνυν τινὰ πρόφασιν
ὑμῖν μὲν αὐτοῖς τῆς ἐς τοὺς ΤΠότθους ἀπολογίας,
ἡμῖν δὲ τῆς ἐς ὑμᾶς συγγνώμης. δώσετε δέ, ἤ ἤν
γε μὴ ἀναμενοῦντες τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας, ἀλλ᾽
ἔτι βραχείας τινὸς καὶ ταύτης ἀνονήτου ὑμῖν
ἀπολελειμμένης ἐλπίδος ἕλησθε" μὲν τὰ κρείσσω,
ἐπανορθώσητε δὲ τὰ ἐς ἡμᾶς οὐ δέον ὑμῖν
πεπραγμένα."
Τοσαῦτα μὲν ἡ γραφὴ ἐδήλου. ἐγχειρίσας, δὲ
αὐτὴν τῶν τισιν ὃ aon ὁ Τουτίλας ἐπὶ
Ῥώμης ἐκέλευεν ἰόντας * τοῖς ἐκ βουλῆς διδόναι.
καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. ᾿Ιωάννης δὲ
τοὺς τὸ γράμμα τοῦτο ἰδόντας ἀποκρίνασθαί τι
πρὸς Τουτίλαν διεκώλυσε. διὸ δὴ αὖθις ὁ
Τουτίλας γράψας γραμμάτια πολλά, ὅρκους τε
αὐτοῖς τοὺς δεινοτάτους ἐνθέμενος διαρρήδην ἀπώ-
[Lowe μήποτε Ῥωμαίων τινὰ κακόν τι ἐργάσασθαι
Γότθους. οἵτινες μὲν οὖν ἀνθρώπων ἐς Ῥώμην
τὰ βιβλίδια ταῦτα ἐκόμισαν οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν.
ἅπαντα γὰρ ἀωρὶ τῶν νυκτῶν ἐν τοῖς διαφανέσι
τῆς πόλεως χωρίοις παγέντα, ἐπεὶ ἐγένετο ἡμέρα,
ἐγνώσθη" οἱ δὲ τοῦ Ρωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες
1 τίσιν τινὰ Comparetti: τισι τινὰ K, τὰς ποινὰς L.
2 ἕλησθε Dindort: ἑλοῖσθε K, ἕλοισθε L.
8 rigw L: τινι K. 4 ἸΞαΣ L: ἰόντι (superser, a) K.
226
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. ix. 15-21
speech merely because I am a ruler of barbarians.
For the overmastery of those men, I say, has not
been a work of our valour, but I confidently maintain
that a sort of vengeance has overtaken them for the
wrongs you have suffered at their hands. How
then could it fail to appear a most atrocious act on
your part, that you, while God is exacting vengeance
from them in your behalf, should cling fondly to
that atrocity of theirs and be unwilling to be rid of
the ills arising therefrom? Give yourselves, there-
fore, some ground for the defence you must make to
the Goths, and give us, on the other hand, some
ground for forgiveness toward you. And you will
give this if, without proposing to await the con-
clusion of the war, now that there is only scant
hope left you, and that too of no avail, you choose
the better course and set right the wrongs which
you have committed against us.”
Such then was the message which the writing set
forth; and now Totila, placing it in the hands of
some of the captives, commanded them to go to
Rome and give it to the senators. And they did
this. But John prevented those who saw this letter
from making any reply to Totila. For this reason
Totila made a second attempt, writing a large
number of short letters, in which he gave expression
to the most solemn oaths, swearing in explicit terms
that never would the Goths do any harm to anyone
of the Romans. Now as to what persons conveyed
these writings to Rome, I cannot speak; for all of
them were posted late at night in the conspicuous
places in the city, and only when it came day were
they discovered ; but the commanders of the Roman
227
Q 2
22
23
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ὑποψίᾳ πολλῇ ἐς τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν τοὺς ἱερέας
ἐχόμενοι ἔξω τῆς πόλεως κατεστήσαντο εὐθὺς
ἅπαντας.
Τουτίλας δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας μοῖραν μέν τινα
τοῦ στρατοῦ πέμψας ἐς Καλαβρίαν ἀποπειρά-
σασθαι τοῦ ἐν Δρυοῦντι φρουρίου ἐπέστελλεν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ὡς ἥκιστά οἱ προσχωρεῖν ἤθελον οἱ
φυλακτήριον ταύτῃ ἔχοντες, τοὺς μὲν ἐνταῦθα
ἐσταλμένους ἐκέλευεν ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστασθαι,
αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ
Ῥώμης χωρία ἤει. ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ἔμαθεν,
ἔς τε ἀμηχανίαν ἐμπέπτωκε 2 καὶ Βελιεσάριον ἐπὶ
Τουτίλαν πέμψαι, καίπερ ἔτι Περσῶν i ἰσχυρότατα
ἐγκειμένων, ἠνάγκαστο. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε,
καὶ τὸ ἔνατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε,
ὃν ΤΙροκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.
Χ
Οὕτω μὲν Βελισάριος τὸ δεύτερον ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν
ἤει. ἐπεὶ δὲ στρατιώτας ὡς μάλιστα ΟΝ γος
εἶχε (τοὺς γάρ οἱ ἑπομένους τοῦ ἐν Μήδοις 8
στρατοπέδου ἀ ἀποστῆσαι * οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσε) Θράκην
ὅλην περιιὼν χρήματά τε προϊέμενος, ξυνῆγε νέους
ἐθελουσίους. ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτῷ βασιλέως γνώμῃ
καὶ Βιτάλιος ὁ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν στρατηγός, ἄρτι
ἐπανήκων ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας, οὗ δὴ τοὺς ᾿Ιλλυριοὺς
στρατιώτας ἀπολιπὼν ἔτυχεν. ἄμφω γοῦν ἐς
τετρακισχιλίους ἀγείραντες ἐν Σάλωσιν ἐγένοντο,
1 κατεστήσαντο MSS. : μετεστήσαντο Herwerden.
2 ἐμπέπτωκε K: ἐκπέπτωκεν ἴ᾿
3 ἐν Μήδοις Καὶ : ἐς μήδιαν L.
4 ἀποστῆσαι Haury: ἀποστῆναι MSS.
228
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. ix. 21-x. 3
army entertained grave suspicions against the priests
of the Arians, and consequently removed these all
from the city immediately.
Totila, upon hearing this, sent a certain portion of
his army into Calabria, bidding them make trial of
the fortress at Dryus.! But since the troops keeping
guard in this fortress absolutely refused to yield to
him, he commanded the force which had been sent
there to institute a siege, while he, with the greater
part of the army, went to the vicinity of Rome.
When the emperor heard this, he was greatly em-
barrassed, and, in spite of the fact that the Persians
were still pressing him very hard, was compelled to
send Belisarius against Totila. And the winter drew
to a close, and the ninth year ended in this war, the
history of which Procopius has written,
X
Tuus Belisarius, for the second time, went to Italy.
But since he had an exceedingly small number of
soldiers—for it was quite impossible for him to
detach his own troops from the army in Persia—he
proceeded to travel about the whole of Thrace, and,
by offering money, to gather fresh volunteers. And
by the emperor's command he was accompanied by
Vitalius, the General of Illyricum, who had recently
returned from Italy, where he had left the Illyrian
soldiers. So together they collected about four
thousand men and went to Salones? with the in-
1 Hydruntum ; modern Otranto.
2 Or Salona, near modern Spalato.
229
544 A.D.
σι
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
γνώμην ἔχοντες ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης τὰ πρῶτα ἰέναι,
τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐνθένδε ὅπη ἂν δυνατὸν ' εἴη
διενεγκεῖν. τὸ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰ “Ῥώμης χωρία ἀπο-
βαίνειν οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυον, οὔτε τοὺς πολεμίους
λανθάνοντες (ἐπεὶ αὐτοὺς ἔν τε Καλαβροῖς στρα-
τοπεδεύεσθαι καὶ Καμπανοῖς ἤκουσαν) οὔτε αὐτοὺς
τρόπῳ ὁτῳοῦν βιαζόμενοι. οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου
τῆς δυνώμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς 3 ἤεσαν.
? / \ € b) tl ,
Ey τούτῳ δὲ οἱ ἐν Δρυοῦντι πολιορκούμενοι
τῶν ἀναγκαίων σφᾶς παντάπασιν ἐκλελοιπότων
βαρβάροις τοῖς πολιορκοῦσιν ἐς λόγους ξυνῆλθον,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸ φρούριον ὁμολογίᾳ ἐνδώσουσι, τακτή τε
ἀμφοτέροις ἐ ἐν τούτῳ ἡμέρα: υνέκευτο. Βεχισάριος
δὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐς ἐνιαυτοῦ μῆκος πλοίοις ὃ ἐνθέ-
μενος Badevrivov ξὺν αὐτοῖς πλεῖν εἰς Δρυοῦντα
ἐκέλευε, καὶ τοὺς μὲν προτέρους φύλακας τοῦ
φρουρίου ἐνθένδε ὑπεξαγαγεῖν ὅτι τάχιστα, οὺς
δὴ νόσῳ τε ξυντετηκέναι καὶ λιμῷ ἔμαθε, τῶν δὲ 2
ξυμπλεόντων τινὰς ἐπὶ τῷ φυλακτηρίῳ ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν
καταστήσασθαι" ῥᾷον yap οὕτως αὐτοὺς ἀκμῆτάς
τε ὄντας καὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἀναγκαίων σπανί-
ζοντας τὸ φρούριον ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ διαφυλάξειν.
Βαλεντῖνος μὲν οὖν τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ πνεύματος
ἐπιφόρου ἐπιτυχὼν ἐς τὸν Apvodvra κατέπλευσε
τέτρασι πρότερον͵ τῆς κυρίας ἡμέραις, ἀφύλακτόν
τε τὸν λιμένα εὑρὼν αὐτοῦ τε ἐκράτησε καὶ πόνῳ
οὐδενὶ ἐς τὸ φρούριον εἰσελθεῖν ἴσχυσε. τοῖς γὰρ
ὡμολογημένοις οἱ Τότθοι θαρσοῦντες οὐδέν τε
μεταξὺ ἐναντίωμα ὑποτοπάζοντες σφίσιν ἔσεσθαι,
1 ἂν δυνατὸν Haury: ἂν δυνατὸς K, δυνατὸν L.
2 ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς Haury: ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς Κα, αὐτοῖς L.
3 μῆκος πλοίοις Haury: μῆκος MSS.
230
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. x. 3-8
tention of going to Ravenna first of all and conduct-
ing the war from there in whatever manner might
be possible. For they could in no wise effect a
landing near Rome, either by keeping their move-
ments secret from the enemy (since, as they had
heard, the Goths were encamped both in Calabria
and in Campania), nor by overpowering the enemy
in any manner whatsoever; for they were going
against them without sufficient strength to meet
them on even terms.
In the meantime the Romans besieged in Dryus,
seeing that their provisions had been absolutely
exhausted, made an agreement with the besieging
barbarians, stipulating that they would hand over
the place by surrender, and a definite day was mean-
while agreed upon by both. But Belisarius loaded
ships with provisions for a year’s time and com-
manded Valentinus to sail with them to Dryus, and
to remove the former garrison from the fortress as
quickly as possible—for he learned that they had
been much weakened by disease and famine—and to
establish as a garrison in place of them some of the
men sailing with him; for by this arrangement it
would be comparatively easy for them, being fresh
and not in want of any necessaries, to guard the
fortress in security. So Valentinus, chancing to find
a favourable wind, sailed with this fleet to Dryus,
and arrived four days before the time appointed for
the surrender; and finding the harbour unguarded,
he took possession of it, and succeeded without
trouble in entering the fortress. For the Goths,
being confident in the agreement they had made, and
supposing that they would encounter no obstacle in
4 δὲ Hoeschel: τε MSS.
221
10
11
12
18
14
15
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
3 , r
ὀλυγώρως ἤδη τὰ ἐς τὸν Apvodvtal διαθέμενοι
ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον. τότε μέντοι καταπλέοντα ἐκ τοῦ
5) 7) Νὰ / > / ” / \ \
αἰφνιδίου τὸν στόλον ἰδόντες ἔδεισάν TE καὶ τὴν
προσεδρείαν διέλυσαν, μακράν τε ἄποθεν τοῦ
χωρίου γενόμενοι ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο καὶ πάντα
? r / \ / / , /
ἐς Γουτίλαν ta ξυμβεβηκότα σφίσιν ἀνήνεγκαν.
παρὰ τοσοῦτον μὲν Δρυοῦντος τὸ φρούριον κινδύ-
νου ἦλθε. τῶν δὲ ξὺν Βαλεντίνῳ τινὲς ληΐσασθαι
βουλόμενοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ἐπεκδρομὰς ἐποιή-
σαντο, es TE πολεμίοις τύχῃ τινὶ ὑπαντιάσαντες
πρὸς τῇ" τῆς θαλάσσης ἠϊόνι3 ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον.
καὶ παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσηθέντες τῇ μάχῃ ἐς τὸ τῆς
4 e/ (ἡ \ yy “ \
θαλάσσης ὕδωρ of πολλοὶ ἔφυγον, ἵνα δὴ
ec / \ id \ ᾽ , 3} Ν
ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἀποβαλόντες ἐς τὸ
φρούριον οἱ λοιποὶ ἀνεχώρησαν.
a \ > iL
Βαλεντῖνος δὲ τοὺς μὲν πάλαι φρουροὺς ἐνθένδε
fel \
ἡμιθνῆτας εὑρὼν ὑπεξήγαγεν, ἑτέρους δὲ ἀντικα-
ταστησάμενος ἀκραιφνεῖς, καθάπερ οἱ ἐπέστελλε
/ “
Βελισάριος, καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐς χρόνον αὐτοῖς
- r >
ἀπολιπὼν ἐνιαύσιον, ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐς
Σάλωνας ἦλθε.
a / / v
Kal Βελισάριος παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ ἐνθένδε ἄρας
\ /
Πόλῃ * προσέσχεν. οὗ δὴ τὸ στράτευμα διέπων
Ν
χρόνον τινὰ ,ἔμενε. Τουτίλας δὲ ἥκειν αὐτὸν
ἐνταῦθα ἀκούσας, τήν τε δύναμιν ἐθέλων γνῶναι
/ > /
ἥνπερ ἐπήγετο, ἐποίει τάδε. Βόνος ἣν τις Ιωάννου
/
ἀνεψιὸς φρουρᾶς ἄρχων τῆς ἐν Τενούᾳ. τούτου
δὲ τῷ ὀνόματι 9 “χρησάμενος γράμματα δῆθεν τῷ
λόγῳ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Βελισάριον ἔγραψεν ἅτε
1 roy δρυοῦντα KK: τὴν πολιορκίαν 1).
2 τῇ Haury: τῶ K, τὴν L.
3 ηἰόνι K: ἠόνα L. 4 πόλῃ Maltretus: πύλη MSS,
232
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. x. 8-15
the interval, were now giving little heed to their
operations against Dryus and were remaining quiet.
Then, however, upon seeing the fleet suddenly
bearing down upon them, they took fright and
abandoned the siege, and going to a great distance
from the place, they made camp and reported to
Totila all that had befallen them. So close was the
peril from which the fortress of Dryus escaped. But
some of Valentinus’ men, wishing to plunder the
adjoining country, began to make excursions ; and
by some chance they encountered the enemy near
the shore of the sea, and engaged with them. And
being badly defeated in the battle, the most of them
fled into the sea-water; in this way they lost one
hundred and seventy men, and the rest withdrew to
the fortress.
Valentinus, upon finding the previous garrison half
dead, removed them from the fortress, and substi-
tuted other fresh men, just as Belisarius had in-
structed him to do, and leaving them supplies for a
year’s time, returned with the rest of the army to
Salones.
Then Belisarius, setting sail from there with the
whole fleet, put in at Pola, where he remained for a
short time, putting the army in order. But Totila,
hearing that Belisarius had reached Pola, and wishing
to discover the strength of the army which he was
bringing, took the following measures. There was
a certain Bonus, nephew of John, commanding the
garrison in Genoa. He accordingly made use of
this man’s name and wrote a letter to Belisarius
purporting to be from this Bonus, and urging him
5 τούτου δὲ Haury: τούτου δὴ K, τούτω δὲ L.
® τῷ ὀνόματι Hoeschel: om, MSS,
233
16
18
19
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
παρακαλοῦντος αὐτὸν ὅτι τάχιστα παραγενέσθαι
σφίσιν ἐν κινδύνοις τισὶ χαλεποῖς οὖσιν. ἄνδρας
τε ἀπολεξάμενος περιέργους ἐς τὰ μάλιστα πέντε
Td τε γράμματα ἐνεχείρισε καὶ δύναμιν ἀκριβῶς
κατανοεῖν τὴν βΒελισαρίου ἐπέστελλεν, ἐνδεικνυ-
μένους ὅτι δὴ ἀπὸ Βόνου σταλεῖεν. Βελεσάριος
μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἄνδρας οἱ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντας ξὺν
φιλοφροσύνῃ πολλῇ, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, εἶδεν. ἀνα-
λεξάμενός τε τὰ γράμματα Βόνῳ ἀπαγγέλλειν
ἐκέλευεν ὅτι δὴ παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν
ἥξει. οἱ δὲ περισκοπήσαντες ἅπαντα, καθάπερ
σφίσιν ἐπέστελλε Τουτίλας, ἔς τε τὸ Γότθων
στρατόπεδον ἐπανῆκον καὶ ws? ἥκιστα λόγου
ἀξίαν τὴν Βελισαρίου δύναμιν ἰσχυρίζοντο 3
εἶναι.
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ Τουτίλας Τίβουριν πόλιν, ᾿ἸΙσαύ-
ρων φρουρὰν ἔχουσαν, προδοσίᾳ εἷλε τρόπῳ
τοιῷδε. τῶν τινες οἰκητόρων τὰς πύλας ξὺν τοῖς
Ἰσαύροις ἐφύλασσον. οὗτοι ᾿Ἰσαύροις τοῖς ξυμφυ-
λάσσουσι ues γεγενημένοι ἀπ᾽ οὐδεμιᾶς πρὸς
αὐτῶν γινομένης * αἰτίας ἄγχιστά. που ἐνστρατο-
πεδευομένους τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπηγάγοντο νύκτωρ.
οἱ μὲν οὖν Ισαυροι ξυμφρονήσαντες ἁλισκομένης
τῆς πόλεως σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες διαφυγεῖν ἴ ἴσχυσαν.
τῶν δὲ οἰκητόρων οὐδενὸς οἱ Γότθοι ἐφείσαντο,
ἀλλὰ ξὺν τῷ τῆς πόλεως ἱερεῖ ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν
τρόπῳ δὴ 6 ὅνπερ ἐξεπιστάμενος ἔ ἔγωγε ὡς ἥκιστα
ἐπιμνήσομαι, ὡς μὴ ἀπανθρωπίας ἀπολείπω μνη-
μεῖα τῷ ὄπισθεν χρόνῳ" ἐν οἷς Kal Κάτελλος ἀπώ-
1 ἐπανῆκον Li: ἐπανήκων Καὶ. 2 καὶ ὡς L: om. K.
3 ἰσχυρίζοντο L: ἰσχυρίζετο K.
4 αὐτῶν γινομέης Κα : αὐτοὺς διακεκριμένοι L.
234
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. x. 15-22
to come with all possible speed to their assistance,
as they were in some extreme peril. Then he chose
out five men of an especially inquisitive nature, put
the letter into their hands, and instructed them to
observe accurately the force of Belisarius, while
palming themselves off as having been sent from
Bonus. So when the men came before Belisarius,
he received them with great friendliness, as was his
custom. And after reading the letter, he bade them
report back to Bonus that he would come with the
whole army after no long time. Then, after they
had looked over everything exactly as Totila had
directed them to do, they returned to the Gothic
camp and declared that the force of Belisarius was
by no means considerable.
Meanwhile Totila captured the city of Tibur,
which contained a guard of Isaurians, through an
act of treason; this happened in the following
manner. Some of the inhabitants of the place were
guarding the gates together with the Isaurians.
These men, having quarrelled with the Isaurians who
kept guard with them, although the Isaurians had
given no cause for offence, now invited the enemy,
who were encamped close by, to come in by night.
But the Isaurians, on their part, adopted a common
plan while the city was being captured, and practi-
cally all of them succeeded in making their escape.
Among the inhabitants, however, not a man was
spared by the Goths, but they were all killed,
together with the priest of the city, in a manner
which I shall by no means mention, although I know
it well, in order that I may not leave records of
inhuman cruelty to future times. Among these
victims Catellus also perished, a man of note among
235
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
23 λετο ἔν γε ᾿Ιταλιώταις ἀνὴρ δόκιμος. καὶ οἱ μὲν
βάρβαροι Τέβουριν ἔσχον, “Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκέτι
ἠδύναντο ἐκ Τούσκων τὰ ἐπιτήδεια διὰ τοῦ Τιβέ-
ριδος ἐσκομίζεσθαι. πρὸς γὰρ τῷ ποταμῷ ἡ
πόλις κειμένη Ῥώμης ὕπερθεν ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων
εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐπιτείχισμα τὸ λοιπὸν τοῖς
ἐνταῦθα εἰσπλεῖν βουλομένοις ἐγίνετο.
ΧΙ
Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Τιβούρει οὕτω γενέσθαι ξυνέ-
πεσε. Βελισάριος δὲ παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ ἐς ‘PaBev-
vav ἀφικόμενος Porous τε TOUS παρόντας Kal
‘Popatoyv) στρατιώτας ξυναγαγὼν ἔλεξε Tovade:
a an > Yd \ is) an
of Οὐ νῦν πρῶτον," ὦ ἄνδρες, τὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργα
2 πρὸς τῆς κακίας διερρυηκέναι ξυμβέβηκεν. ἄνω-
θεν γὰρ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις ἐμπέφυκεν ἀτεχνῶς
πράγμασι, πολλάς τε ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν πράξεις
/ n / ‘
pox ἢ TOV πονηροτάτων ἀναχαιτίζειν τε καὶ
διαφθείρειν ἱκανῶς ἴσχυσεν. ὅπερ καὶ νῦν τὰ
325) a \
3 βασιλέως πράγματα ἔσφηλεν. ᾧ ἢ τοσοῦτον τὰ
ἡμαρτημένα ἐπανορθοῦν μέλει," ὥστε τὴν Περσῶν
ἐπικράτησιν περὶ ἐλάσσονος τούτων ποιούμενος
ἀποστεῖλαί με τανῦν εἰς ὑμᾶς ἔγνωκεν, ὅπως
ἐπανορθώσω καὶ ἰάσωμαι εἴ τι τοῖς ἄρχουσι μὴ
ὀρθῶς ἢ ἐς τοὺς στρατιώτας τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἢ εἰς
/ Μ Ν Χ = \ Ὁ) .) ὦ
4 Τότθους εἴργασται. τὸ μὲν οὖν μηδὲν ὑφ᾽ ὁτου-
fal / rn a
οὖν > ἁμαρτάνεσθαι οὔτε ἀνθρώπινον Kal τῆς TOV
ῥωμαίων K: ῥωμαίους L. 2 πρῶτον K: πρώτως 1,.
@K: ὃς L
μέλει Haury: μέλλει Καὶ, βούλεται L.
μηδὲν ὑφ᾽ ὁτουοῦν Καὶ : μηδ᾽ ὁπωσοῦν L.
ἁμαρτάνεσθαι Kz ἁμαρτάνειν L,
en em ὦ μ᾿
236
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. x. 22-xi. 4
the Italians. So the barbarians took possession of
Tibur, and the Romans, in consequence, were no
longer able to bring in their provisions from Tuscany
by way of the Tiber. For the city, situated as it is
fronting the river! about a hundred and twenty
stades above Rome, became thereafter an outpost
against those wishing to sail into Rome by that route.
XI
Sucu was the fate which befell Tibur. As for
Belisarius, he arrived at Ravenna with the whole
fleet; there he gathered those of the Goths who
were in the city and the Roman soldiers, and spoke
as follows: “This is not the first occasion on which
it has come to pass that the achievements of virtue
have been brought to naught by wickedness. For
from of old this is wholly natural in human affairs,
and many a time the depravity of persons of the
-basest sort has been quite sufficient to frustrate
and destroy the deeds of good men. And now, too,
this very thing has ruined the cause of the emperor.
And he, for his part, is so deeply concerned to
correct the mistakes which have been made that he
has considered the task of defeating the Persians
as of less moment than this situation, and so has
decided at the present time to dispatch me to
you, in order that I may be able to set right and
remedy whatever has been wrongly done by the
commanders in their treatment of his soldiers or of
the Goths. Now it is not human that no mistakes
at all should be committed by anyone, nor is it
1 Hodgkin points out that Procopius here confused the
Anio with the Tiber.
237
10
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πραγμάτων φύσεως ἔξω, τὸ δὲ τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἐπαν-
ορθοῦν βασιλεῖ τε διαρκῶς πρέπον καὶ παραψυχῆς
τοῖς ἠγαπημένοις ἱκανῶς ἄξιον. οὐ γὰρ ὅσον ὑμῖν
τῶν δυσκόλων ἀπαλλαγῆναι ξυμβήσεται, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τῆς βασιλέως εἰς ὑμᾶς εὐνοίας ξυνεῖναί τε καὶ
ἀπολαύειν αὐτίκα προσέσται" οὗ τί ἂν ἀξιώτερον
γένοιτο ἀνθρώπῳ τῶν πάντων χρημάτων ; ; ἐπειδὴ
τοίνυν ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ τούτῳ ὑμῖν πάρειμι, προσήκει
καὶ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον πάσῃ δυνάμει χρήσασθαι,
ὅπως ἂν τῆς ἐντεῦθεν ὠφελείας ἀπόναισθε." ὅτῳ
τε ὑμῶν ξυγγενεῖς ἢ φίλοι παρὰ Τουτίλᾳ τῷ
τυράννῳ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, μεταπεμψάσθω τού-
τοὺς ὅτι τάχιστα τὴν βασιλέως δηλώσας γνώμην.
οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ὑμῖν τά τε ἐκ τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τὰ ἐκ
τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως ἀγαθὰ γένοιτο. ὡς ἔγωγε
οὔτε τῳ πολεμησείων ἐνθάδε ἀφῦγμαι ODT ἂν ἑκών
ποτε τοῖς βασιλέως κατηκόοις πολέμιος εἴην. εἰ
μέντοι καὶ νῦν παρὰ φαῦλον ἡγησάμενοι τὸ τὰ
βελτίω σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἑλέσθαι οἵδε ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας
ἡμῖν ἴωσιν, ἀνάγκη καὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτοῖς ὡς μάλιστα
ἀκουσίους ὡς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι. Ἢ
Τοσαῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος εἶπε. προσεχώρει δέ
οἱ τῶν ἐναντίων οὐδεὶς οὔτε Toros οὔτε Ῥωμαῖος.
ἔπειτα δὲ Θουριμούθ τε τὸν δορυφόρον καὶ τῶν
ἑπομένων τινὰς ξύν τε Βιταλίῳ καὶ τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς
στρατιώταις ἐς Αἰμιλίαν πέμψας, ἐκέλευεν. ἀπο-
πειρᾶσθαι τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων. Βετάλιος οὗν ξὺν
τῷ στρατῷ τούτῳ ἀμφὶ πόλιν Βονώνειαν γενόμε-
1 αὐτῷ τούτῳ Haury: αὐτὸ τοῦτο MSS.
2 ἀπόναισθε Haury : ἀπώνασθε MSS., ἀπόνησθε Wahler.
! Modern Bologna.
238
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xi. 4-12
possible in the natural progress of events; but the
task of setting right the mistakes which have been
made is one eminently befitting an emperor, and
also one which can well afford consolation to his
beloved subjects. For not only will you find rid-
dance from your distress, but you will also
straightway be privileged to understand and enjoy
the emperor's good-will toward you. And ofall things
in the world what could be a greater boon for a man
than this? Seeing then that Iam here with you for
this very purpose, it is incumbent upon each one of
you, in your turn, to exert himself to the utmost that
you may profit by the service thus offered. If any one
of you, then, chances to have relatives or friends with
the usurper Totila, let him summon these as quickly
as possible, explaining the emperor’s purpose; for
by such a course you could achieve both the
blessings which flow from peace and those which
fall from the hand of the mighty emperor. For I,
for my part, have neither come here with a lust for
war against anyone, nor should I ever, willingly at
least, be an enemy of the subjects of the emperor.
If, however, they consider it even now too trivial a
thing to choose the course which is better for them-
selves, and if they take their stand against us, it
will be necessary for us likewise, even though it be
sorely against our will, to treat them as enemies.”
So spoke Belisarius. But not one of the enemy
came over to him, either Goth or Roman. Next he
sent his bodyguard Thurimuth and some of his own
troops with Vitalius and the Illyrian soldiers into
Aemilia, commanding them to make trial of the
towns there. So Vitalius with this force’ took up a
position near the city of Bononia,! and, after taking
269)
13
14
10
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
νός τινά τε τῶν ἐνταῦθα φρουρίων ὁμολογίᾳ ἑλὼν
ἐν Βονωνείᾳ πόλει ἡσύχαξε. χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ
ὕστερον Ἰλλυριοὶ ξύμπαντες, ὅσοι ξὺν αὐτῷ
ἐστρατεύοντο, ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου, κακὸν οὐδὲν οὔτε
παθόντες οὔτε ἀκούσαντες, λάθρα ἐνθένδε a ἀναχω-
ρήσαντες ἐπ᾿ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν. πρέσβεις
τε παρὰ βασιλέα πέμψαντες συγγνώμην διδόναι
σφίσιν ἐδέοντο, οὐκ ἄλλου του 1 ἕνεκα εἰς τὰ
οἰκεῖα τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ 5 ἀφικομένοις 3 ἢ ὅτι συχ-
νὸν σφίσι χρόνον ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ στρατευομένοις τάς
τε συντάξεις ὡς ἥκιστα κομιζομένοις χρήματα δὴ
πολλὰ τὸ δημόσιον aN: στρατεύματος δὲ
Οὐννικοῦ τοῖς ᾿Ιλλυριοῖς ὁ ἐπισκήψαντος παῖδάς
τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἐξηνδραποδίσθαι τετύχηκεν. ἃ
δὴ πυθόμενοι καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἔν γε ᾿Ιταλιώταις
σπανίζοντες ἀνεχώρησαν." οἷς δὴ βασιλεὺς τὰ
πρῶτα χαλεπήνας, εἶτα συγγνώμων ἐγένετο.
Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Τουτίλας τὴν τῶν ᾿Ιλλυριῶν ἀ ἀναχώ-
ρησιν στράτευμα ἐπὶ Βονώνειαν ἔπεμψεν, ὡς
Βιτάλιον καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ ἀναρπάσοντας. ἀλλὰ
Βιτάλιός τε καὶ Θουριμοὺθ προλοχίσαντες ἐνέ-
δραις τισὶ τοὺς ἐπιόντας πολλοὺς μὲν διέφθειραν,
τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν. ἔνθα Ναξάρης,
ἀνὴρ λόγιμος, ᾿Ρλλυριὸς γένος, στρατιωτῶν. τε τῶν
ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς, ἄρχων, ἔργα θαυμαστὰ ἐς τοὺς
πολεμίους πάντων μάλιστα ἐπεδείξατο. οὕτω
τε ὁ Θουριμοὺθ παρὰ Βελισάριον ἐς Ῥάβενναν
ἦλθε. :
Τότε δὴ Βελισάριος τρεῖς τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν
1 ἄλλου του K: ἄλλων τε L
2 τῷ τρόπα τούτω K: τρόπω btw δὴ L.
3 ἀφικομένοις; Ki: ἀφικόμενοι L,
240
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xi. 12-19
some of the neighbouring fortresses by surrender,
remained inactive in Bononia. But not long after
this the whole body of the Illyrians who were serving
under him, suddenly and without having either ex-
perienced any hard treatment or heard any rebuke,
withdrew secretly from the town by night and betook
themselves homeward. And sending envoys to the
emperor, they begged him to grant them pardon,
seeing that they had come to their homes in this
manner for no other reason than that, after their
long service in Italy without receiving the regular
pay at all, the state now owed them a large sum of
money. But it so happened that a Hunnic army
had fallen upon the Illyrians and enslaved the
women and children, and it was because of this
intelligence, and also because they had a scarcity
of provisions in Italy, that they withdrew. And
though the emperor was at first angry with them, he
afterwards forgave them.
Now Totila, upon learning of the withdrawal of
the Illyrians, sent an army against Bononia in order
to capture Vitalius and the troops with him by a
swift attack. But Vitalius and Thurimuth laid
ambuscades in several places and thus destroyed
many of the attacking force and turned the rest to
flight. There Nazares, a man of note and an Illyrian
by birth, commander of the troops in Illyricum,
surpassed all others by the remarkable exhibition he
made of warlike deeds against the enemy. There-
upon Thurimuth came to Belisarius in Ravenna.
Then at length Belisarius sent three of his own
* rots ᾿Ιλλυριοῖς Haury: τοὺς iAAupiovs MSS.
5 ἀνεχώρησαν Hoeschel: om. MSS., ἤεσαν Maltretus.
241
VOL. IV. R
21
22
23
24
25
26
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
αὑτοῦ, Θουριμούθ τε καὶ Ῥικίλαν καὶ Σαβινια-
νόν, ἔστειλε} ξὺν χιλίοις στρατιώταις ἐς Αὔξιμον
πόλιν,3 Maye τε καὶ eta ἐνταῦθα " πολι-
ορκουμένοις ἐπαμυνοῦντας. δὲ Τουτίλαν τε
λαθόντες καὶ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων Pees: νύκτωρ
ἐν Αὐξίμῳ ἐγένοντο, ἐπεκδρομάς τέτινας ποιεῖσθαι
ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους διενοοῦντο. τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ
πυθόμενοι ἀμφὶ ἡμέραν μέσην τῶν πολεμίων τινᾶς
ἄγχιστά πὴ εἶναι ἐξῆλθον μὲν ὡς ὑπαντιάσοντες,
κατασκόπους δὲ πέμψαι πρότερον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ἔγνωσαν, κατασκεψομένους τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς μὴ
ἀνεπισκέπτως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴωσι.
Ρικίλας δὲ ὁ Βελισαρίου δορυφόρος (οἰνωμένος
γὰρ τηνικαῦτα ἐτύγχανεν) ἄλλους μὲν ἐπὶ κατα-
σκοπῇ οὐκ ela ἰέναι, μόνος δὲ αὐτὸς τὸν ἵππον
ἐξελάσας κατὰ τάχος ἤει. Εότθοις τε “τρισὶν
ἐντυχὼν ἐν χώρῳ κρημνώδει τὰ μὲν “πρῶτα ὡς
ἀντιταξόμενος ἔστη; ἐπὶ πλεῖστον γὰρ ἀνδρίας
ἐτύγχανεν ἥκων" πολλοὺς δὲ πανταχόθεν ἰδὼν
ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐπιρρέοντας ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμητο. τοῦ
δέ οἱ ἵππου ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ “ὀκλάσαντος, κραυγή
τε πολλὴ τῶν πολεμίων γέγονε καὶ τὰ δοράτια
ἠκόντιζον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἅπαντες. ὧν δὴ Ῥωμαῖοι
αἰσθόμενοι ἐβοήθουν δρόμῳ. καὶ “Prxiras μὲν
δόρασι πολλοῖς κεκαλυμμένος θνήσκει, τρέψαντες
δὲ τοὺς ἐναντίους οἱ ἀμφὶ Θουριμούθ, ἄραντές τε
τὸν νεκρόν, ἐς Αὔξιμον πόλιν ἐκόμισαν, οὐκ
ἐπαξίως τῆς ἀρετῆς τὴν τοῦ βίου καταστροφὴν
κληρωσάμενον.
"Erevta Σαβινιανός τε καὶ Θουριμοὺθ Μάγνῳ
1 Θουριμούθ---ἔστειλε L: om. Κα.
2 πόλιν L: πόλιν ἔστειλε K,
242
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xi. 19-26
bodyguards, Thurimuth, Ricilas and Sabinianus, with
a thousand soldiers to the city of Auximus, in order
to support Magnus and the Romans besieged there.
This force, slipping past Totila and the enemy’s
camp by night, got inside of Auximus, and then
began planning to make sallies against their op-
ponents. So on the following day about noon, upon
learning that some of the enemy were near at hand,
they sallied forth with the purpose of confronting
them; but, before proceeding, they decided to send
scouts against them to spy out the enemy’s strength
so as not to make an attack on them without
reconnoitring.
But Ricilas, the guardsman of Belisarius, who
chanced to be drunk at the time, would not allow
any others to go scouting, but he himself rode out
alone on horseback and went on at full speed. And
happening upon three Goths on a steep slope, he at
first took his stand with the intention of opposing
them ; for he was a man of extraordinary bravery ;
but upon seeing many men rushing toward him from
all sides, he made haste to flee. But his horse
stumbled in a rough place, whereupon a great shout
arose from the enemy and they all hurled their
javelins at him. Then the Romans, hearing this
uproar, came to the rescue on the run. And Ricilas
was killed, being buried under a great number
of spears, but the troops of Thurimuth routed
their opponents, and lifting up the body carried it
inside the city of Auximus; thus did Ricilas meet
his death in a manner unworthy of his valour.
Thereupon Sabinianus and Thurimuth in con-
3 ἐνταῦθα K: τοῖς ἐνταῦθα L.
243
R 2
27
28
29
30
31
32
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
κοινολογησάμενοι ἀξύμφορον σφίσιν εὕρισκον
εἶναι περαιτέρω διατριβήν τινα ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖ-
σθαι, λογισάμενοι ὅτι δὴ ote! τοῖς πολεμίοις
πολλοῖς γε οὗσιν " ἀξιόμαχοί ποτε γένοιντο
καὶ τὰς τῶν πολιορκουμένων καταδαπανῶντες
τροφὰς ἁλώσιμον ἔτι θᾶσσον τὴν πόλιν τοῖς
ἐναντίοις ποιήσονται. καὶ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἐδέδοκτο,
αὐτοὶ μὲν καὶ οἱ χίλιοι παρεσκευάξοντο εἰς τὴν
ἄφοδον, ὡς νύκτωρ τῆς ἀποπορείας ἀρξόμενοι"
αὐτίκα δὲ τῶν τις στρατιωτῶν αὐτομολήσας
λάθρα ἐς τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον ἔκπυστα
ἐποίησε τὰ πρασσόμενα. 'Τουτίλας τοίνυν ἄνδρας
δισχιλίους ἀριστίνδην ἀπολεξάμενος νυκτὸς ἐπι-
λαβούσης ἐφύλασσε τὰς ὁδοὺς ἀπὸ σταδίων Αὐξί-
μου τριάκοντα, οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν παρεχόμενος. οἱ
ἐπεὶ παριόντας ἀμφὶ νύκτα μέσην τοὺς πολεμίους
εἶδον, σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη Dou εἴχοντο. καὶ
αὐτῶν διακοσίους μὲν ἔ ἔκτειναν, Σαβινιανὸς δὲ καὶ
Θουριμοὺθ ξὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἅτε ἐν σκότῳ λαθεῖν
τε καὶ φυγεῖν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αρίμινον ἴσχυσαν. τῶν
μέντοι ὑποζυγίων ἁπάντων Γότθοι ἐκράτησαν, ἃ
τῶν στρατιωτῶν τήν τε θεραπείαν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα
καὶ τὰ ἱμάτια ἔφερεν.
Ἔστι δὲ πολίσματα δύο πρὸς τῇ ἀκτῇ τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου
κόλπου, Πίσαυρός τε καὶ Φανός, μεταξὺ τῆς τε
Αὐξίμου καὶ ᾿Αριμίνου πόλεως κείμενα. ὧν δὴ
τὰς οἰκίας τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς Οὐΐτ-
τιγιίς ἐμπρήσας τὰ τείχη καθεῖλεν ἄχρι ἐς ἥμισυ
μάλιστα, ὅπως μὴ καταλαβόντες αὐτὰ “Ῥωμαῖοι
1 οὔτε Καὶ : οὕτω L.
2 πολλοῖς γε οὖσιν Haury: γε οὖσιν K, γε οὐκ L.
8 δισχιλίους K: χιλίους L. 4 γότθοι K: οἱ γότθοι L,
244
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xi. 26-32
ference with Magnus found it inadvisable for them
to spend any more time there, reasoning that while
clearly, owing to his numbers, they would never be
a match for the enemy in battle, they would, on
the other hand, by using up the supplies of the
besieged, doom the city to still earlier capture by
their opponents. And when this had been decided
upon, they themselves and their thousand men
began to prepare for their departure, intending to
make the beginning of their journey at night; but
one of the soldiers forthwith deserted secretly to
the enemy’s camp and made known the plans of the
Romans. Totila accordingly picked out two thou-
sand men distinguished for their valour and, as night
came on, set guards upon the roads at a distance of
thirty stades from Auximus, keeping his movements
entirely secret. So when these guards at about
midnight saw the enemy passing by, they drew
their swords and began their attack. And they
killed two hundred of them, but Sabinianus and
Thurimuth, together with the rest, thanks to the
darkness, succeeded in escaping and fleeing into
Ariminum. However, the Goths captured all the
pack animals which were carrying the servants, the
weapons, and the clothing of the soldiers.
There are two fortresses on the coast of the Ionian
Gulf, Pisaurus! and Fanus,? situated between the
cities of Auximus and Ariminum. They had been
dismantled at the beginning of this war by Vittigis,
who had burned the houses in them and torn down
their walls to about half their height, in order that
the Romans might not, by seizing them, make
1 Modern Pesaro.
2 Fanum Fortunae; Modern Fano.
245
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πράγματα Tordous παρέξωσι. τούτων θάτερον,
Πίσαυρον, Βελεσάριος καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω" ἔδοξε
yap οἱ ἐς ἵππων νομὰς ἐπιτηδείως τὸ χωρίον
κεῖσθαι. πέμψας οὖν νύκτωρ τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων
τινὰς ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς εὗρός τε καὶ μῆκος πύλης
ἑκάστης ξυνεμετρήσατο λάθρα. τάς τε πύλας
τεκτηνώμενος καὶ σιδήρῳ περιβαλὼν εἶτά OD
ἀκατίοις ἐνθέμενος ἔπεμψεν, ἃς δὴ ἐκέλευε τοὺς *
ἀμφὶ Σαβινιανόν τε καὶ Θουριμοὺθ κατὰ τάχος
τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐναρμόσαντας ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου
μένειν, ἔν τε τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ γενομένους ὅσα τοῦ
περιβόλου κατεπεπτώκει, ὅτῳ δὴ ἀνοικοδομήσα-
σθαι τρόπῳ, λίθους τε καὶ πηλὸν καὶ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν
ἐμβαλλομένους. οἱ μὲν οὗν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν.
Τουτίλας δὲ μαθὼν τὰ πρασσόμενα στρατῷ πολλῷ
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἦλθε. καὶ ἀποπειρασάμενος χρόνον
τε ἐνταῦθα διατρίψας τινά, ἐπεὶ ἐξελεῖν οὐχ οἷός
τε ἦν, ἄπρακτος ἐν Αὐξίμῳ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον
ἀνεχώρησεν.
᾿Βπεξήει δὲ Ρωμαίων ere τοῖς πολεμίοις οὐδείς,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐντὸς τειχῶν. ἕκαστοι ἔμενον. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν
δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ δύο Βελισάριος ἐς Ῥώμην
στείλας, ᾿Αρτασίρην τε, ἄνδρα Ι]έρσην, καὶ Βαρ-
βατίωνα Θρᾷκα, ὡς ξυμφυλάξοντας Βέσσᾳ τὴν
πόλιν ὃς ἐνταῦθα ἐτύγχανεν ὦν, ἐπέστελλε τοῖς
πολεμίοις ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπεξιέναι. Toutiras δὲ καὶ
ὁ Γότθων στρατός, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων ἀντιτάξα-
σθαι σφίσι τὴν Βελισαρίου δύναμιν ἤσθοντο οὖσαν,
τῶν χωρίων τὰ ἐχυρώτατα ἐνοχλεῖν ἔγνωσαν.
διὸ δὴ ἐν Πικηνοῖς ἀμφί τε Φίρμον καὶ "Ασκουλον
1 τοὺς Haury: τοῖς MSS.
246
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xi. 32-39
trouble for the Goths. One of these fortresses,
Pisaurus, Belisarius decided to seize ; for it seemed
to him that the place was by its situation suitable
for the pasturage of horses. So he sent by night
some of his associates and secretly obtained the
accurate measurements, as to breadth and height,
of each one of the gate-ways. He next had gates
made and bound with iron and then loaded them
on boats and sent them off, commanding the men of
Sabinianus and Thurimuth to fit these gates quickly
to the walls and then to remain inside the circuit-
wall, and, after thus insuring their safety, to build
up in whatever manner possible such parts of the
circuit-wall as had fallen down, putting in stones
and mud and any other material whatsoever. So
they carried out these instructions. But Totila,
upon hearing what was going on, marched against
them with a great army. And he made an attempt
on the town and tarried near it for some time, but
since he was unable to capture it, he returned baffled
to his camp at Auximus.
The Romans, however, were no longer making
sallies against the enemy, but at each fortress they
were remaining inside the walls. Furthermore,
even when Belisarius sent two of his guardsmen to
Rome, Artasires, a Persian, and Barbation of Thrace,
in order to assist Bessas in guarding the city, he
instructed them by no means to make sallies against
the enemy. As for Totila and the Gothic army,
seeing that the force of Belisarius was not sufficient
to array itself against them, they decided to harass
the strongest of the towns. They accordingly made
camp in Picenum before Firmum! and Asculum,?
1 Modern Fermo. 2 Modern Ascoli.
247
co
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι € ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο.
καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα
τῷ πολέμῳ THE, ὃν ΠΙροκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.
XII
Βελισάριος δὲ ἀμύνειν τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις
οὐδαμῆ ἔχων ᾿Ιωάννην τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ἀνεψιὸν ἐς
Βυζάντιον ἔπεμψεν, ὅρκοις αὐτὸν δεινοτάτοις
καταλαβὼν ὡς ἐπανήκειν ὅτι τάχιστα ἐν σπουδῇ
θήσεται, βασιλέως δεησόμενον στρατιάν TE TOA
Any σφίσι καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα πέμψαι, καὶ
μέντοι καὶ ὅπλα καὶ ἵππους. οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται
ὀλίγοι λίαν ὄντες οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ μάχεσθαι ἤθελον,
χρήματά τε πολλὰ φάσκοντες τὸ δημόσιον σφίσιν
ὀφείλειν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἁπάντων ἐνδεεῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἣν
δὲ οὕτως. καὶ γράμματα ὑπὲρ τούτων βασιλεῖ
ἔγραψεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε"
“᾿Αφίγμεθα εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν, ὦ βασιλεῦ 5
κράτιστε, NIE τε καὶ ἵππων καὶ ὅπλων καὶ
χρημάτων χωρίς.2 ὧν οὐδ᾽ ἄν τις μὴ διαρκῶς
ἔχων πόλεμον, οἶμαι, διενεγκεῖν οὐ μή ποτε
ἱκανὸς εἴη. Θρᾷκας μὲν γὰρ καὶ ᾿Ιλλυριοὺς ἐνδελε-
χέστατα περιελθόντες ὃ στρατιώτας ξυνήγομεν ὃ
κομιδῆ ὀλίγους 7 οἰκτροὺς οὐδέ τι ὅπλων ἐν
χερσὶν ἔχοντας καὶ μάχης ὄντας παντάπασιν
ἀμελετήτους. ὁρῶμεν δὲ καὶ 8 τοὺς ἀπολελειμ-
ὅρκοις Li: ὅρκοις τε K. 2 βασιλέως L: καὶ βασιλέως K.
3 βασιλεῦ Κὶ : βασιλέων L. 4 χωρίς K: ξὺν ἀπορία L.
5 περιελθόντες K: περιιόντες L.
. ξυνήγομεν Haury: om. MSS, οἵ, VII. x. 1.
8
ὀλίγους MSS: ὀλίγους jryelpauev. obs δὴ Maltretus.
ἀμελετήτου-ς---καὶ K: ἀμελετήτους δρῶμεν. καὶ L.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xi. 39-xii. 5
and commenced a siege. And the winter drew toa
close, and the tenth year ended in this war, the 5454.0.
history of which Procopius has written.
XII
Now Belisarius, finding himself utterly unable to
give support to the besieged towns, sent John the
nephew of Vitalian to Byzantium, first binding him
by the most solemn oaths that he would make every
effort to return as quickly as possible; and _ his
mission was to beg the emperor to send them a
large army and a generous supply of money, and,
furthermore, both arms and horses. For even the
_ few soldiers he had were unwilling to fight, asserting
that the state owed them much money and that they
themselves were in want of everything. And this
was true. Belisarius also wrote a letter to the
emperor recording these matters ; and the letter?
set forth the following.
«“ We have arrived in Italy, most mighty emperor,
without men, horses, arms, or money, and no man, I
think, without a plentiful supply of these things,
would ever be able to carry on a war. For though
we did travel about most diligently through Thrace
and Illyricum, the soldiers we gathered are an
exceedingly small and pitiful band, men without
a single weapon in their hands and altogether un-
practised in fighting. And we see, on the other
1 «The soul of an hero is deeply impressed on the letter,
nor can we confound such genuine and original acts with
the elaborate and often empty speeches of the Byzantine
historian.” —Gibbon, c. 43.
249
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11
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μένους ἐνταῦθα οὔτε αὐτάρκεις ὄντας καὶ κατε-
πτηχότας τοὺς πολεμίους δεδουλωμένους τε τὸ
φρόνημα τῷ πρὸς ἐκείνων πολλάκις ἡσσῆσθαι,
“
ou γε οὐδὲ εἰκῆ τοὺς ἐναντίους διέφυγον, ἀλλὰ
τούς τε ἵππους ἀφέντες καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐς τὴν γῆν
cv / \ / ] . /
ῥίψαντες. χρημάτων δὲ πρόσοδον ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας
πορίζεσθαι ἡμῖν ἀδύνατά ἐστι, πάλιν πρὸς τῶν
πολεμίων κατειλημμένης. διὸ δὴ καὶ ὑπερήμεροι
γεγενημένοι ἐς τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὰς συντάξεις
ἐπιτάττειν αὐτοῖς ἥκιστα ἔχομεν: ἀφείλετο γὰρ
a \
ἡμῶν τὴν παρρησίαν τὸ ὄφλημα. εὖ δὲ Kal
τοῦτο, ὦ δέσποτα, ἴσθι, ὡς τῶν ὑπὸ col}
στρατευομένων οἱ πλείους πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους
NUTOMOANKOTES τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες. εἰ μὲν οὖν
ἔδει Βελισάριον ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν στέλλεσθαι μόνον,
ἄριστά σοι τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον παρεσκεύασται"
εἰμὶ γὰρ ἐν ᾿Ιταλιώταις ἤδη που μέσοις" εἰ δὲ
περιεῖναι βούλει τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν δυσμενῶν, καὶ
τὰ ἄλλα ἐξαρτύεσθαι δεῖ. στρατηγὸς γάρ TLS,
οἶμαι, τῶν ὑπουργούντων χωρὶς οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο.
\
δορυφόρους τοίνυν καὶ ὑπασπιστὰς τοὺς ἐμοὺς
μάλιστά μοι πάντων σταλῆναι προσήκει, ἔπειτα
΄ ΄ fal » \ Μ
πάμπολύ τι πλῆθος Οὔννων τε καὶ ἄλλων
βαρβάρων, οἷς καὶ χρήματα ἤδη δοτέον."
r ’
Τοσαῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος ἔγραψεν. “Iwavyns
Ν 3) / / \ > \
δὲ χρόνον ἐν Βυζαντίῳ διατρίψας πολὺν οὐδὲν
μὲν διεπράξατο ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθεν, ἔγημε δὲ τοῦ
Γερμανοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεψιοῦ παῖδα. ἐν τούτῳ
μ ᾿
\ / / \w ig ,
δὲ Τουτίλας Φίρμον τε Kal” AcKovdov ὁμολογίᾳ
1 σοὶ Haury: σοῦ MSS.
250
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xii. 5-12
hand, that the men who were left in Italy are both
insufficient in number and in abject terror of the
enemy, their spirit having been utterly humbled by
the many defeats they have suffered at their hands,—
men who did not simply escape at random from their
opponents, but even abandoned their horses and
flung their weapons to the ground. And as for the
revenue, it is impossible for us to derive any money
from Italy, since it has again been taken by the
enemy into their possession. Consequently, since
we have fallen behind in regard to the payment
of the soldiers, we find ourselves quite unable to
impose our orders upon them; for the debt has
taken away our right to command. And this also
thou must know well, my master, that the majority
of those serving in thy armies have deserted to the
enemy. If, therefore, it was only necessary that
Belisarius be sent to Italy, then thou hast made the
best preparation possible for the war; for I am
already in the very midst of Italy. If, however, it
is thy will to overcome thy foes in the war, provision
must also be made for the other necessary things.
For no man could, I think, be a general without
men to support him. It is therefore needful that,
above all others, my spearmen and guards should
be sent me, and, next to them, a very large force
of Huns and other barbarians is needed, to whom
money must also be given immediately.”
Such was the letter written by Belisarius. But as
for John, though he spent a long time in Byzantium,
he accomplished none of the objects of his mission ;
but he married the daughter of Germanus, the
nephew of the emperor. In the meantime Totila
captured Firmum and Asculum by surrender; and
251
14
15
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
elev: és Τούσκους τε ἀφικόμενος Σπολίτιόν τε
καὶ ᾿Ασίσην ἐπολιόρκει. ἦρχε δὲ τοῦ μὲν ἐν
Σπολιτίῳ φυλακτηρίου Ἡρωδιανός, τοῦ δὲ ἐν
᾿Ασίσῃ Σισίφριδος, Γότθος μὲν γένος, εὐνοϊκῶς
δὲ λίαν ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὰ βασιλέως
πράγματα ἔχων. ‘“Hpwdsavos μὲν οὖν τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐς λόγους ἦλθεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τριάκοντα
ἡμέρας ἡσυχῆ μείνωσιν. ὧν ἢν μὴ ἐπικουρία τις
αὐτοῖς ἐπιγένηται, αὑτόν τε καὶ τὴν πόλιν ξύν
τε τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐνοικοῦσι Γότθοις
ἐνδώσειν. τόν τε παῖδα ὅμηρον ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ
ὁμολογίᾳ παρέσχετο. ἐπειδὴ δὲ nee μὲν ἡ
κυρία, στρώτευμα δὲ οὐδαμόθεν “Ῥωμαίων 1 ἦλθεν,
Ἡρωδιανός τε καὶ ὅσοι φρουρὰν ἐνταῦθα εἶχον
κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα Τουτίλᾳ καὶ Γότθοις σφᾶς
τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Σπολίτιον ἐνεχείρισαν. φασὶ δὲ
Ἡρωδιανὸν κατὰ τὸ ἐς Βελισάριον ἔχθος αὑτόν
τε καὶ Σπολίτιον Τότθοις ἐνδοῦναι: λογισμοὺς
γὰρ αὐτὸν Βελισάριος τῶν βεβιωμένων ἠπείλησε
πράξειν.
Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Σπολιετίῳ ταύτῃ ἐχώρησε.
Σισίφριδος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐπεκδρομὴν "
ποιησάμενος, τῶν τε ξὺν αὐτῷ πλείστους ἀπο-
βάλλει καὶ αὐτὸς θνήσκει. ᾿Ασίσηνοί τε τοῖς
παροῦσιν ἀπορούμενοι, αὐτίκα τὴν πόλιν τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐνέδοσαν. πέμψας δὲ καὶ παρὰ
Κυπριανὸν εὐθὺς Τουτίλας, ἐνδοῦναί οἱ αὐτῷ
ΠΠερυσίαν ἠξίου, δεδιττόμενος μὲν ἢν ἀπειθήσῃ,
χρήμασι δὲ αὐτὸν δωρήσασθαι μεγάλοις ἐπαγ-
1 “Ῥωμαίων L: ῥωμαίοις K.
2 ἐπεκδρομὴν Haury: ἐπιδρομὴν K, ἐπεκδρομὰς L.
252
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xii. 12-18
advancing into Tuscany, he began the siege of
Spolitium4 and Asise.?- Now the garrison in Spo-
litium was commanded by Herodian and that in
Asise by Sisifridus, who, though a Goth by birth,
was exceedingly loyal to the Romans and the
emperor's cause. Herodian, for his part, came to
terms with the enemy, the agreement being that
they should remain quiet for thirty days; and if
no assistance should come to the Romans within
this time, he was to surrender both himself and the
city together with the soldiers and the inhabitants
to the Goths. And he furnished his son asa hostage
for the keeping of this agreement. So when the
appointed day came, and no Roman army had
arrived from any quarter, Herodian and the whole
garrison of Spolitium, in accordance with the agree-
ment, put themselves and the city into the hands
of Totila and the Goths. But they say that the
hostility existing between Herodian and Belisarius
was the real cause of his surrendering himself and
Spolitium to the Goths; for Belisarius had threatened
to call him to account for his previous record.
Such was the course of events as regards Spolitium.
Sisifridus, on the other hand, in making a sally with
his troops, lost the most of his men and perished
himself. Thereupon the inhabitants of Asise, de-
spairing of the situation, immediately handed the
city over to the enemy. ‘Totila also sent straight-
way to Cyprian, demanding that he surrender
Perusia to him, attempting to terrify him in case he
should disobey, but promising, on the other hand,
to reward him with a large sum of money if he
1 Modern Spoleto.
2 Modern Assisi.
253
19
20
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
, A “ > / > / / ΄
yeAXomevos, ἢν γε ταῦτα ἐπιτελοίη. ἐπεί TE οἱ
πρὸς Κυπριανοῦ οὐδὲν προὐχώρει, τῶν ἐκείνου
δορυφόρων ἕνα, Οὔλιφον ὄνομα, χρήμασιν
ἀναπείθει δόλῳ. τὸν ἄνθρωπον διαχρήσασθαι.
Οὔλεφος μὲν οὖν μόνῳ τῷ Κυπριανῷ ἐντυχὼν
ἔκτεινέ τε αὐτὸν καὶ παρὰ Τουτίλαν φεύγων
@yeTo. οὐδὲν δὲ ἧσσον οἱ Κυπριανοῦ στρα-
CA, a \ , SNe: \ \
τιῶται βασιλεῖ τὴν πόλιν ἐφύλασσον' διὸ δὴ
TorOor ἐνθένδε ἀναχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν.
ΧΙΠ
Μετὰ δὲ Τουτίλας ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ἤει, καὶ ἐπεὶ
ἀγχοῦ ἐγένετο, ἐς πολιορκίαν ἘΣ προ τοὺς
μέντοι γεωργοὺς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν
᾿Ιταλίαν εἰργάσατο, ἀλλὰ τὴν γῆν ἀδεῶς ἐκέλευεν,
ἧπερ εἰώθασιν, ἐς ἀεὶ γεωργεῖν, τοὺς φόρους
αὐτῷ ἀποφέροντας * ὅσους τὸ πρότερον " ἔ ἔς τε τὸ
δημόσιον καὶ ἐς τοὺς κεκτημένους ἀποφέρειν
ἠξίουν. Γότθων δέ τινων ἄγχιστα τοῦ “Ῥώμης
περιβόλου ἀφικομένων ᾿Αρτασίρης τε καὶ Βαρβα-
τίων, πολλούς τε τῶν ἑπομένων ἐπαγαγόμενοι,
Βέσσα ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπαινοῦντος, ἐπεκδρομὴν ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσαντο. καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς
ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν.
οἷς δὴ ἐπισπόμενοι, ἔς τε τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον
ἐκπεπτωκότες ἐνέδραις ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέ-
τυχον. οὗ δὴ τοὺς πλείστους ἀποβαλόντες
αὐτοὶ ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ διέφυγον μόλις, καὶ τὸ
λοιπὸν ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς ἐναντίοις, καίπερ ἐγκει-
μένοις, οὐκέτι ἐτόλμων.
1 ἀποφέροντας Καὶ : ἐπιφέροντας L.
3 τὸ πρότερον : τὰ πρότερα L.
254
>
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xii. 18-xiii. 4
should carry out this order. But since he met with
no success in dealing with Cyprian, he bribed one
of his bodyguard, Ulifus by name, to kill him by
treachery. Ulifus accordingly, meeting Cyprian by
chance alone, killed him and got away in flight to
Totila. But nevertheless the soldiers of Cyprian
continued to guard the city for the emperor, and the
Goths, consequently, decided to retire from Perusia.
XIII
Arter this Totila moved against Rome, and upon
coming near the city, he began a siege. He did no
harm, however, to the farmers in this or any other
part of Italy, but commanded them to continue till-
ing the soil without fear, just as they were accustomed
to do, bringing to him the revenue which they had
formerly brought to the public treasury and to the
owners of the land. And when some Goths had
come close up to the fortifications of Rome, Artasires
and Barbation made a sally against them, though
Bessas did not in the least approve their action,
leading out a large number of their men to the attack.
And they straightway killed many and turned the
rest to flight. But in following up these men and
allowing themselves to be drawn into a pursuit over
a great distance, they fell into an ambush set by
the enemy. Here they lost the most of their men,
and they themselves, accompanied by a handful of
men, succeeded only with difficulty in making their
escape. And thereafter they no longer dared go
out against their opponents, even though they were
pressing their attack.
255
5
10
11
12
13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λιμός τις ἀκριβὴς τοὺς Ρωμαιους
ἐπίεζεν, οὐκέτι δυναμένους τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐκ
τῶν ἀγρῶν εἰσκομίζεσθαι, καὶ τῶν ἐκ θαλάσσης
ἀποκεκλεισμένων φορτίων. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Τότθοι
Νεάπολιν εἷλον, ναυτικὸν ἐνταῦθα καταστησά-
μενοι ἀκάτων πολλῶν κἀν ταῖς νήσοις ταῖς
Αἰόλου καλουμέναις καὶ ὅσαι ἄλλαι τῇδε ἐπί-
κεινται, ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὸν διάπλουν ἐφύλασσον.
ὅσαι οὖν νῆες ἐκ Σικελίας ἀναγόμεναι ἔπλεον
ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥωμαίων λιμένα, πᾶσαι γεγόνασιν αὐτοῖς
ἀνδράσιν ὑπὸ ταῖς ἐκείνων χερσί.
Toutiras δὲ στράτευμα ἐς Αἰμιλίαν πέμψας,
πόλιν Πλακεντίαν ἐξελεῖν ἢ βίᾳ ἢ ὁμολογίᾳ
ἐκέλευεν. αὕτη δὲ πρώτη μέν ἐστιν Αἰμιλίων
τῆς χώρας, ὀχύρωμα ἰσχυρὸν ἔχουσα. πρὸς δὲ
τῷ ποταμῷ Ἢριδανῷ κεῖται καὶ μόνη τῶν τῇδε
χωρίων Ῥωμαίων κατήκοος οὖσα ἔτι ἐλέλειπτο.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ στρατὸς οὗτος ΠΙἊλακεντίας ἀγχοῦ
ἐγένοντο," λόγους προὔφερον τοῖς ἐνταῦθα φρου-
ροῖς, ὅπως τὴν πόλιν ὁμολογίᾳ Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ
Porous ἐνδοῖεν. ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν σφίσι προὐχώρει,
αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐς πολιορκίαν καθί-
σταντο, τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνδεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει
αἰσθόμενοι.
Τότε τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατοῦ
ἄρχουσιν ὑποψία προδοσίας πέρι ἐγένετο ἐς
Κέθηγον, πατρίκιον ἄνδρα καὶ πρῶτον τῆς
Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς. διὸ δὴ ἐς Κεντουκέλλας
ἀπιὼν ὠχετο.
Βελισάριος δὲ περί τε τῇ Ρώμῃ καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις
1 ἀποκεκλεισμένων φορτίων L: ἀποκεκλεισμένων K, ἀποκε-
κλεισμένους Comparetti.
256
ae aad ool, me
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiii. 5~13
From this time on a severe famine afflicted the
Romans, for they were no longer able to bring in
any necessaries from the country and the traffic by
sea was cut off. For after the Goths captured
Naples, they had stationed a navy of many light
craft both there and at the so-called Aeolian Islands
and at such other islands as lie off this coast, and
with these they were keeping a close watch over
the sea-route. Consequently such ships as put out
from Sicily and started to sail to the harbour of
Rome fell one and all into the hands of these patrols
together with their crews.
Totila now sent an army into Aemilia, with orders
to take the city of Placentia? either by storm or by
surrender. This is the chief city in the land of
Aemilia and has strong defences, being situated on
the river Eridanus, and it was the only city still left in
that region subject to the Romans. So when this
army came near Placentia, they offered terms to the
garrison there to the end that they might hand over
the city by surrender to Totila and the Goths. But
since they met with no success, they made camp on
the spot and began a siege, perceiving that the
people in the city were in need of provisions.
At that time there arose a suspicion of treason
among the commanders of the emperor’s army in
Rome against Cethegus, a patrician and leader of the
Roman senate. For this reason he departed hastily
for Centumcellae.?
But Belisarius became alarmed both for Rome and
1 Modern Piacenza.
2 Modern Civita- Vecchia.
2 ἐγένοντο K: ἐγένετο L.
nm
VOL, IV.
14
15
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πράγμασι δείσας, ἐπεὶ ἐκ “PaBévyns ἀμύνειν
ἄλλως τε καὶ στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ ἀδύνατα" ἣν,
» ΄, / > / \ \ 3 \ € ,
ἀπανίστασθαί τε ἐνθένδε καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ Ρώμης
χωρία καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω, ὅπως δὴ ἀγχοῦ γενό-
μενος τοῖς ταύτῃ κάμνουσιν ἐπιβοηθεῖν οἷός τε
eln. καὶ of TO Kat ἀρχὰς ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἀφι-
κομένῳ μετέμελεν, ἃ δὴ Βιταλίῳ ἀναπεισθεὶς
ἔδρασε πρότερον οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βασιλέως
πραγμάτων ξυμφόρῳ, ἐπεὶ ἐνταῦθα καθείρξας
αὑτὸν ἐδεδώκει τοῖς πολεμίοις κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν τὴν
τοῦ πολέμου διοικεῖσθαι ῥοπήν. καί μοι ἔδοξεν
7 Βελισάριον ἑλέσθαι τὰ χείρω, ἐπεὶ χρῆν τότε
Ρωμαίοις γενέσθαι κακῶς, ἢ βεβουλεῦσθαι μὲν
αὐτὸν τὰ βελτίω, ἐμπόδιον δὲ 2 τὸν θεὸν 3
γεγονέναι, Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Τότθοις ἐπικουρεῖν
ἐν νῷ ἔχοντα," καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῶν βουλευμάτων
τὰ βέχτιστα ἐς πᾶν τοὐναντίον Βελισαρίῳ
ἀποκεκρίσθαι. οἷς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιπνεῖ ἐξ οὐρίας τὸ
πνεῦμα τῆς τύχης καὶ τὰ χείριστα βουλευομένοις
οὐδὲν ἀπαντιάσει δεινόν, ἀντιπεριάγοντος αὐτὰ
τοῦ δαιμονίου ἐς πᾶν ξύμφορον ἀνδρὶ δέ, οἶμαι,
κακοτυχοῦντι εὐβουλία οὐδαμῆ πάρεστι, παραι-
ρουμένου αὐτὸν ἐπιστήμην τε καὶ ἀληθῆ δόξαν
τοῦ χρῆναι παθεῖν. ἣν δέ τι καὶ βουλεύσηταί
ποτε τῶν δεόντων, ἀλλὰ πνέουσα τῷ βουλεύσαντι
am ἐναντίας εὐθὺς ἡ τύχη ἀντιστρέφει αὐτῷ τὴν
εὐβουλίαν ἐπὶ τὰ πονηρότατα τῶν ἀποβάσεων.
ἀδύνατα K: ἀδύνατος L.
δὲ K: δὲ καὶ ὡς L, δὲ οὐδ᾽ ὡς Vj.
τὸν θεὸν Hoeschel: τῶ θεῶ MSS.
ἔχοντα Maltretus: ἔχοντι MSS.
δεινὸν Καὶ ; δύσκολον LY.
Ὡ ὦ τῷ
o
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiii. 13-18
for the whole Roman cause, since it was impossible
to lend assistance from Ravenna in any case, and
especially with a small army; and so he decided to
remove from there and take possession of the district
about Rome, in order that by being near at hand
he might be able to go to the rescue of those in
difficulty there. Indeed he repented having ever
come to Ravenna at all, a course which he had
taken earlier through the persuasion of Vitalius and
not to the advantage of the emperor’s cause, since
by shutting himself up in that place he had given
the enemy a free hand to determine the course of
the war as they wished. And to me it seemed
either that Belisarius had chosen the worse course
because it was fated at that time that the Romans
should fare ill, or that he had indeed determined
upon the better course, but God, having in mind
to assist Totila and the Goths, had stood as an
obstacle in his way, so that the best of the plans of
Belisarius had turned out utterly contrary to his
expectations. For those upon whom the wind of
fortune blows from a fair quarter, even though they
make the worst plans, will meet with no calamity,
since Heaven reverses these plans and brings them
to an entirely favourable issue ; but a man, I believe,
who is under the ban of fortune utterly lacks the
ability to plan wisely, being bereft of understanding
and insight into the truth by the fact that he is
fated to suffer ill. And even if he ever does make
some plan adapted to the needs of the situation,
still fortune straightway breathes contrariwise upon
him after he has made such a plan, and perverts
his wise purpose so as to bring about the most dire
259
19
20
22
23
24
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε ἐκείνῃ ἔχει οὐκ
ἔχω εἰπεῖν.
Βελισάριος δὲ ᾿Ιουστῖνον ἐπὶ τῇ “Ραβέννης
φυλακῇ καταστησάμενος ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν αὐτὸς
ἐνθένδε διά τε “Δαλματίας καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων
κομίζεται ἐς ᾿Ιὑπίδαμνον, ἵνα δὴ στράτευμα ἐκ
Βυζαντίου καραδοκῶν ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. γράψας τε
βασιλεῖ γράμματα, τύχας τὰς παρούσας ἐσ ήγ-
yedrev. ὁ δέ οἱ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ᾿Ιωάννην τε
τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ' ἀνεψιὸν καὶ ᾿Ισαάκην ᾿Αρμένιον
᾿Αρατίου τε καὶ Ναρσοῦ ἀδελφὸν ξὺν στρατῷ
ἔπεμψε βαρβάρων τε καὶ Ρωμαίων στρατιωτῶν.
οἱ δὴ ἐς ᾿Επίδαμνον ἀφικόμενοι Βελισαρίῳ
ξυνέμιξαν. ἢ
Καὶ Ναρσῆν δὲ τὸν εὐνοῦχον παρὰ τῶν
᾿ὑρούλων τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δὴ
αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς πείσει ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν στρα-
τεύεσθαι. καὶ αὐτῷ τῶν ᾿Ερούλων πολλοὶ
εἵποντο, ὧν ἄλλοι τε καὶ ἘΠ ἦρχον καὶ
ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία ἦλθον.
ἐνταῦθα yap διαχειμάσαντες ἔμελλον ἅμα ἦρι
ἀρχομένῳ παρὰ Βελισάριον στέλλεσθαι. ξυνῆν
δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης, ὃν ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν
Φαγᾶν. καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πορείᾳ ξυνέβη
τις τύχη μεγάλα Ῥωμαίους ἀγαθὰ ἐκ τοῦ
ἀπροσδοκήτου ἐργάσασθαι. βαρβάρων γὰρ
Σκλαβηνῶν πολὺς ὅμιλος ἔτυχον ἔναγχος δια-
βάντες μὲν ποταμὸν ἴστρον, ληϊσάμενοι δὲ τὰ
ἐκείνῃ χωρία καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐξανδραποδίσαντες
πάμπολυ πλῆθος. οἷς δὴ ᾿ἔρουλοι ἐκ τοῦ
1 Βιταλιανοῦ Maltretus: βιταλίου MSS.
260
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VIL. xiii. r9-25
results. However, whether this is so or otherwise,
I am unable to say.
Belisarius then appointed Justinus to command
the garrison of Ravenna, and himself, with only a
few men, journeyed thence through Dalmatia and
the neighbouring lands to Epidamnus,! where he
remained quiet expecting an army from Byzantium,
And writing a letter to the emperor, he reported
the present situation. The emperor, therefore, not
long afterward, sent him John the nephew of Vita-
lian and Isaac the Armenian, brother of Aratius and
Narses, together with an army of barbarian and
Roman soldiers. These troops reached Epidamnus
and joined Belisarius there.
The emperor also sent Narses the eunuch to the
rulers of the Eruli, in order to persuade the most of
them to march to Italy. And many of the Eruli
followed him, commanded by Philemuth and certain
others, and they came with him into the land of
Thrace. For the intention was that, after passing
the winter there, they should be despatched to Beli-
sarius at the opening of spring. And they were
accompanied also by John whom they called the
Glutton.2 And it so fell out that during this journey
they unexpectedly rendered a great service to the
Romans. For a great throng of the barbarians,
Sclaveni, had, as it happened, recently crossed the
river Ister, plundered the adjoining country and
enslaved a very great number of Romans. Now the
Eruli suddenly came upon these barbarians and
1 Dyrrachium : modern Durazzo.
2 Cf. Book IT. xix. 15, ete.
2 τις τύχη K: τύχη τινὶ L.
261
26
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
αἰφνιδίου é ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες, νικήσαντές τε παρὰ
δόξαν μέτρῳ: σφᾶς πολλῷ ὑπεραίροντας,
αὐτούς τε κτείνουσι καὶ τοὺς “αἰχμαλώτους ἐς
τὰ οἰκεῖα ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι. τότε δὲ ὁ
Ναρσῆς καί τινα εὑρὼν ἐπιβατεύοντα τοῦ
Χιλβουδίου ὀνόματος, ἀνδρὸς ἐπιφανοῦς καὶ
“Ῥωμαίων ποτὲ στρατηγήσαντος, διελέγξαι τὴν
ἐπιβουλὴν ῥᾳδίως ἔσχε. τοῦτο δὲ ὅ τί ποτε ἦν
αὐτίκα δηλώσω.
XIV
Χιλβούδιος ἣν τις ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ βασι-
λέως οἰκίας ἐσάγαν μὲν δραστήριος τὰ πολέμια,
ἐς τόσον δὲ χρημάτων κρείσσων. ὥστε ἀντὶ
μεγίστου κτήματος ἐν τῇ οὐσίᾳ τῇ αὑτοῦ εἶχε
τὸ κεκτῆσθαι μηδέν. τοῦτον βασιλεὺς τὸν
΄ er \ / » \ > ΄
Χιλβούδιον, ὅτε δὴ τέταρτον ἔτος τὴν αὐτοκρά-
Topa εἶχεν ἀρχήν, Θράκης στρατηγὸν ἀνειπών,
ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ “lotpov ποταμοῦ φυλακῇ κατεστή-
σατο, φυλάσσειν κελεύσας ὅπως μηκέτι τοῖς
΄ ΄ ig \ \ Μ
ταύτῃ βαρβάροις ὁ ποταμὸς διαβατὸς ἔσται,
2 \ > lal \ / / » Φ 7)
ἐπεὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν διάβασιν πολλάκις ἤδη Odvvot
Vv ,
τε καὶ “Avtar καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ πεποιημένοι
) / 3 « d / Μ > / XG
ἀνήκεστα Ρωμαίους 4 ἔργα εἰργάσαντο. Χιλ-
βούδιος δὲ οὕτω τοῖς βαρβάροις φοβερὸς γέγονεν
ὥστε ἐς τριῶν ἐνιαυτῶν χρόνον, ὅσον ξὺν ταύτῃ
τὶ
δὴ τῇ τιμῇ τὴν διατριβὴν ἐνταῦθα εἶχεν, οὐχ
¢ fel \ c /
ὅσον διαβῆναι τὸν Ἴστρον ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ῥωμαίους
οὐδεὶς ἴσχυσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς ἤπειρον
τὴν ἀντιπέρας σὺν Χιλβουδίῳ πολλάκις ἰόντες
1 μέτρῳ Maltretus and Scaliger: μετρίας K, ἀμετρία L.
262
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiii. 25-xiv. 3
joined battle with them, and, although far out-
numbered, they unexpectedly defeated them, and
some they slew, and the captives they released one
and all to go to their homes. At that time also
Narses found a certain man who was pretending
to the name of Chilbudius, a man of note who had
once been a general of the Romans, and he easily
succeeded in unmasking the plot. Here I shall
give the facts of this story.
XIV
Tuere was a certain Chilbudius of the household
of the Emperor Justinian, who was exceedingly
efficient in war, and, at the same time, so far superior
to the lure of money that instead of a great property
in his own right he had no possessions at all. This
Chilbudius was appointed by the emperor, in the
fourth year of his reign, to be General of Thrace,
and was assigned to guard the river Ister, being
ordered to keep watch so that the barbarians of that
region could no longer cross the river, since the Huns
and Antae and Sclaveni had already made the cross-
ing many times and done irreparable harm to the
Romans. And Chilbudius became such an object of
terror to the barbarians that for the space of three
years, during which time he remained there holding
this office, not only did no one succeed in crossing
the Ister against the Romans, but the Romans
actually crossed over to the opposite side many
2 σφᾶς K: σφῶν L.
3 ἀνήκεστα K: om. L.
4 "Ρωμαίους Dindorf: ῥωμαίοις MSS.
ὅ91 A.D.
10
11
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔκτεινάν τε Kal ἠνδραπόδισαν τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβά-
ρους. ἐνιαυτοῖς δὲ τρισὶν ὕστερον διέβη μὲν ὁ
Χιλβούδιος τὸν ποταμὸν ἧπερ εἰώθει ξὺν ὀλίγῳ
στρατῷ, Σκλαβηνοὶ δὲ πανδημεὶ ὑπηντίαζον.
μάχης ΤΕ καρτερᾶς γενομένης Ῥωμαίων τε πολλοὶ
ἔπεσον καὶ Χιλβούδιος ὁ στρατηγός. καὶ τὸ
λοιπὸν ὅ τε ποταμὸς ἐσβατὸς ἀεὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις
κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα
εὐέφοδα" γέγονε, ξύμπασά τε ἡ Ῥωμαίων “ἀρχὴ
ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἀρετῇ ἀντίρροπος γενέσθαι ἐν τῷ
ἔργῳ τούτῳ οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσε.
Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον "Avtat καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ
διάφοροι ἀλλήλοις γενόμενοι ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον,
ἔνθα δὴ τοῖς Ἄνταις ἡσσηθῆναι τῶν ἐναντίων
τετύχηκεν. ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ Σκλαβηνὸς
ἀνὴρ τῶν τινα πολεμίων ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα,
Χιλβούδιον ὄνομα, αἰχμάλωτον εἷλεν, ἔς τε τὰ
οἰκεῖα λαβὼν ῴχετο. οὗτος ὁ “ΧΑ βούδιος
προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου εὔνους τε ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα
τῷ κεκτημένῳ ἐγένετο καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους "
δραστήριος. πολλάκις τε τοῦ δεσπότου προ-
κινδυνεύσας ἠρίστευσέ τε διαφερόντως καὶ κλέος
ἰσχυσε περιβαλέσθαι ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μέγα. ὑπὸ δὲ
τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον “Avtar ἐπισκήψαντες εἰς τὰ
ἐπὶ Θρακῆης χωρία πολλοὺς ἐληΐσαντο καὶ
ἠνδραπόδισαν τῶν ἐκείνῃ “Ῥωμαίων. οὕσπερ
ἐπαγόμενοι ἀπεκομίσθησαν εἰς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη.
Τούτων δὲ ἕνα τῶν αἰχμαλώτων εἰς φιλάνθρω-
Tov τινα ἤγαγεν ἡ τύχη καὶ πρᾷον δεσπότην.
ἣν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ κακοῦργός τε λίαν καὶ οἷος
1 εὐέφοδα L: om, K.
2 πολεμίους Καὶ : πολέμους L.
264
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiv. 3-12
times with Chilbudius and killed and enslaved the
barbarians there. But three years later, when Chil-
budius crossed the river, as was his custom, with a
small force, the Sclaveni came against him with their
entire strength; and a fierce battle taking place,
many of the Romans fell and among them the
general Chilbudius. Thereafter the river became
free for the barbarians to cross at all times just as
they wished, and the possessions of the Romans
were rendered easily accessible; and the entire
Roman empire found itself utterly incapable of
matching the valour of one single man in the per-
formance of this task.
But later on the Antae and Sclaveni became
hostile to one another and engaged in a battle, in
which it so fell out that the Antae were defeated
by their opponents. Now in this battle one of the
Selaveni took captive a certain young man of the
enemy named Chilbudius, who was just wearing his
first beard, and took him off to his home. This
Chilbudius, as time went on, became devoted to his
master to an extraordinary degree and proved him-
self a vigorous warrior in dealing with the enemy.
Indeed he exposed himself to danger many times
to save his master, distinguishing himself by his
deeds of valour, through which he succeeded in
winning great renown, At about this time the
Antae descended upon the land of Thrace and
plundered and enslaved many of the Roman in-
habitants; and they led these captives with them
as they returned to their native abode.
Now chance brought one of these captives into
the hands of a kind and gentle master. This man
Was a great rascal and one capable of circumventing
205
18
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15
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
>? / \ 5 / 1 a > /
ἀπάτῃ τοὺς ἐντυχόντας περιελθεῖν. ἐπειδή τε
/ is fol
βουλόμενος ἐπανήκειν. és Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν
οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ εἶχεν, ἐπενόει τοιάδε. τῷ κεκτη-
μένῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥ ἥκων τῆς τε φιλανθρωπίας ἐπήνεσε
καὶ πολλὰ μέν οἱ διὰ τοῦτο πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ
ἰσχυρίσατο τἀγαθὰ" ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ
οὐδαμῆ ἀχάριστον δεσπότῃ φιλανθρωποτάτῳ
/ 2 ’ BA » fal \ ΄ >
φανήσεσθαι, adr’, ἤν ye αὐτῷ τὰ βέλτιστα εἰση-
γουμένῳ ἐπακούειν ἐθέλῃ, κύριον αὐτὸν οὐκ εἰς
\
μακρὰν καπαστήδεσθαι χρημάτων μεγάλων. εἶναι
γὰρ ἐν τῷ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνει Χιλβούδιον, τὸν 8
€ /
Ρωμαίων στρατηγήσαντα, ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ,
/ / / / ?
πάντας βαρβάρους λανθάνοντα ὅστις ποτέ ἐστιν.
/ a
ἢν τοίνυν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη προέσθαι τε τὰς
fal / ξ \ \ Ξ / Ν ”
τοῦ Χιλβουδίου τιμὰς καὶ διακομίζειν τὸν avOpw-
/ n 4
πον ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, δόξαν τε ἀγαθὴν καὶ
πλούτου αὐτὸν πάμπολυ χρῆμα περιβαλέσθαι
πρὸς βασιλέως οὐκ ἀπεικὸς εἶναι. ταῦτα ὁ 'Ῥω-
μαῖος εἰπὼν τὸν κεκτημένον εὐθὺς ἔπεισε, καὶ ξὺν
αὐτῷ γίνεται ἐν Σκλαβηνοῖς μέσοις: ἐπεκηρυ-
7 \ » W 9 / » , » rn
κεύοντο γὰρ ἤδη Kal ἀλλήλοις ἀνεμίγνυντο ἀδεῶς
οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι. χρήματα γοῦν πολλὰ τῷ
Χιλβούδιον κεκτημένῳ προέμενοι ἡ τὸν ἄνδρα
ὠνοῦντο καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἀπιόντες εὐθὺς @XOVTO.
ἐπεί τε ἐν ἤθεσι τοῖς σφετέροις ἐγένοντο, ἀνε-
πυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὁ πριάμενος, § εἰ Χιλβού-
διος αὐτὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη. καὶ ὃς
> » ,ὔ \ ” / 5 \ a 3 θ -
οὐκ ἀπηξίου τὰ ὄντα καταλέγειν ξὺν τῷ ἀληθεῖ
1 ἐντυχόντας Ια : ἐντυγχάνοντας L.
2 τἀγαθὰ Ια : ἀγαθὰ L. 8 roy Καὶ : τὸν τῶν L.
C προέμενοι Ke: προϊέμενοι L.
5 καταλέγειν, Haury: λέγειν καταλέγει Κὶ, καὶ λέγειν. κατα-
λέγειν τε L, λέγειν καὶ καταλέγειν Christ.
266
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiv. 12-18
and deceiving those who fell in his way. And since
he was unable by any device to effect his return to
the land of the Romans, much as he wished it, he
conceived the following plan. Coming before his
master, he praised him for his kindness and declared
that God on account of this would bestow upon him
blessings in abundance, and that he for his part
would shew himself by no means ungrateful to a
most kindly master; but, if only he was willing to
give ear to the excellent suggestion which he had
to offer, he would shortly put him in possession of
a great sum of money. For there was, he said,
among the nation of the Sclaveni one Chilbudius,
the former general of the Romans, in the condition
of a slave, while all the barbarians were ignorant as
to who in the world he was. If, therefore, he was
willing to pay out the price set upon Chilbudius
and convey the man to the land of the Romans, it
was not unlikely that he would acquire for himself
from the emperor not only a fair reputation but
also an enormous amount of money. By these words
the Roman speedily persuaded his master, and he
went with him into the midst of the Sclaveni; for
these barbarians were already on peaceful terms
and were mingling with one another without fear.
Consequently they were able, by paying out a large
sum of money to the master of Chilbudius, to
purchase the man, and they departed with him
immediately. And when they had come into their
own country, the purchaser enquired of the man
whether he was Chilbudius himself, the general of
the Romans. And he did not hesitate to state
truly all the facts in order, saying that he too was
267
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20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
λόγῳ ἐφεξῆς ἅπαντα, ὡς εἴη μὲν. καὶ αὐτὸς
Ἄντης τὸ γένος, μαχόμενος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ὁμογενέσι
πρὸς Σκλαβηνούς, τότε πολεμίους σφίσιν ὄντας,
πρός του τῶν ἐναντίων ἁλῴη, τανῦν δέ, ἐπεὶ
ἀφίκετο ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἐλεύθερος τὸ λοιπὸν
κατά γε τὸν ᾿ νόμον καὶ αὐτὸς cous
Ὁ μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ χρυσίον! προέμενος εἰς
ἀφασίαν EMMETT OKOS ἤσχαλλεν, ἐλπίδος ἀπο-
τυχὼν οὐ μετρίας τινός. ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαῖος τόν τε
ἄνθρωπον παρηγορεῖν τήν τε ἀλήθειαν ἐκκρούειν
ἐθέλων, ὡς μή TL αὐτῷ τῆς ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανόδου
χαλεπὸν “ εἴη, Χιλβούδιον μὲν ἐκεῖνον ἔτι τοῦτον
δὴ τὸν ἄνδρα ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι, δεδιότα δὲ ἅτε δὴ
ὄντα ἐν μέσοις βαρβάροις ὡς ἥκιστα ἐθέλειν ἀπο-
καλύψαι τὸν πάντα λόγον, ἢν μέντοι γένηται ἐν
γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων, οὐχ ὅσον οὐκ ἀποκρύψεσθαι τὸν
ἀληθῆ λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοτιμήσεσθαι, ὡς τὸ
εἰκός, ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὴ τῷ ὀνόματι. τὰ μὲν οὖν
πρῶτα κρύφα ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῶν ἄλλων
βαρβάρων.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ ὁ λόγος περιφερόμενος ἐς ἅπαντας
ἦλθεν, ἠγείροντο μὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ “Avtar axedov
ἅπαντες, κοινὴν δὲ εἶναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἠξίουν,
μεγάλα σφίσιν οἰόμενοι ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, κυρίοις
ἤδη τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ Χιλβουδίου γεγενη-
μένοις. τὰ γὰρ ἔθνη ταῦτα, Σκλαβηνοί τε καὶ
"AvTat, οὐκ ἄρχονται πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἑνός, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν
δημοκρατίᾳ ἐ ἐκ παλαιοῦ βιοτεύουσι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
αὐτοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ τά τε ξύμφορα καὶ
\
τὰ δύσκολα ἐς κοινὸν ἄγεται. ὁμοίως δὲ Kal τὰ
1 χρυσίον K: τὸ χρυσίον L.
268
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiv. 18-22
by birth of the Antae, and that while fighting with
his compatriots against the Sclaveni, who were then
at war with them, he had been captured by one
of the enemy, but now, upon arriving in his native
country, he too according to the law would be free
from that time forth.
Thereupon the man who had paid out gold for
him became speechless with vexation, seeing that
he had failed of a hope of no moderate sort. But
the Roman, wishing to reassure the man and to
controvert the truth, so that no difficulty might
arise to prevent his return to his home, still insisted
that this man actually was that Chilbudius, but that
he was afraid, clearly because he was in the midst
of the barbarians, and so was quite unwilling to
reveal the whole truth; if, however, he should get
into the land of the Romans, he would not only not
conceal the truth, but in all probability would actually
take pride in that very name. Now at first these
things were done without the knowledge of the
other barbarians.
But when the report was carried about and reached
the entire nation, practically all the Antae assembled
to discuss the situation, and they demanded that
the matter be made a public one, thinking that
great benefit would come to them from the fact
that they had now become masters of the Roman
general Chilbudius. For these nations, the Sclaveni
and the Antae, are not ruled by one man, but they
have lived from of old under a democracy, and con-
sequently everything which involves their welfare,
whether for good or for ill, is referred to the people.
2 χαλεπὸν Ki: ἐμποδὼν L.
269
23
24
25
26
27
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἄλλα ws εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα ἑκατέροις ἐστί τε Kal
νενόμισται τούτοις ἄνωθεν τοῖς βαρβάροις. θεὸν
μὲν γὰρ ἕνα τὸν τῆς ἀστραπῆς δημιουργὸν
ἁπάντων κύριον μόνον αὐτὸν νομίζουσιν εἶναι, καὶ
θύουσιν αὐτῷ βόας τε καὶ ἱερεῖα πάντα" εἷμαρ-
μένην δὲ οὔτε ἴσασιν οὔτε dros ὁμολογοῦσιν 1 ἔ ἐν
γε ἀνθρώποις ῥοπήν τινα ἔχειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὰν
αὐτοῖς ἐν ποσὶν ἤδη ὁ θάνατος εἴη, ἢ νόσῳ
ἁλοῦσιν ἢ ἐς πόλεμον καθισταμένοις, ἐπαγγέλ-
λονται μέν, ἢν διαφύγωσι, θυσίαν τῴ θεῷ ἀντὶ
τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτίκα ποιήσειν, διαφυγόντες δὲ
θύουσιν ὅπερ ὑπέσχοντο, καὶ οἴονται τὴν
σωτηρίαν ταύτης δὴ τῆς θυσίας αὐτοῖς ἐωνῆσθαι.3
σέβουσι μέντοι καὶ ποταμούς τε καὶ νύμφας καὶ
ἄλλα ἄττα δαιμόνια, καὶ θύουσι καὶ αὐτοῖς ἅπασι,
τάς τε μαντείας ἐν ταύταις δὴ ταῖς θυσίαις
ποιοῦνται. οἰκοῦσι δὲ ἐν καλύβαις οἰκτραῖς
διεσκηνημένοι πολλῷ μὲν ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ἀμεί-
βοντες δὲ ὡς τὰ πολλὰ τὸν τῆς ἐνοικήσεως
ἕκαστοι χῶρον. ἐς μάχην δὲ καθιστάμενοι πεζῇ
μὲν ἐπὶ Ὁ τοὺς πολεμίους οἱ πολλοὶ ἴασιν ἀσπίδια
καὶ ἀκόντια ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες, θώρακα δὲ οὐδαμῆ
ἐνδιδύσκονται. τινὲς δὲ οὐδὲ χιτῶνα οὐδὲ τρι-
βώνιον ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ μόνας τὰς ἀναξυρίδας
ἐναρμοσάμενοι μέχρι ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα, οὕτω δὴ ἐς
ξυμβολὴν τοῖς ἐναντίοις καθίστανται. ἔστι δὲ
καὶ μία ἑκατέροις φωνὴ ἀτεχνῶς βάρβαρος. οὐ
μὴν οὐδὲ τὸ εἶδος ἐ ἐς ἀλλήλους TL διαλλάσσουσιν.
εὐμήκεις τε γὰρ καὶ ἄλκιμοι διαφερόντως εἰσὶν
1 ὁμολογοῦσιν K: οἵη. L.
2 ξωνῆσθαι K: ὠνεῖσϑαι L.
270
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiv. 22-27
It is also true that in all other matters, practically
speaking, these two barbarian peoples have had from
ancient times the same institutions and customs.
For they believe that one god, the maker of the
lightning, is alone lord of all things, and they sac-
rifice to him cattle and all other victims; but as for
fate, they neither know it nor do they in any wise
admit that it has any power among men, but when-
ever death stands close before them, either stricken
with sickness or beginning a war, they make a
promise that, if they escape, they will straightway
make a sacrifice to the god in return for their life ;
and if they escape, they sacrifice just what they have
promised, and consider that their safety has been
bought with this same sacrifice. They reverence,
however, both rivers and nymphs and some other
spirits, and they sacrifice to all these also, and they
make their divinations in connection with these
sacrifices, They live in pitiful hovels which they
set up far apart from one another, but, as a general
thing, every man is constantly changing his place
of abode. When they enter battle, the majority of
them go against their enemy on foot carrying little
shields and javelins in their hands, but they never
wear corselets. Indeed some of them do not wear
even a shirt or a cloak, but gathering their trews
up as far as to their private parts they enter into
battle with their opponents. And both the two
peoples have also the same language, an utterly
barbarous tongue. Nay further, they do not differ
at all from one another in appearance. For they
are all exceptionally tall and stalwart men, while
3 ἐπὶ K: és L.
271
28
29
30
91
32
33
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἅπαντες, τὰ δὲ σώματα Kal τὰς κόμας οὔτε λευ-
Kol ἐσάγαν ἢ EavOoi εἰσιν οὔτε πὴ ἐς τὸ μέλαν
αὐτοῖς παντελῶς τέτραπται, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπέρυθροί εἰσιν
ἅπαντες. δίαιταν δὲ σκληράν τε καὶ ἀπημελη-
μένην, ὥσπερ οἱ Μασσαγέται, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔχουσι,
καὶ ῥύπου ἧπερ ἐκεῖνοι | ἐνδελεχέστατα γέμουσι,"
\ / x [οἷ ς “ ΄
πονηροὶ μέντοι ἢ κακοῦργοι ὡς ἥκιστα τυγχά-
νουσιν ὄντες, GANA κἀν τῷ ἀφελεῖ διασώζουσι τὸ
Οὐννικὸν ἦθος. καὶ “μὴν καὶ ὄνομα Σκλαβηνοῖς
τε καὶ Ανταις ἕν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν 7 ἣν: Σ πόρους γὰρ
τὸ παλαιὸν ἀμφοτέρους ἐκάλουν, ὅτι δὴ σπορά-
δην, οἶμαι, διεσκηνημένοι τὴν χώραν οἰκοῦσι.
διὸ δὴ καὶ γῆν τινα πολλὴν ἔχουσι: τὸ γὰρ
πλεῖστον τῆς ἑτέρας τοῦ ἴστρου ὄχθης αὐτοὶ
νέμονται. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸν λεὼν τοῦτον
ταύτῃ πὴ ἔχει.
"Avrat δὲ τότε ἀγειρόμενοι, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, τὸν
ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἠνάγκαζον ὁμολογεῖν σφίσιν ὅτι
Χιλβούδιος αὐτὸς ὁ Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη.
ἀρνηθέντα τε κολάζειν ἠπείλουν. ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα
ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ βασιλεὺς ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς
πρέσβεις τινὰς παρὰ τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους
στείλας ἠξίου ξυνοικίζεσθαι ἅπαντας εἰς πόλιν
ἀρχαίαν, Τούρριν ὄνομα, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ὑπὲρ
ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, Τραϊανοῦ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὐτο-
κράτορος ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις αὐτὴν δειμαμένου,
ἔρημος δὲ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν οὗσα, ,ληΐϊσα-
μένων αὐτὴν τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων. ταύτῃ γὰρ
αὐτοὺς καὶ τῇ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὴν χώρᾳ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς
βασιλεὺς ἅτε προσηκούσῃ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ῥωμαίοις
1 ἐκεῖνοι Ια : ἐκεῖνοι πλήρεις L. 2 γέμουσι K: μένουσι L.
3 τῇ---χώρᾳ Hoeschel in marg. : τῆ---χώραν K, τὴν---οχωρία L.
272
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiv. 27-33
their bodies and hair are neither very fair or blonde,
nor indeed do they incline entirely to the dark
type, but they are all slightly ruddy in colour. And
they live a hard life, giving no heed to bodily
comforts, just as the Massagetae do, and, like them,
they are continually and at all times covered with
filth ; however, they are in no respect base or evil-
doers, but they preserve the Hunnic character in
all its simplicity. In fact, the Sclaveni and Antae
actually had a single name in the remote past; for
they were both called Spori in olden times, because,
I suppose, living apart one man from another, they
inhabit their country in a sporadic fashion, And
in consequence of this very fact they hold a great
amount of land; for they alone inhabit the greatest
part of the northern bank of the Ister. So much
then may be said regarding these peoples.
So on the present occasion the Antae gathered
together, as has been said, and tried to compel this
man to agree with them in the assertion that he was
Chilbudius, the Roman general himself. And they
threatened, if he denied it, to punish him. But while
this affair was progressing in the manner described,
meantime the Emperor Justinian had sent some
envoys to these very barbarians, through whom he
expressed the desire that they should all settle in
an ancient city, Turris by name, situated to the
north of the river Ister. This city had been built
by the Roman emperor Trajan in earlier times, but
for a long time now it had remained unoccupied,
after it had been plundered by the barbarians of
that region. It was this city and the lands about
it that the Emperor Justinian agreed to give them,
asserting that it had belonged to the Romans
273
VOL, IV. T
34
36
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
[ / / rc
ὡμολόγει δεδωρήσεσθαι! καὶ σφίσι ξυνοικιεῖν
a /
μὲν δυνάμει TH πάσῃ, χρήματα δὲ μεγάλα σφίσι
7] ΡΟΣ τ co» \ \ v
προΐεσθαι, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ οἱ ἔνσπονδοι TO λοιπὸν ὄντες
/ / fal
Οὔννοις ἐμπόδιοι ἐς ἀεὶ γένωνται, καταθεῖν βουλο-
/
μένοις τὴν Ρωμαίων ἀρχήν.
Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἤκουσαν, ἐπήνεσάν τε
καὶ πράξειν ἅπαντα ὑπέσχοντο, εἴπερ αὐτοῖς τὸν
r ͵7 Ν € la
Χιλβούδιον στρατηγὸν Ῥωμαίων αὖθις κατα-
\ / a
στησάμενος ξυνοικιστὴν δοίη, αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον
/ /
ἰσχυριζόμενοι, ἧπερ ἠβούλοντο, Χιλβούδιον εἶναι.
Ne a
ταύταις δὲ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἤδη
καὶ αὐτὸς ἤθελέ τε καὶ ἔφασκε Χιλβούδιος ὁ
€ / \ 3 24? ἷ δ᾽ » Ν
Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἶναι. ἐφ᾽ οἷς δὴ αὐτὸν
/ > 4 “ .) ΄ fol
στελλόμενον ἐς Βυζάντιον Ναρσῆς ἐν ταύτη τῇ
/ ΄ \ , > \
πορείᾳ καταλαμβάνει. καὶ ξυγγενόμενος, ἐπεὶ
φενακίζοντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον εὗρε (καίπερ τήν τε
/ \ \ lal
Λατίνων ἀφιέντα φωνὴν καὶ τῶν Χιλβουδίου
/ »/
γνωρισμάτων πολλὰ ἐκμαθόντα τε ἤδη Kal
προσποιεῖσθαι ἱκανῶς ἔχοντα) ἔν τε δεσμωτηρίῳ
a a /
καθεῖρξε καὶ τὸν πάντα ἐξειπεῖν λόγον ἠνάγκα-
\ A
σεν, οὕτω τε ἐς Βυζάντιον ξὺν αὑτῷ ἤγαγεν.
> ἈΝ ἀντ (τ > , > /
ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι.
XV
Βασιλεὺς μὲν ταῦτα ἅπερ" μοι δεδήλωται
ἔπρασσεν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Βελισάριος Βαλεντῖνόν
1 δεδωρήσεσθαι K: δωρήσασθαι L. 2 ἅπερ K: ἥπερ L.
274
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xiv. 33-xv. 1
originally ; and he further agreed to give them all
the assistance within his power while they were
establishing themselves, and to pay them great sums
of money, on condition that they should remain at
peace with him thereafter and constantly block the
way against the Huns, when these wished to overrun
the Roman domain.
When the barbarians heard this, they expressed
approval and promised to carry out all the con-
ditions, provided that he restore Chilbudius to the
office of General of the Romans and assign him to
assist them in the establishment of their city, stoutly
maintaining, what they wished was so, that the
man there among them was Chilbudius. ‘Thereupon
the man himself, being lifted up by these hopes,
began now to claim and to assert, as well as the
others, that he was Chilbudius the Roman general.
Indeed he was setting out for Byzantium on this
mission when Narses, in the course of his journey,
came upon him. And when he met the man and
found him to be playing the part of an imposter,
although he spoke in the Latin tongue and had
already learned many of the personal peculiarities
of Chilbudius and had been very successful in assum-
ing them, he confined him in prison and compelled
him to confess the whole truth, and thereafter
brought him in his own train to Byzantium. But
I shall return to the point from which I have strayed.
XV
White the emperor was taking such measures as
have been described, Belisarius on his part sent an
army to the harbour of Rome under command of
275
τ
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Te Kal τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ ἕνα, Φωκᾶν
ὄνομα, διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸν τὰ πολέμια, ξὺν
στρατεύματι ἐς τὸν Ρωμαίων λιμένα ἔπεμψεν,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τό τε ἐν Ἰ]όρτῳ “φρούριον ξυμφυλάξουσι
τοῖς ἐνταῦθα φρουροῖς, ὧνπερ ᾿Ιννοκέντιος ἦρχε,
καὶ ὅπη ἂν σφίσι δυνατὰ ὴ * ἐπεκδρομὰς ποιού-
μενοι ξυνταράξουσι τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατό-
πεδον. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Βαλεντῖνόν τε καὶ
Φωκᾶν πέμψαντες λάθρα ἐς Ῥώμην σημαίνουσι
Βέσσᾳ ὡς αὐτίκα δὴ ἐπιέναι τῶν ἐναντίων τῷ
χαρακώματι ἐκ τι τοῦ αἰφνιδίου μέλλουσι: δεήσει
οὖν καὶ αὐτὸν τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ στρατιωτῶν τοὺς
μαχιμωτάτους ἀπολεξάμενον, ἡνίκα αἴσθηται τῆς
ἐπιδρομῆς, βοηθεῖν δρόμῳ, ὅπως τι καὶ δρᾶν τοὺς
βαρβάρους ἑκάτεροι δυνήσονται μέγα. Βέσσᾳ
δὲ ταῦτα οὐδαμῆ ἤρεσκε, καίπερ ἐς τρισχιλίους
στρατιώτας ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχοντι. διὸ δὴ καὶ
Βαλεντῖνός τε καὶ Φωκᾶς ξὺν πεντακοσίοις ἐκ
τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου ἐπισκήψαντες τῷ τῶν πολε-
μίων στρατοπέδῳ ὀλίγους μέν τινας ἔκτειναν,
αἴσθησίς τε τοῦ ἐνθένδε θορύβου τοῖς πολιορκου-
μένοις ταχὺ γέγονεν. ὡς δὲ οὐδεὶς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως
émeEnel, κατὰ τάχος ἐς τὸν λιμένα κακῶν παντά-
πασιν ἀπαθεῖς a ἀνεχώρησαν.
Πέμψαντές τε παρὰ Βέσσαν αὖθις ἠτιῶντο μὲν
ὄκνησίν τινα οὐ δέον αὐτῷ ἐμπεπτωκέναι, ἰσχυρι-
ζόμενοι δὲ ὡς ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ἑτέραν ἐπεκδρομὴν
ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ποιήσονται παρεκάλουν καὶ
αὐτὸν ἐς καιρὸν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐπιθέσθαι δυνάμει
τῇ πάσῃ. ὁ δὲ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον τὸ μὴ τοῖς
ἐναντίοις ἐπεξιόντα διακινδυνεύειν ἀπεῖπεν. οἱ
SUR Gye US
276
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xv. 1-6
Valentinus and one of his own bodyguards, Phocas
by name, an exceptionally able warrior, with in-
structions to join the garrison in Portus, which
was commanded by Innocentius, and to assist them
in guarding that fortress; and wherever they found
it possible, they were to make excursions and harass
the enemy’s camp. Consequently, Valentinus and
Phocas secretly sent a messenger into Rome bear-
ing the intelligence to Bessas that they were at that
moment about to make a sudden attack upon the
stockade of their opponents ; he should, therefore,
on his part, select the most warlike of the soldiers
in Rome, and, whenever he observed their assault,
rush to their assistance, so that each of the two
forces might be able to inflict some great injury
upon the barbarians. Bessas, however, was by no
means taken with this plan, notwithstanding the
fact that he had as many as three thousand soldiers
under him. Thus it was that Valentinus and Phocas
with a force of five hundred descended unexpectedly
upon the enemy’s camp and killed a few men, and
the tumult occasioned thereby soon reached the
ears of the besieged.t_ But seeing that no one came
out from the city against the camp, they quickly
retired to the harbour without suffering any loss.
So they sent to Bessas a second time, and first
charging him with having had a regrettable attack
of timidity, they declared that they would soon make
another assault upon the enemy and urged that he
too should fall upon the barbarians with all his
strength at the proper moment. Bessas, however,
still refused to make a sally against his opponents
1 7,¢, in Rome.
277
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μέντοι ἀμφὶ Βαλεντῖνόν τε καὶ Φωκᾶν ξὺν στρατῷ
πλείονι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐμπεσεῖσθαι διενοοῦντο καὶ
7 ἐν παρασκευῇ ἤδη ἐγένοντο. στρατιώτης δέ τις
ὑπὸ ᾿Ιννοκεντίῳ ταττόμενος αὐτόμολος παρὰ
Τουτίλαν ἥκων. ἀγγέλλει ὡς ἡμέρᾳ τῇ ἐπιγενη-
σομένῃ ἔφοδος ἐ ἐκ τοῦ Πόρτου ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔσται.
8 καὶ ὃς τῶν χωρίων ὅσα ἐπιτηδείως ἐς τοῦτο εἶχεν
ἐνέδραις, ἔγνω προλοχίξειν ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων. οὗ
δὴ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ Βαλεντῖνός τε καὶ Φωκᾶς ξὺν
τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐμπεπτωκότες τούς τε πλείστους
ἀποβάλλουσι καὶ αὐτοὶ θνήσκουσιν. ὀλίγοι δέ
τίνες μόλις διαφυγόντες ἐς τὸν Πόρτον κομίζονται.
9 Τότε καὶ Βεγίλεος, ὁ τῆς Ρώμης ἀρχιερεύς, ἐν
Σικελίᾳ διατριβὴν ἔ ἔχων ναῦς ὅτι πλείστας σίτου
ἐμπλησάμενος ἔπεμψεν, οἰόμενος ὅτῳ δὴ τρόπῳ
τοῖς τὰ φορτία παραπέμπουσιν ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην
10 ἐσιτητὰ εἶναι. αἱ μὲν οὖν νῆες αὗται ἔπλεον ἐπὶ
τὸν “Ῥωμαίων λιμένα, αἰσθόμενοι δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι
χρόνῳ τε βραχεῖ προτερήσαντες ἐν τῷ λιμένι
ἐγένοντο καὶ τῶν τειχῶν ' ἐντὸς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς
ἔκρυψαν, ὅπως, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα αἱ νῆες ἐνταῦθα
ll κατάρωσι, κρατήσωσιν αὐτῶν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ. ὅπερ
κατιδόντες ὅσοι φρουρὰν ἐν Πόρτῳ εἶχον, ἔς τε
τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἀνέβαινον ἅπαντες καὶ τὰ ἱμάτια
σείοντες τοῖς ἐν 5 ταῖς ναυσὶ σημαίνειν ἐβούλοντο
μὴ πρόσω ἰέναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτερωσε, ὅπη παρατύχῃ,
12 ἐκτρέπεσθαι. οἱ δὲ τῶν ποιουμένων οὐ ξυνιέντες,
ἀλλὰ χαίρειν τε τοὺς ἐν τῷ Πόρτῳ Ρωμαίους
1 τειχῶν Herwerden: τείχων K, τοίχων L,
2 τοῖς ev L: om. K.
3 ἑτέρωσε L: ἑτέρωθι Καὶ.
278
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xv. 6-12
and risk a battle. Still Valentinus and Phocas were
purposing to assail the enemy in larger force and
had already made their preparations. But a certain
soldier of Innocentius’ command went as a deserter
to Totila and carried the news that on the following
day there would be an attack upon them from
Portus. So Totila decided to fill with ambuscades
of soldiers all the places which were adapted for
this purpose. On the following day, therefore,
Valentinus and Phocas fell into these ambuscades,
and not only lost the most of their men, but were
also killed themselves. And only a small handful
made their escape with difficulty and betook them-
selves to Portus.
It was at this time that Vigilius, the chief priest
of Rome,! who was then sojourning in Sicily, filled
with grain as many ships as he could and sent them
off, thinking that in some way or other those who
were conveying the cargoes would be able to get
into Rome. So these ships were sailing toward the
Roman harbour, but the enemy spied them and got
to the harbour a short time before the ships arrived ;
there they concealed themselves inside the walls,
their purpose being that, as soon as the ships should
come to the land there, they might capture them
with no difficulty. And when all the men keeping
guard in Portus observed this, they went up to the
battlement, every man of them, and by waving their
cloaks strove to signal the men on the ships not to
come ahead, but to turn aside and go elsewhere—
anywhere in fact, where chance might lead them
But the men on the ships failed to comprehend
what they were doing, supposing that the Romans
1 Vigilius was Pope from 537-555.
279
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14
15
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
7 \ “Ὁ > \ iN / a
οἰόμενοι Kal σφᾶς ἐπὶ τὸν λιμένα παρακαλεῖν,
rn fal / Ἂς r
τοῦ πνεύματος αὐτοῖς ἐπιφόρου ὄντος, ἐντὸς τοῦ
λιμένος κατὰ τάχος ἐγένοντο. ἔπλεον δὲ ταῖς
\ ” ¢ ΄,ὔ \ / ? /
ναυσὶν ἄλλοι τε Ρωμαίων πολλοὶ Kal τις ἐπί-
σκοπος Βαλεντῖνος ὄνομα. ἔκ τε τῶν ἐνεδρῶν
ἀναστάντες οἱ βάρβαροι τῶν πλοίων ἁπάντων
οὐδενὸς ἀμυνομένου ἐκράτησαν. καὶ τὸν μὲν
ἐπίσκοπον ζωγρήσαντες παρὰ τὸν Toutirav
ἤγαγον, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν, καὶ
a a / »
τὰς ναῦς σὺν τοῖς φορτίοις ἐφέλκοντες ὠχοντο.
τούτου ὁ Τουτίλας ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἱερέως ὅσα
? ΄ 2 Jona 2 > ο΄ or ¢ ef
ἐβούλετο, emeveyxov! τε“ αὐτῷ, OTL δὴ ὡς ἥκιστα
ἀληθίξεται, ἄμφω τὼ χεῖρε ἀπέκοψε. ταῦτα
μὲν δὴ οὕτω γενέσθαι τετύχηκε. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν
ἔληγε, καὶ τὸ ἑνδέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ
rn a , /
τῷδε, OV IIpoxorrios ξυνέγραψε.
XVI
Βιγίλιος δέ, ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἀρχιερεύς, βασιλεῖ
ἐς “Βυζάντιον ἐκ Σικελίας μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν.
ἐτύγχανε γὰρ πολύν τινα χρόνον διὰ τοῦτο ἐν
Σικελίᾳ διατριβὴν " ἔχων.
Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον 5 “Ῥωμαῖοι ἐν Πλακεντίᾳ
πολιορκούμενοι ἁπάντων ἤδη σφᾶς τῶν ἀναγκαίων
παντάπασιν ἐπιλιπόντων ἐς βρώσεις οὐχ ὁσίας
τινάς, βιαζόμενοι τῷ λιμῷ, ἦλθον. καὶ μὴν καὶ
ἀλλήλων ἐγεύσαντο. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο σφᾶς τε
1 ἐπενεγκὼν K: ἐπενεγκόντες L.
2 re K, Suidas: δὲ L.
3 ἀπέκοψε K: ἀπέκοψαν L,
§ διατριβὴν Braun; τριβὴν MSS.
280
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xv. 12-xvi. 3
in Portus were rejoicing and inviting them to the
harbour, and since they had a favouring wind they
quickly got inside the harbour. Now there were
many Romans on board the ships, and among them
a certain bishop named Valentinus. Then the bar-
barians arose from their hiding place and _ took
possession of all the boats without encountering
any resistance, And as for the bishop, they took
him prisoner and led him before Totila, but all the
rest they killed, and drawing the boats up on shore
with their cargoes still in them, they departed.
And Totila made such enquiries of this priest as
he wished, and then accused him of not telling the
truth in any respect and so cut off both his hands.
Such was the course of these events. And the
winter drew to a close, and the eleventh year ended
in this war, the history of which Procopius has
written.
XVI
Anp Vigilius, the chief priest of Rome, in obedience
to the emperor’s summons, came to Byzantium from
Sicily; for he had been waiting a considerable time
in Sicily for this summons.
It was at about this time that the Romans be-
sieged in Placentia, seeing that all their provisions
had now been completely exhausted, resorted to
foods of an unnatural sort under constraint of
famine. In fact they had actually tasted each
other’s flesh. And it was because of this situ-
ation that they came to terms with the Goths and
ἢ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον KK, correction in red, L: τούτων τῶν
χρόνων K.
281
54€ A.D.
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
αὐτοὺς Kal Πλακεντίαν ὁμολογίᾳ ΤΓότθοις παρέ-
δωκαν.
Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ἐχώρησε καὶ Ῥώμην πρὸς
Τουτίλα πολιορκουμένην ἅ ἅπαντα ἤδη τὰ ἀναγκαῖα
ἐπελελοίπει. ἣν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Ῥώμης ἱερεῦσιν,
ὄνομα μὲν Ἰ]ελάγιος, διάκονος δὲ τὴν τιμήν, ὃς δὴ
ἐν Βυζαντίῳ χρόνον διατρίψας συχνὸν φίλος μὲν
ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ γέγονε,
χρήματα δὲ περιβεβλημένος. μεγάλα ἐς Ῥώμην
ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν ἐτύγχανεν. ἀφικόμενος. ἐν
ταύτῃ τε τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τοῖς τῶν ἀναγκαίων
ἀπορουμένοις πλεῖστα τῶν χρημάτων προέμενος,"
ὧν καὶ πρότερον ἔν ye ᾿Ιταλιώταις ἃ ἅπασι δόκιμος,
μεῖζον, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἐπὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ κλέος
ἀπήνεγκε. τοῦτον Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν Πελάγιον, ἐπειδὴ
τὰ ἀμήχανα τῷ λιμῷ ἔπασχον, πείθουσι παρὰ
Τουτίλαν τε ἰέναι καὶ ἡμερῶν ὀλίγων τινῶν
ἐκεχειρίαν διαπράξασθαι σφίσιν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ, ἢν “μή
τίς αὐτοῖς ἐπικουρία ταύτης δὴ ἐντὸς τῆς ἐκε-
χειρίας ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἀφίκηται, σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς
ὁμολογίᾳ καὶ τὴν πόλιν Τότθοις ἐνδώσουσιν.
ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ “πρεσβείᾳ Πελάγιος παρὰ"
Τουτίλαν ἦλθεν. ἧἥκοντά Té αὐτὸν ὁ Toutidas
ἀσπασάμενος αἰδοῖ τε καὶ φιλοφροσύνῃ πολλῇ
πρῶτος ὃ ἔλεξεν ὧδε'
“Πᾶσι μέν, ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εἰπεῖν, νόμος
βαρβάροις τὸ χρῆμα τῶν πρέσβεων σέβειν, ἐμοὶ
δὲ τοὺς τῆς ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιουμένους, οἷος αὐτὸς
εἶ, καὶ ἄλλως τιμᾶν ἐν σπουδῇ ἄνωθεν γέγονε.
τιμὴν δὲ καὶ ὕβριν ἐς ἄνδρα πρεσβευτὴν οὐ
1 προέμενος KH: προϊέμενος L.
2 παρὰ LH: ἐπὶ Κ.
282
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvi. 3-10
surrendered both themselves and Placentia to them.
Such was the course of events here.
At Rome likewise, as it laboured under the siege
of Totila, all the necessaries of life had already
failed. Now there was a certain man among the
priests of Rome, Pelagius by name, holding the
office of deacon; he had passed a considerable time
in Byzantium and had there become especially
intimate with the Emperor Justinian, and it so
happened that he had a short time previously arrived
at Rome possessed of a great fortune. And during
this siege he had bestowed a great part of his
fortune upon those destitute of the necessaries of
life ; and thus, though he had been a notable person
even before that time, among all the Italians, now
quite naturally he won still greater renown for
philanthropy. So the Romans, finding their situation
desperate by reason of the famine, persuaded this
Pelagius to go before Totila and negotiate for them
an armistice of only a few days, the understanding
to be that, if within the time of that armistice no
help should reach them from Byzantium, they would
surrender both themselves and the city to the
Goths. Pelagius accordingly went on this mission
to Totila. And when he came, Totila greeted him
with great respect and friendliness, and then spoke
first as follows :
* Among all barbarian peoples it is a well-nigh
universal custom to reverence the office of ambassa-
dors, and I for my part have always been eager to
honour particularly those, such as yourself, who can
lay claim to excellence. Now it is my opinion that
the distinction between honour and insult to a man
3 πρῶτος K, corr., LH: πρώτως K pr. m.
283
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12
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14
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πρᾳότητι προσώπων οὐδὲ ῥημάτων ὄγκῳ τῶν
ὑποδεξαμένων. διακεκρίσθαι οἶμαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἔν γε τῷ
ἀληθίζεσθαι ἢ Χόγοις οὐχ ὑγιαίνουσιν ἐς αὐτὸν
χρῆσθαι. τετιμῆσθαι μὲν γὰρ διαφερόντως
ἐκείνῳ ξυμβαίνει, ὅτῳ ἂν ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος ἀποκαλύ-
ψαντες τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον, οὕτω τὸν ἄνθρωπον
ἀποπέμποιντο, περιυβρίσθαι. δὲ πάντων μάλιστα
τῷ πρεσβευτῇ τούτῳ, ὃς ἂν ὑπούλων τε καὶ
ξυμπεπλασμένων ᾿ ἀκούσας ῥημάτων ἀπιὼν
οἴχοιτο. τριῶν τοίνυν ἐκτός, ὦ Πελάγιε, τῶν
ἄλλων ἁπάντων, ὅτου ἂν δεηθείης, οὐ μή ποτε
πρὸς ἡμῶν ἀτυχήσεις. ἃ δὴ φυλασσόμενόν σε
σιωπᾶν ἄμεινον, ὅπως μὴ “σαυτῷ αἰτιώτατος
γεγονὼς τοῦ μηδὲν ἀνύειν ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθες τὴν
ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν μέμψιν ἡμῖν ἀναθήσεις. τῷ “γὰρ μὴ
ἐπιτηδείως τοῖς παροῦσιν αἰτεῖσθαι τὸ μηδὲν
κατορθοῦν ἐ εκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐμπέφυκε. λέγω
δὲ ὅπως μήτε Σικελιωτῶν τίνος ἕνεκα μήτε τῶν
Ῥώμης περιβόλων, ἢ ἢ τῶν προσκεχωρηκότων ἡμῖν
οἰκετῶν, τοὺς λόγους τοῦτοι οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τέ
ἐστιν ἢ Πότθους φειδοῖ ὃ Sie Σικελιωτῶν τινα ὃ
χρήσεσθαι," ἢ τόδε τὸ ΠΣ ἑστάναι, ἢ δούλους
τοὺς ἴ ξὺν ἡμῖν στρατευσαμένους τοῖς πάλαι
κεκτημένοις δουλεύειν. τοῦ δὲ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀλο-
γίστῳ ταῦτα προτείνεσθαι γνώμῃ τῷ τὰς αἰτίας
αὐτίκα ἐξειπεῖν τὴν ὑποψίαν ἐκλύσομεν.
1 ξυμπεπλασμένων KL: ξυμπεπλεγμένων iH.
2 ποιήσεις Hoeschel: ποιήσειν KL, ποιῇ H.
3 φειδοῖ H: om. KL.
4 és KH: ἐκ L.
5 twa KH: τινι 1).
8 χρήσεσθαι KH: χαρίσεσθαι L.
284
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvi. 10-15
clothed with the office of ambassador is not made
by a smiling countenance or bombastic utterances
on the part of those who receive him, but either by
simply speaking the truth or, on the other hand,
by addressing him with insincere speeches. For
signal honour, on the one hand, is conferred upon
him who has not been dismissed until the truth has
been disclosed to him with directness, but the
greatest possible insult, on the other hand, has
been heaped upon that ambassador who takes his
departure after hearing only deceitful and insincere
phrases. Now, therefore, O Pelagius, with the
exception of three things you will never fail to
receive from us whatever you may crave. ‘These
things, then, you had best avoid and pass by without
mention, so that you may not, though having been
yourself most to blame for failing to accomplish any
of the objects of your coming, impute to us the
blame for this failure. For the inevitable con-
sequence of making a request inappropriate to the
actual situation is generally failure to gain one’s
object. I warn you, then, that you are to make
no plea in the interest of either anyone of the
Sicilians, or the fortifications of Rome, or the slaves
who have put themselves under our protection.
For it is impossible either for the Goths to shew any
mercy to anyone of the Sicilians or for this wall to
remain standing or for the slaves who have been
serving in our army to return to the service of their
former masters. And in order to avoid the appear-
ance of advancing these demands in a spirit of
unreason, we shall clear ourselves of that suspicion
by stating our grounds immediately.
7 τοὺς KL: τοὺς πάλαι H.
285
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
“Hy pev ἢ νῆσος εὐδαίμων ἐκ παλαιοῦ χρημά-
των προσόδῳ καὶ καρπῶν ἀφθονίᾳ τών ἐκεῖ
φυομένων πασῶν μάλιστα, ὥστε οὐ τοῖς αὐτὴν
ἐνοικοῦσιν ἐπαρκεῖν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς Ῥω-
μαίους ὑμᾶς ἐνθένδε εἰσκομιζομένους ἀνὰ πᾶν
ἔτος τὴν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων φορὰν ' διαρκῶς ἔχειν.
διόπερ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐδέοντο Θευδερίχου Ῥωμαῖοι
μὴ πολλῶν ἐνταῦθα Γότθων καταστῆναι φρουράν,
ὡς μηδὲν αὐτῶν τῇ ἐλευθερίᾳ ἢ ἢ τῇ ἄλλῃ εὐδαι-
μονίᾳ ἐμπόδιον εἴη. τούτων δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων
κατέπλευσεν ἐς Σικελίαν ὁ ὁ τῶν πολεμίων στρατός,
οὔτε ἀνδρῶν πλήθει οὔτε ἄλλῳ τῶν πάντων οὐδενὶ
ἀξιόμαχοι πρὸς ἡμᾶς ὄντες. Σικελιῶται, δὲ τὸν
στόλον ἰδόντες οὐκ ἐς Γότθους ταῦτα ἀνήνεγκαν,
οὐκ ἐν τοῖς ὀχυρώμασι καθεῖρξαν αὑτούς, οὐκ
ἄλλο προσκρούειν τοῖς ἐναντίοις οὐδὲν ἔ εγνώσαν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀναπετάσαντες προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ τὰς τῶν
πόλεων πύλας ἐδέξαντο ὑπτίαις χερσὶ τὸν τῶν
πολεμίων στρατόν, ὥσπερ, οἶμαι, τὰ τῶν ἀνδρα-
πόδων ἀπιστότατα, ἐκ χρόνου καιροφυλακοῦντες
πολλοῦ δραπετεῦσαι μὲν τῆς τῶν κεκτημένων
χειρός, νέους δέ τινας καὶ ἀγνῶτας αὑτοῖς
δεσπότας εὑρεῖν. ἐντεῦθέν τε ὁρμώμενοι καθάπερ
ἐξ ἐπιτειχίσματος οἱ πολέμιοι τήν τε ἄλλην
᾿Ιταλίαν ἀπονητὶ ἔσχον καὶ Ῥώμην τήνδε κατέ-
λαβον, σῖτον ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπαγαγόμενοι 5 τοσοῦτον
τὸ πλῆθος, ὥστε πολιορκουμένοις ὅ ἐς ἐνιαυτοῦ
1 φορὰν KH: εἰσφορὰν L.
Ὁ ἐπαγαγόμενοι KH: ἐπαγόμενοι 1..
3 πολιορκουμένοις L: πολιορκουμένους ΚΗ.
1 Sicily.
286
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvi. 16-20
“Tn the first place, then, that island! from ancient
times enjoyed an unrivalled degree of prosperity,
as evidenced by its revenues and by the abundance
of the crops produced therein, so that it not only
provided enough for its inhabitants, but you
Romans also were abundantly supplied by importing
annually as tribute the produce of Sicilian fields.
It was for this reason that the Romans begged
Theoderic at the beginning of his reign that no
numerous garrison of Goths should be placed there,
so that no check might be put upon the freedom
of the inhabitants or their general prosperity.
In such circumstances the enemy’s army put in at
Sicily with a force which was a match for us neither
in numbers of men nor in any other respect what-
ever. But the Sicilians, upon seeing the fleet, did
not report this to the Goths, did not even shut
themselves into their strongholds, did not consent
to shew hostility to our adversaries in any other
manner, but opening the gates of their cities with
all zeal received the army of the enemy with open
arms,” just as I suppose the most untrustworthy
slaves would do, who had for a long time been
watching for the favourable moment to escape from
the hand of their owners and find some new and
unknown masters. Then by using that island as a
base, the enemy, as if fighting from an advanced
fortress, without difficulty possessed themselves of
all Italy and seized upon this city of Rome, having
brought with them from Sicily such a great quantity
of grain that, though they were besieged for an
entire year, it continued to suffice for the whole
2. Literally ‘‘ upturned hands.”
287
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23
24
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
a /
μῆκος ἀντέχειν ξύμπασι Ρωμαίοις. τὰ μὲν οὖν
Σικελιωτῶν τοιαῦτά ἐστιν, ὧνπερ αὐτοῖς Γότθους "
συγγνώμονας εἶναι οὐδεμία μηχανὴ ἔσται, τοῦ
τῶν ἐγκλημάτων ὄγκου παραιρουμένου τοῖς ἠδικη-
κύσι τὸν ἔλεον.
Τούτων δὲ τῶν περιβόλων ἐντὸς καθείρξαντες
αὑτοὺς οἱ πολέμιοι ἐς μὲν τὸ πεδίον καταβαίνοντες
παρατάσσεσθαι ἡμῖν οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν, σοφίσμασι
δὲ καὶ παραγωγαῖς ἀεί τε καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν
Γότθους 5 ἐκκρούοντες κύριοι τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐκ
τοῦ παραλόγου γεγένηνται. ὅπως τοίνυν καὶ
ὕστερον μὴ ταῦτα πάθοιμεν προνοεῖν ἄξιον. τοὺς
γὰρ ἅπαξ ἀγνοίᾳ σφαλέντας ἐς τὴν αὐτὴν αὖθις
ἐκπεπτωκέναι ὃ κακοπραγίαν οὐ προειδομένους
τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς πείρας ἤδη συνειθισμένην αὐτοῖς
συμφοράν, οὐ τύχης ἐναντίωμα γεγενῆσθαι δοκεῖ,
ἀλλ᾿ ἐς ἄνοιαν τῶν ἐπταικότων, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
περιίστασθαι. προσθείη δ᾽ ἄν τις ὡς καὶ τὸν
«ς / “ / / /
Ῥώμης καθαιρεθῆναι περίβολον μάλιστα πάντων
ὑμῖν ξυνοίσει. οὐδὲ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων γὰρ τὸ λοιπὸν
καθειργμένοι πάντων τε ἀποκεκλεισμένοι τῶν
ἀναγκαίων," πολιορκηθήσεσθε πρὸς τῶν ἐπιόντων,
ἀλλὰ κινδυνεύσουσι μὲν τῇ μάχῃ πρὸς ἀλλήλους
ἑκάτεροι, ἄθλον δὲ τῶν νικώντων ὑμεῖς οὐ μετὰ
κινδύνων ὑμετέρων γενήσεσθε. τῶν μέντοι προσ-
κεχωρηκότων ἡμῖν οἰκετῶν ἕνεκα τοσαῦτα
ἐροῦμεν, ὡς, ἤνπερ" ἐκείνους συνταξαμένους τε
1 τότθους MSS. : ἡμᾶς Suidas.
2 Γότθους MSS.: ἡμᾶς Suidas.
3 ἐκπεπτωκέναι KL: ἐμπεπτωκέναι Ἡ,
4 ἀναγκαίων LH: ἐναντίων K.
5 κινδυνεύσουσι Maltretus: κινδυνεύουσι MSS.
288
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvi. 20-25
population of the city. Such is the case of the
Sicilians, whose misdeeds have been such that it
will be utterly impossible for the Goths to shew
them forgiveness, seeing that the gravity of the
accusations sweeps away all compassion for the
guilty.
“In the second place, it was within these walls
that our enemy shut himself and from which he was
quite unwilling to come down into the plain and
array himself against us, but by crafty wiles and
baffling tricks, he ever flouted the Goths from day
to day, and thus became, quite undeservedly, master
of our possessions. Consequently it is worth while
for us to make provision that we shall not have this
same experience a second time. For when men
who have once met with a reverse through ignorance
fall into the same evil plight again without pro-
viding against the calamity which has already become
familiar to them by experience, men believe what
has befallen them to be no adversity of fortune, but
in all likelihood a proof of the. folly of the victims
of the disaster. And one might add that the
destruction of the walls of Rome will benefit you
above all others. For you will not hereafter be shut
in with others and excluded from all the necessaries
of life while you suffer siege at the hands of the
assailants of the city, but, on the contrary, the two
armies will stake their chances in open battle against
one another, while you, without perils on your part,
will simply become the prize of the victors. In
the third place, regarding the slaves who have put
themselves under our protection, we shall say only
this, that if, after they have taken their places in
8 Hvrep L: εἴπερ K, ἣν παρ᾽ H.
289
VOL, Iv. U
26
27
28
29
30
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους καὶ map ἡμῶν τὴν
ὁμολογίαν κεκομισμένους τοῦ μή ποτε αὐτοὺς
τοῖς πάλαι κεκτημένοις προήσεσθαι" τανῦν
ἐγχειρίσειν 8. ὑμῖν γνοίημεν, οὐδὲ πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὸ
πιστὸν ἕξομεν. οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν, οὐκ ἔστι, τὸν
τῶν ξυγκειμένων ἐς τοὺς ἁπάντων οἰκτροτάτους
ὀλιγωροῦντα βέβαιον ἐς τῶν ἄλλων τινὰ τὴν
αὑτοῦ γνώμην ἐνδείκνυσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τῆς
φύσεως ἄλλο τι γνώρισμα ἐς πάντας τοὺς αὐτῷ
ξυμβάλλοντας τὴν ἀπιστίαν ἀεὶ περιφέρειν *
φιλεῖ. ὅ
Τουτίλας μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε, ἸΠελάγιος δὲ
ἀμείβεται ὧδε" ““Κατεσπουδάσθαι σοι μάλιστα
πάντων ἐμέ τε, ὦ γενναῖε, καὶ τὸ τῆς πρεσβείας
ὑπειπὼν ὄνομα ἐν μοίρᾳ ἡμᾶς τῇ ἀτιμοτάτῃ
ξυνέταξας. ὑβρίξειν γὰρ εἰς ἄνδρα φίλον τε καὶ
πρεσβευτὴν ¢ ἔγωγε, οἶμαι οὐχ ὃς ἂν κατὰ κόρρης
πατάξαι ὃ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἀσελγείᾳ ἐς αὐτὸν
χρήσαιτο, ἀλλ᾽ ὃς ἂν ἄπρακτον ἀποπέμψασθαι
τὸν ἐς αὐτὸν ἥκοντα γνοίη. οὐ γὰρ ὅπως τιμῆς
πρὸς τῶν ὑποδεξαμένων τινὸς τύχωσι, καθεῖναι
αὑτοὺς ἐς τὴν πρεσβείαν εἰώθασιν ἄνθρωποι, ἀλλ᾽
ὅπως τι ἀγαθὸν διαπεπραγμένοι τοῖς ἐσταλκόσιν
ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐπανήξωσιν. ὥστε προπηλακισθέντας
ξυνοίσει μᾶλλον διαπεπρᾶχθαί τι ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθον
ἢ λόγων ἐπιεικεστέρων ὃ ἀκούσαντας τῆς ἐλπίδος
κεκομισμένους KL: κεκοσμημένους Ἡ.
προήσεσθαι KH: προέσθαι L
ἐγχειρίσειν K: ἐγχειριεῖν H.
ἀεὶ περιφέρειν LH: εἶ περιφέρει K.
φιλεῖ ἡ, H: φιλεῖν KL.
πατάξαι Haury; πατάξας MSS.
ἐπανήξωσιν Scaliger: ἐπανήξουσιν MSS.
“ὦ αν ὦ τὸ μ
290
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvi. 25-30
our ranks against our adversaries and have received
from us the promise that we will never abandon
them to their former masters, we should at the present
juncture decide to put them into your hands, we
shall have no right to be trusted by you either.
For it is impossible—impossible, I say—for the man
who makes light of his covenant with the most
unfortunate of men to give evidence of a spirit that
ean be relied on in dealing with anyone else, but
he always carries along with him his untrustworthi-
ness, just as he does any other characteristic that
reveals his true nature in all his dealings with other
men.”
Thus spoke Totila; and Pelagius replied as follows :
* Though you began, excellent Sir, by saying that
you have the very greatest admiration not only for
me, but also for the ambassadorial title, you have
in fact assigned us to the very lowest grade of
dishonour. Indeed 1 for my part think that he who
really insults one who is both friend and ambassador
is not the man who may strike him on the head or
otherwise maltreat him, but rather he who decides
to allow his visitor to depart with his mission un-
accomplished. For it is not with the purpose of
achieving any honour at the hands of those who
receive them that men are accustomed to submit to
the labours of an embassy, but in order that they
may return with some good accomplished to those
who have sent them, Consequently, it will be more
favourable to their purpose to have been treated with
wanton contempt and still have accomplished some of
the objects for which they came, than, after hearing
more courteous words, to return disappointed in
5 λόγων ἐπιεικεστέρων LH: λόγον ἐπιεικέστερον K,
201
υ 2
31
32
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀποτυχόντας ἐπανελθεῖν. παραιτεῖσθαι μὲν οὖν
οὐκ οἶδα ὅ τι δεῖ + περὶ τούτων ὧν αὐτὸς εἴρηκας.
τί γὰρ ἄν τις ἐνοχλοίη τόν γε πρὸ τῆς ἀπολογίας
ἀπειπόντα τὴν ξύμβασιν; ; ἐκεῖνο δὲ οὐκ ἂν
σιωπῴην, ὡς ἔνδηλος εἶ ὁπόσην ἐς “Ῥωμαίους
τοὺς σοὶ ὅπλα ἀντάραντας φιλανθρωπίαν ἐνδείκνυ-
σθαι μέλλεις, ὃς ἐς Σικελιώτας τοὺς οὐδαμῆ σοι
ἀπηντηκότας ἀκήρυκτον τὸ ἔχθος ἐξενεγκεῖν ἔγνως.
ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε μεθεὶς τὴν πρὸς σὲ δέησιν THY πρεσ-
βείαν ἐς τὸν θεὸν μεταθήσομαι, ὃς δὴ τοῖς τὰς
ἱκεσίας 3 ὑπερφρονοῦσι νεμεσᾶν εἴωθε."
XVII
Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν ὁ IleXadytos ἀπηλλάσσετο.
καὶ αὐτὸν Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπεὶ ἄπρακτον ἐπανήκοντα
εἶδον, ἐν πολλῇ ἀμηχανίᾳ ἐγένοντο. ἔτι τε
μᾶλλον ἀκμάξων ὁ ὁ λιμὸς ὃ ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ a ἀνήκεστα
αὐτοὺς ἔργα εἰργάζετο. τοὺς μέντοι “στρατιώτας
οὔπω τὰ ἀναγκαῖα ἐπελελοίπει, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι ἀντεῖχον.
διὸ δὴ ἀθρόοι Ῥωμαῖοι γενόμενοι καὶ τοῖς τοῦ
βασιλέως στρατοῦ ἄρχουσι, Βέσσᾳ τε καὶ
Κόνωνι, προσελθόντες, δεδακρυμένοι ξὺν “οἰμωγῇ
πολλῇ ἔλεξαν τοιάδε" “ Τοιαύτας μὲν οὔσας, ὧ
στρατηγοί, τύχας ἡμῖν τὰς παρούσας ὁρῶμεν,
ὥστε εἰ καί τι δρᾶν ὑ ὑμᾶς ἀνόσιον ἔργον ἰσχύομεν,
οὐκ ἄν τινα ἡμῖν τὸ ἔγκλημα τοῦτο μέμψιν
ἐπήνεγκεν. ἡ γὰρ τῆς ἀνάγκης ὑπερβολὴ τὴν
1 ὅτι δεῖ Η : ὅτι δὴ Καὶ : εἴ τί γε δεῖ L.
3 ἱκεσίας KH: ἱκετείας L. 5 λιμὸς L: λοιμὸς Κὶ.
292
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvi. 30-xvii. 3
their hope. Turning now to the present situation,
I know not what plea I ought to make concerning
those things which you yourself have mentioned.
For why should one importune him who had refused
an agreement before hearing the plea? This, how-
ever, I could not leave unsaid, that it is clear what
measure of kindness you are purposing to display
toward the Romans who have taken up arms against
you, seeing that, with regard to the Sicilians, you
have determined to vent your enmity upon them
without mercy, though they have in no way opposed
you. But as for me, I shall give over my petition
to you and refer my mission to God, who is
accustomed to send retribution upon those who
scorn the prayers of suppliants.”
XVII
Wirn such words Pelagius departed. And when
the Romans saw him returning unsuccessful, they
fell into a state of helpless despair. For the famine,
becoming still more acute, was working terrible
havoc among them from day to day. The soldiers,
however, had not yet exhausted their supplies, but
they could still hold out. The Romans therefore
gathered in a throng and came before Bessas and
Conon, the commanders of the emperor’s army ;
there with weeping and loud lamentation they
spoke to them as follows: “The fate, Generals,
which we see to be upon us at the present time is
such that, if we actually had the power to commit
some unholy deed against you, such a crime would
have brought upon us no reproach. For the over-
whelming constraint of necessity furnishes of itself
293
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀπολογίαν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῆς ἔχει. νῦν δὲ ἀμύνειν ἔργῳ
ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς οὐχ οἷοί τε ὄντες, δηλώσοντές τε
λόγῳ καὶ ἀποκλαύσοντες τὴν ξυμφορὰν παρ᾽
ὑμᾶς ἥκομεν. ὅπως δὲ ἀκούσησθε!" πράως, οὐ
ξυνταρασσόμενοι τῷ τῶν λόγων θράσει, ἀλλὰ
τῇ τοῦ πάθους a ἀκμῇ τοῦτο σταθμώμενοι. ὁ γὰρ
> n ’ / >
ἀπογνῶναι τὴν σωτηρίαν ἠναγκασμένος οὐκ
ἔργοις, οὐ ῥήμασι τὴν εὐκοσμίαν διασώσασθαι
τὸ λοιπὸν δύναται. ἡμᾶς, ὦ στρατηγοί, μήτε
“Ρωμαίους μήτε ξυγγενεῖς ὑμῖν νομίξετε εἶναι,
μήτε ὁμοτρόπους τοῖς τῆς πολιτείας ἤθεσι
γεγονέναι, μήτε ἀρχὴν ἑκόντας τῇ πόλει τὸν "
βασιλέως δέχεσθαι στρατόν, ἀλλὰ πολεμίους τὸ
ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὄντας καὶ ὅπλα ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀραμένους,
εἶτα ἡσσηθέντας τῇ μάχη, ἀνδράποδα δορυάλωτα
ὑμῶν αὐτῶν κατά γε τὸν τοῦ πολέμου γενέσθαι
νόμον. καὶ χορηγεῖτε τοῖς ὑμετέροις αἰχμαλώτοις
τροφὴν ov® κατὰ τὴν χρείαν ἡμῖν ἀποχρῶσαν,
ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε ἀποζῆν διαρκῶς ἔχουσαν, ὅπως δὴ καὶ
ἡμεῖς περιόντες ἀνθυπουργήσωμεν ὑ ὑμῖν ὅσα τοὺς
οἰκέτας τοῖς κεκτημένοις ὑπηρετεῖν ἄξιον. εἰ δὲ
τοῦτο οὐ ῥᾷδιον n 4 βουλομένοις ὑμῖν, ἀλλ᾽
ἀφεῖναι ἡμᾶς τῆς ὑμετέρας δικαιοῦτε χειρός,
ἐκεῖνο κερδανοῦντες, τὸ μὴ περὶ τὰς τῶν δούλων
πονεῖσθαι ταφάς: ἢν δὲ μηδὲ τοῦτο ἡμῖν
ἀπολέλειπται, ἀποκτιννύναι ἡμᾶς ἀξιοῦτε καὶ
μὴ ἀποστερήσητε τελευτῆς σώ βονος μηδὲ
θανάτου φθονήσητε τοῦ πάντων ἡδίστου, ἀλλὰ
1 ἀκούσησθε K: ἀκούσεσθε L.
2 τὸν L: τῶν Καὶ pr. m., τοῦ K corr,
3 > K ᾿ > > ~ ὑδὲ Τ,
οὐ K: οὐκ ἀρκοῦσαν οὐδὲ 1,.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvii. 3-7
a sufficient defence. But now, seeing that our
strength cannot suffice for our defence, we have
resorted to words and have come before you to
make our position clear and to lament over our
misfortune; and do you hear us with forbearance,
not being stirred up by the boldness of our words,
but judging it with due regard to the acuteness
of our suffering. For he who has been compelled
to despair of safety can no longer control his actions
—no, nor his words—so as to preserve decorum.
As for us, Generals, do not consider us to be either
Romans or fellow-countrymen of yours, or even to
have assimilated our ways of government to yours,
and do not suppose that in the beginning we
received the emperor’s army into the city willingly,
but regard us as enemies from the first and as men
who have taken up arms against you, and later, when
defeated in battle, have become your captive slaves
simply in accordance with the customs of war. And
do you furnish sustenance to these your captives, if
not in quantities sufficient for our needs, at least in
such measure as to make life possible, that by
your so doing we too may survive and render you
such service in return as it is fitting that slaves
should render their masters. But if you find this
difficult or contrary to your wish, then at least
consent to release us from your hands, by which
action you will gain this advantage that you will
not be troubled by the burial of your slaves. And
if even this favour is not left us, deign to put us to
death and do not deprive us of an honourable end
nor begrudge us death, which to us is the sweetest
“ 4 Haury: 7 K, om. L, ἢ οὐ Scaliger.
295
10
11
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πράξει μιᾷ μυρίων ἀπαλλάξατε “Ῥωμαίους
δυσκόλων." ταῦτα οἱ ἀμφὶ Βέσσαν ἀκούσαντες
τὸ μὲν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν σφίσιν ἀδύνατον,
τὸ δὲ ἀποκτιννύναι ἀνόσιον ἔφασαν εἶναι, οὐ
μέντοι οὐδὲ τὸ ἀφεῖναι ἀκίνδυνον. Βελισάριον
δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐκ Βυζαντίου στρατὸν αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα
παρέσεσθαι ἰσχυρίσαντο, ταύτῃ τε αὐτοὺς παρη-
γορήσαντες ἀπεπέμψαντο.
‘O δὲ λιμὸς ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀκμάζων τε καὶ
μηκυνόμενος ἐπὶ μέγα κακοῦ ἤρετο, βρώσεις
ὑποβάλλων ἐκτόπους τε καὶ τῆς φύσεως ὑπερ-
ορίους. τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα Βέσσας τε καὶ
Κόνων, οἵπερ τοῦ ἐν Ῥώμῃ φυλακτηρίου. ἦρχον
(σίτου γὰρ πολύ τι μέτρον ἐντὸς τοῦ Ῥώμης
περιβόλου ἐναποθέμενοι σφίσιν ἔτυχον), καὶ οἱ
στρατιῶται χρείας τῆς οἰκείας ἀποτεμνόμενοι
ἀπεδίδοντο Ῥωμαίων τοῖς εὖ πράσσουσι χρημά-
των "μεγάλων" μεδίμνου μὲν “γὰρ. τιμὴ, ἑπτὰ
ἐγεγόνει χρυσοῖ. οἷς μέντοι οὐχ οὕτω τὰ κατὰ
τὴν οἰκίαν ἐφέρετο, ὥστε βρώσεως ἐς τόσον
ἀξιωτέρας μεταλαγχάνειν ἱκανοῖς εἶναι, οἱ δὲ τῆς
τιμῆς τὸ τεταρτημόριον κατατιθέντες πιτύρων τε
τὸ μέδιμνον ἐμπλησάμενοι ἤσθιον, τῆς ἀνάγκης
αὐτοῖς ἡδίστην τε καὶ τρυφερωτάτην ποιούσης
τὴν βρῶσιν. καὶ βοῦν δέ, ὃν ἂν ἐπεξιόντες οἱ
Βέσσα ὑπασπισταὶ λάβοιεν, ἀπεδίδοντο Kata!
πεντήκοντα χρυσῶν. ὅτῳ δὲ ἵππος τεθνεὼς ἢ
ἄλλο τι τοιοῦτον ὑπῆρχεν, ἐν τοῖς ἄγαν εὐδαί-
μοσιν ὁ Ῥωμαῖος οὗτος ἐτάσσετο, ὅτι δὴ κρέασι
1 κατὰ Καὶ : ῥωμαίοις L.
296
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvii. 7-12
of all things, but by a single act free the Romans
from ten thousand troubles.’’ When Bessas and his
officers heard this, they asserted, firstly, that to
furnish them with provisions was impossible, secondly,
that to put them to death would be unholy, and,
thirdly, that even to release them was not without
danger. But they insisted that Belisarius with the
army from Byzantium would arrive right speedily,
and after thus consoling them sent them away.
But the famine, becoming more severe as time
went on, was greatly increasing its ravages, driving”
men to discover monstrous foods unknown to the
natural desires of man. Now at first, since Bessas
and Conon, who commanded the garrison in Rome,
had, as it happened, stored away a vast supply of
grain for their own use within the walls of Rome,
they as well as the soldiers were constantly taking
from the portion assigned for their own needs and
selling at a great price to such Romans as were rich ;
for the price of a bushel had reached seven gold
pieces.t Those however, whose domestic circum-
stances were such that they were unable to partake
of food which was so much dearer, were able, by
paying in cash one fourth of this price, to get their
bushel measures filled with bran; this was their
food and necessity made it most sweet and dainty
to their taste. As for beef, whenever the bodyguards
of Bessas captured an ox in making a sally, they sold
it for fifty gold pieces.1 And if any man had a
horse or any other animal which had died, this
Roman was counted among those exceedingly
fortunate, seeing that he was able to live luxuriously
1 Presumably solidi awrei, at this time worth about 12s. 7d.
or $3.06 each.
297
1
oo
14
16
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἕῴου τεθνηκότος ἐντρυφᾶν * εἶχεν. ὁ δὲ δὴ ἄλλος
ἅπας ὅμιλος. τὰς ἀκαλήφας μόνας ἤσθιον, οἷαι
πολλαὶ ἀμφὶ τὸν περίβολον κἀν τοῖς ἐρειπίοις
πανταχῆ τῆς πόλεως φύονται. ὅπως δὲ αὐτοῖς
μὴ τὸ τῆς πόας δριμὺ τά τε χείλη καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ
τὴν φάρυγγα δάκνῃ " οὐ παρέργως αὐτὰς ἕψοντες
ἤσθιον.
Τέως ὃ μὲν οὖν Ρωμαῖοι τὸ τοῦ χρυσοῦ νόμισμα
εἶχον, οὕτως, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, τὸν σῖτον καὶ τὰ
πίτυρα ὠνούμενοι ἀπηλλάσσοντο' ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο
αὐτοὺς ἤδη ἐπελελοίπει, οἱ δὲ φέροντες ἐς τὴν
ἀγορὰν τὰ ἔπιπλα πάντα βίον αὐτῶν τὸν 5
ἐφήμερον ἀντηλλάσσοντο. τελευτῶντες δέ, ἐπεὶ
οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιῶται σῖτον οὐκ εἶχον, ἢ
ὅνπερ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπόδωνται,ὃ πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι
τῷ Βέσσᾳ ὀλίγος ἔτι ἐλέλειπτο, οὔτε Ῥωμαῖοι
ὅτου ὠνοῖντο, ἐς τὰς ἀκαλήφας ἅπαντες ἔβλεπον.
ταύτης δὲ αὐτοῖς ov διαρκούσης τῆς βρώσεως, ot ®
γε οὐδὲ αὐτῆς ἐς κόρον ἰέναι παντάπασιν εἶχον,
ἐξίτηλοι μὲν αἱ σάρκες ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον
ἐγίνοντο, τὸ δὲ χρῶμα ἐς τὸ πελιδνὸν κατὰ
βραχὺ ἧκον εἰδώλοις αὐτοὺς ἐμφερεστάτους
εἰργάζετο. πολλοί τε βαδίξοντες ἔτι καὶ τῶν
ὀδόντων αὐτοῖς μασσομένων τὰς ἀκαλήφας,
ἔθνησκόν τε ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου καὶ ἐς γῆν ἔπιπτον.
ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἀλλήλων τὴν κόπρον ἤσθιον. πολλοί
Η Σ A ;
τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τῷ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι διεχρήσαντο,
ἐντρυφᾶν Haury: ἐντραγεῖν MSS.
δάκνῃ Καὶ : δάκνηται L.
onw 8
τέως K: ἕως L. 4 αὐτῶν τὸν Καὶ : αὐτοῖς L.
ἐπεὶ KK: ἐπεὶ οὔτε L.
Ε ss Ξ -
στρατιῶται K: στρατοῦ L. 7 οὐκ εἶχον K: ἔτι 1,.
298
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvii. 12-19
upon the flesh of a dead animal. But all the rest of
the numerous inhabitants were eating nettles only,
such as grow in abundance about the walls and
among the ruins in all parts of the city. And in
order to prevent the pungent herb from stinging
their lips and throat they boiled them thoroughly
before eating.
So long, then, as the Romans had their gold
currency, they bought their grain and bran in the
manner described and went their way; but when
their supply of this had at length failed, then they
brought all their household goods to the forum and
exchanged them for their daily sustenance. But
when, finally, the soldiers of the emperor had no
grain which they could possibly sell to the Romans
(except, indeed, that Bessas still had a little left),
nor had the Romans anything with which to buy,
they all turned to the nettles. But this food was
insufficient for them, for it was utterly impossible to
satisfy themselves with it, and consequently their
flesh withered away almost entirely, while their
colour, gradually turning to a livid hue, gave them
a most ghostly appearance. And it happened to
many that, even as they walked along chewing the
nettles with their teeth, death came suddenly upon
them and they fell to the ground. And now they
were even beginning to eat each other's dung.
There were many too, who, because of the pressure
of the famine, destroyed themselves with their own
8 ἀπόδωνται Editors: ἀπόδονται K corr., ἀπώδονται K pr.
m., ἀπόδονται εἶχον L. 9 of K: ἐπεί L.
299
20
21
22
23
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐπεὶ οὐκέτι οὔτε κύνας οὔτε μῦς εὕρισκον οὔτε
ἄλλο τι ζῷον νεκρὸν ᾿ ὅτῳ σιτίζοιντο.
Ἢν δέ τις ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαῖος ἀνήρ, πέντε
μ ήρ,
παίδων πατήρ, ὃν δὴ περιστάντες οἱ παῖδες καὶ
τῆς ἐσθῆτος ἁπτόμενοι. τροφὴν ἔπραττον: ὁ δὲ
οὔτε ἀνοιμώξας οὔτε ὅτι ξυνεταράχθη ἔνδηλος
γεγονώς, ἀλλ᾽ ἰσχυρότατα ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ τὸ πάθος
ὅλον ἀποκρυψάμενος, ἕπεσθαί οἱ τοὺς ᾿παῖδας ὦ ὡς
δὴ τροφὴν ληψομένους ἐκέλευεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς τοῦ
Τιβέριδος τὴν γέφυραν. ἦλθε, δήσας ἐπὶ τῷ
προσώπῳ θοϊματίον; τούτῳ τε τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς
καλυπτόμενος 5 ἥλατο ἀπὸ τῆς γεφύρας ἐς τὸ τοῦ
Τιβέριδος ὕδωρ, θεωμένων τὰ δρώμενα τῶν τε
παίδων καὶ πάντων Ῥωμαίων οἱ ταύτῃ ἦσαν.
Καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως ἄρχοντες
λαμβάνοντες χρήματα ἕτερα. μεθῆκαν Ῥωμαίους
ὅσοις ἐνθένδε βουλομένοις ἣν ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι.
ὀλίγων τε ἀπολελειμμένων ἐνταῦθα οἱ ἄλλοι
ἅπαντες @XOVTO φεύγοντες ὥς πη ἕκαστος
δυνατὸς 3 ἐγεγόνει. καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῆς
δυνάμεως καταμαρανθείσης αὐτοῖς τῷ λιμῷ ἤδη
, Ἂ eine 5) ue \ \ \
πλέοντες ἢ ὁδῷ ἰόντες ἀπέθανον. πολλοὶ δὲ Kal
καταληφθέντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐν τῇ δδῷ
διεφθάρησαν. “Ῥωμαίων μὲν τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ τῷ
δήμῳ ἐκεχωρήκει ἐς τοῦτο ἡ τύχη.
XVIII
"Emel δὲ τὸ ξὺν τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ καὶ ᾿Ισαάκῃ "
, 7. 9 , τῷ ΩΣ ΤΥ) Ὶ Β x
στράτευμα ἐς “Eridapvov te ἀφίκετο καὶ Βελι-
1 νεκρὸν K: om. L.
2 καλυπτόμενος K: καλυψάμενος L.
300
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xvii. 19-xviii, 1
hands; for they could no longer find either dogs or
mice or any dead animal of any kind on which to feed.
Now there was a Roman in the city, the father
of five children; and they gathered about him and,
laying hold of his garment, kept demanding food.
But he, without a word of lament and without
letting it be seen that he was sorely troubled, but
most steadfastly concealing all his suffering in his
mind, bade the childern follow him as if for the
purpose of getting food. But when he came to
the bridge over the Tiber, he tied his cloak over
his face, thus concealing his eyes, and leaped from
the bridge into the waters of the Tiber, the deed
being witnessed both by his children and by all the
Romans who were there.
From that time on the imperial commanders,
upon receiving further money, released such of the
Romans as desired to depart from the city. And
only a few were left in the city; for all the rest
made their escape by flight in whatever manner
proved possible for each one. But the most of
‘these, since their strength had been utterly wasted
away by the famine, perished as soon as they had
begun their journey, whether by water or by land.
Many too were caught on the road by the enemy
and destroyed. To such a pass had come the
fortune of the senate and people of Rome.
XVIII
Wuen the army under John and Isaac had reached
Epidamnus and joined Belisarius, John, on the one
3 ἕκαστος δυνατὺς K: ἑκάστω δυνατὰ L.
4 καὶ ἰσαάκη K: om. L.
301
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
σαρίῳ ἕξυνέμιξεν, ᾿Ιωάννης μὲν ἅπαντας δια-
πορθμευσαμένους * ἠξίου τὸν κόλπον πεζῇ ἰόντας
παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ κοινῇ τὰ προσπίπτοντα φέρειν,
Βελισαρίῳ δὲ ἀξύμφορον τοῦτο ἔδοξεν εἶναι, ἀλλὰ
πλέουσι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐς τὰ ἀμφὶ “Ῥώμην. χωρία
μᾶλλον ξυνοίσειν' πεζῇ γὰρ ἰοῦσι χρόνον τε
σφίσι τετρίψεσθαι πλείω καί TL ὑπαντιάσειν
ἴσως ἐμπόδιον: ᾿Ιωάννην δὲ διά τε Καλαβρῶν
καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ἐθνῶν ἰόντα ἐξελάσαι μὲν ὀλίγους
κομιδῆ τοὺς ἐνταῦθα βαρβάρους ὄντας, ὑποχείρια
δὲ ποιησάμενον τὰ ἐντὸς κόλπου τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου
ξυμμῖξαι σφίσιν ἥκοντα ἐς τὰ ἀμφὶ Ῥώμην
χωρία. οὗ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς καταίρειν τῷ ἄλλῳ
στρατῷ διενοεῖτο. ῴετο “γὰρ πικρότατα 'πολιορ-
κουμένων Ῥωμαίων, καί τινα, ὥς γε τὸ εἰκός,
βραχυτάτην τριβὴν τὰ ἀνήκεστα λυμανεῖσθαι
τοῖς πράγμασι. καὶ πλέουσι μὲν ἀνέμου τε
σφίσιν ἐπιφόρου ἐπιπεσόντος πεμπταίοις ὁ ἐς
τὸν Ῥωμαίων λιμένα καταίρειν δυνατὰ ἔσεσθαι,
στρατῷ δὲ ἐκ “Δρυοῦντος πεζῇ ἰοῦσιν οὐδ᾽ ἂν
τεσσαράκοντα ἡμερῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ ὃ γενέσθαι.
Ταῦτα Βελεσάριος ᾿ΙωάννῃΣ ἐπιστείλας παντὶ
τῷ στόλῳ ἐνθένδε ἀπῆρε" πνεύματος δὲ σκληροῦ
σφίσιν ἐπιπεσόντος Δρυοῦντι προσέσχον. οὗπερ
οἱ Γότθοι αἰσθόμενοι, ὅ ὅσοι δὴ ἐτετάχατο ἐπὶ τῇ
πολιορκίᾳ τοῦ ἐνταῦθα φρουρίου, διαλύσαντες
τὴν προσεδρείαν εὐθὺς κομίζονται ἀμφὶ πόλιν
Βρεντέσιον, δυοῖν μὲν ἡμέραιν ὁδῷ Δρυοῦντος
1 διαπορθμευσαμένους Haury: διαπορθμεύσας MSS.
2 καί τι Li: καί τι καὶ Κ,
3 βραχυτάτην K: βραχυτάτην τούτων L.
4 πεμπταίοις Hoeschel in marg,: πεμπταῖοι MSS.
302
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xviii. 1-6
hand, urged that they ferry all the troops across the
gulf and proceed by land with the whole army,
meeting together whatever opposition might develop
against them; but Belisarius, on the other hand,
considered this plan inexpedient, and thought that
more was to be gained by sailing to the neighbour-
hood of Rome; for in going by land they would
consume a longer time, and would perhaps be
confronted by some obstacle ; John meanwhile was
to march through the territory of the Calabrians
and the other peoples of that region, drive out the
few barbarians who were there, and, after reducing
to submission the territory south of the Ionian Gulf,
march to the neighbourhood of Rome and rejoin his
friends ; it was here, indeed, that Belisarius purposed
to land with the rest of the army. For he thought
that, since the Romans were suffering most cruelly
in the siege, even the smallest delay would, in all
probability, bring disaster to their cause. And if
they went by sea and met with a favouring wind,
it would be possible to land at the harbour of Rome
on the fifth day, while an army marching by land from
Dryus could not reach Rome even within forty days.
So Belisarius gave these directions to John and set
sail from there with his whole fleet; but a violent
wind fell upon them, and they put in at Dryus.
And when the Goths who had been stationed there
to besiege the fortress saw this fleet, they abandoned
the siege and straightway betook themselves to the
neighbourhood of Brundisium, a city two days’
journey distant from Dryus,! situated on the coast
1 To the north,
5 ἐν Ῥώμῃ Haury: om. MSS.
393
10
ll
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
διέχουσαν, πρὸς δὲ TH ἀκτῇ τοῦ κόλπου κειμένην,
ἀτείχιστον οὗσαν, ὑποτοπάξοντες Βελισάριον
αὐτίκα δὴ διαβήσεσθαι τὸν ἐκείνῃ πορθμόν, ἔ és Te
Τουτίλαν τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ἀνήνεγκαν. ὁ δὲ
πάντω τε τὸν στρατὸν ὡς ὑπαντιάσων ἐν
παρασκευῇ ἐποιήσατο καὶ Γότθους τοὺς! ἐν
Καλαβρίᾳ ἐκέλευεν, ὅπη ἂν σφίσι δυνατὰ εἴη,
τὴν δίοδον ἐν φυλακῇ ἔχειν.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ Βελισάριος πνεύματος ἐπιφόρου ἐπι-
πνεύσαντος ἐκ Δρυοῦντος ἀπέπλευσεν, οἵ τε
ΤΓότθοι ἀφροντιστήσαντες δίαιταν οὐ κατεσπου-
ασμένην ἐν Καλαβροῖς εἶχον καὶ ὁ Τουτίλας
ἡσυχῆ μένων ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐφύλασσε τὰς ἐς Ρώμην
εἰσόδους, ὡς μή τι ἐσκομίζεσθαι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων
δυνατὰ εἴη. ἔν τε τῷ TeBe pros ἐπενόει τάδε.
χῶρον κατανοήσας ἧ “μάλιστα ὁ ποταμὸς ἐν
στενῷ κάτεισιν, ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων τῆς πόλεως
ἐνενήκοντα, δοκοὺς ἐσάγαν μακρὰς ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας
ὄχθης ἄχρι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν. ἐξικνουμένας ἐνταῦθα
ἐς γεφύρας κατέθετο σχῆμα. πύργους τε δύο
ξυλίνους παρ᾽ ἑκατέραν ὄχθην τεκτηνάμενος
φυλακτήριον κατεστήσατο μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν, ὡς
μηκέτι ἀκάτοις τισὶν ἢ πλοίοις ἄλλοις ἐκ τοῦ
Πόρτου ἀναγομένοις ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσιτητὰ εἴη.
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ Βελισάριος μὲν ἐς τὸν τῶν
€ ’ / a \ \ \ an? /
Ῥωμαίων λιμένα κατῆρε, καὶ τὸ ξὺν τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ
στράτευμα ἔμενεν. ᾿Ιωάννης δὲ ἐς Καλαβρίαν
ιαπορθμεύεται, Γότθων ἥκιστα αἰσθομένων, οἱ
δὴ ἀμφὶ τὸ Βρεντέσιον, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, διατριβὴν
εἶχον. δύο τε τῶν πολεμίων λαβὼν ἐπὶ κατα-
1 Τότθους τοὺς K: γότθοις τοῖς L.
394
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xviii. 6-12
of the gulf and without walls; for they supposed
that Belisarius would immediately pass through the
strait at Dryus;+ and they reported their situation
to Totila. He, for his part, put his own army in
readiness to oppose Belisarius and commanded the
Goths in Calabria to keep the passes under guard
as best they could.
But when Belisarius, finding a favourable wind,
sailed away from Dryus, the Goths in Calabria
thought no more of him and began to conduct
themselves carelessly, while Totila was content to
remain quiet and to guard still more closely the
approaches to Rome, so that it might be impossible
to bring any kind of provisions into the city. And
he devised the following structure on the Tiber.
Observing a place where the river flows in a very
narrow channel, about ninety stades distant from
the city, he placed very long timbers, reaching from
one bank to the other, so as to form a bridge at that
point. Then he constructed two wooden towers,
one on either bank, and placed in each one a
garrison of warlike men, so that it might be no
longer possible for boats of any kind whatever to
make their way up from Portus and so enter the
city.
Meanwhile Belisarius, on his part, landed at the
harbour of Rome, while John with his army was
remaining where he was. Then John ferried his
force over to Calabria, quite unobserved by the
Goths, who, as stated above, were waiting in the
neighbourhood of Brundisium. And he captured
two of the enemy who were going out as scouts,
1 The Strait of Otranto; Belisarius would be hastening
southward and so would leave them unmolested.
3°5
VOL, IV, x
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
σκοπῇ ὁδῷ ἰόντας τὸν μὲν ἕνα εὐθὺς ἔκτεινεν,
ἅτερος δὲ αὐτοῦ τῶν γονάτων. λαβόμενος
ζωγρεῖσθαι ἠξίους “Οὐ γὰρ ἀχρεῖός σοι; ἔφη,
“καὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἔσομαι." ἐρομένου
δὲ αὐτὸν ᾿Ιωάννου, τί δὲ! οὐκ ἀπολούμενος
συνοίσειν ποτὲ Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ αὐτῷ μέλλει,
Γότθοις ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὡς ἥκιστα προσδεχομένοις
ἐπιστήσειν αὐτὸν ὑπέσχετο. καὶ ὃς ἀτυχήσειν
μὲν αὐτὸν τῆς δεήσεως οὐδαμῆ ἔφασκε, χρῆναι
δέ οἱ πρῶτα τὰς τῶν ἵππων νομὰς ἐνδεικνύναι.
ἐπεὶ οὖν ὡμολόγει καὶ ταῦτα ὁ βάρβαρος σὺν
αὐτῷ ἤει. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς
ἵππους νεμομένους καταλαβόντες ἀναθρώσκουσιν
ἐς αὐτοὺς ἅπαντες, ὅσοι πεζοὶ ὄντες ἐτύγχανον"
δὴ πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι ἦσαν. ἔπειτα δὲ
χωροῦσι δρόμῳ ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων 5 στρατό-
πεδον. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἄνοπλοί τε καὶ ἀπαρά-
σκευοι παντάπασιν ὄντες Kal τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ
καταπλαγέντες αὐτοῦ μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ διεφθάρησαν,
οὐδεμιᾶς ἀλκῆς μεμνημένοι, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες
διαφυγόντες παρὰ Τουτίλαν ἐκομίσθησαν.
᾿Ιωάννης δὲ Καλαβροὺς ἅπαντας παρηγορῶν
τε καὶ τιθασσεύων ἐς εὔνοιαν τοῦ βασιλέως
ἐπηγάγετο, πολλὰ σφίσιν ὑποσχόμενος πρός
τε βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἀγαθὰ
ἔσεσθαι. ἄρας τε ὡς εἶχε τάχους ἐκ τοῦ
Βρεντεσίου, πόλιν καταλαμβάνει Κανούσιον
ὄνομα, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ἐν ᾿Απουλίοις που μέσοις,
πέντε δὲ ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Βρεντεσίου διέχει ἐς τὰ
πρὸς ἑσπέραν τε καὶ Ῥώμην ἰόντι. τούτου
1 δὲ MSS.: δὴ Herwerden.
2 ἐναντίων K: πολεμίων L,
306
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xviii. 12-19
one of whom he killed immediately ; but the other
laid hold of his knees and begged to be made a
prisoner. “For,” he said, “I shall not be uselsss to
you and the Roman army.” And when John asked
him what advantage he could possibly confer upon
the Romans and him if he was not destroyed, the
man promised to enable him to fall upon the Goths
while they had not the least expectation of such a
thing. Then John said that his prayer should not
fail to be heard, but first he must shew him the
pastures of their horses. This too the barbarian
agreed to do and so he went with him. And first,
upon finding the enemy’s horses pasturing, all the
men who happened to be on foot leaped upon their
backs; and there was a large number of such men
comprising some of the best troops. Next they
advanced at full speed upon the camp of their
opponents. And the barbarians, being unarmed
and utterly unprepared, and terror-stricken by the
suddenness of the attack, were most of them
destroyed where they stood, utterly forgetful of
their valour, and only a small number succeeded in
escaping and made their way to Totila.
Then John began to console and pacify all the
Calabrians, endeavouring to win them to loyalty to
the emperor and promising that they would receive
many benefits both from the emperor and from the
Romanarmy. Then, departing as quickly as he could
from Brundisium, he captured a city, Canusium! by
name, which is situated approximately at the centre
of Apulia and is distant from Brundisium five days’
journey as one goes westward toward Rome. Twenty-
1 Modern Canosa,
397
x 2
20
21
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Kavovotou πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους ἀπέχουσι
Κάνναι, ἵνα δὴ “λέγουσι Διβύων στρατηγοῦντος
ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις ᾿Αννίβαλος τὸ μέγα πάθος
ξυμβῆναι Ῥωμαίοις.
᾿Ενταῦθα Τουλλιανός τις, Βεναντίου παῖς,
ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος, δύναμιν πολλὴν ἔν τε Βριττίοις
καὶ Λευκανοῖς ἔχων, ᾿Ιωάννῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ἠτιᾶτο
μὲν τὸν βασιλέως στρατὸν τῶν πρόσθεν ἐς
᾿Ιταλιώτας αὐτοῖς εἰργασμένων, ὡμολόγει δέ, ἤν
τινι τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπιεικείᾳ ἐς αὐτοὺς χρήσωνται,
Βρυττίους τε καὶ Λευκανοὺς ἐγχειριεῖν σφίσι,
κατηκόους βασιλεῖ αὖθις ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν
ἐσομένους οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἢ πρότερον ἦσαν. οὐδὲ
γὰρ ἑκόντας αὐτοὺς προσκεχωρηκέναι βαρβάροις
τε καὶ ᾿Αρειανοῖς οὖσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς μάλιστα πρὸς
μὲν τῶν ἐναντίων βιαζομένους, πρὸς δὲ τῶν
22 βασιλέως στρατιωτῶν ἀδικουμένους. ᾿Ιωάννου
23
24
25
δὲ / 2 / \ > “ if AX \
é πάντα ἰσχυριζομένου πρὸς αὐτῶν τὸ λοιπὸν
>) , > \ v \ > n «ς
Ἰταλιώταις τἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, ξὺν αὐτῷ ὁ Τουλ-
λιανὸς ἤει. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὑποψίᾳ οἱ στρατιῶται
οὐδεμιᾷ ἐς ᾿Ιταλιώτας ἔτι εἴχοντο, ἀλλὰ τὰ
πλεῖστα τῶν ἐντὸς κόλπου tov” ᾿Ιονίου φίλιά
τε αὐτοῖς καὶ βασιλεῖ ἐ ἐγεγόνει κατήκοα.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταῦτα Τουτίλας ἤκουσε, Γότθων τρια-
κοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος ἐς Καπύην πέμπει. οἷς
δὴ ἐπέστελλεν, ἐπειδὰν τὸ ξὺν τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ
/ 5 / » > is , 7
στράτευμα ἐνθένδε ἴδοιεν ἐς Ῥώμην ἰόντας,
ἕπεσθαι σφίσιν αἴσθησιν αὐτοῖς οὐδεμίαν παρε-
χομένους" αὐτῷ γὰρ τὰ ἄλλα μελήσειν. δείσας
τε διὰ ταῦτα ᾿Ιωάννης μὴ ἐς κύκλωσιν τῶν πολε-
1 αὐτῶν Maltretus: αὐτὸν MSS.
2 τοῦ Haury: om. MSS.
308
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xviii. 19-25
five stades away from this city of Canusium is Cannae,
where they say the Romans in early times suffered
their great disaster at the hand of Hannibal, the
general of the Libyans.
In that city a certain Tullianus, son of Venantius,
a Roman who possessed great power among the
Brutii and Lucani, came before John and made
charges against the emperor's army for the treatment
they had previously meted out to the Italians, but
he agreed that, if the army thereafter should treat
them with some degree of consideration, he would
hand over Bruttium and Lucania to the Romans, to
be again subject and tributary to the emperor no
less truly than they had been before. For it was
not, he said, by their own will that they had yielded
to men who were both barbarians and Arians, but
because they had been placed under most dire
constraint by their opponents, and had also been
treated with injustice by the emperor’s soldiers.
And upon John’s declaration that thereafter the
Italians would receive every blessing from the army,
Tullianus went with him. Consequently the soldiers
no longer entertained any suspicion as regards the
Italians, but the most of the territory south of the
Ionian Gulf had become friendly to them and subject
to the emperor.
But when Totila heard this, he selected three
hundred of the Goths and sent them to Capua.
These men he instructed that, whenever they saw
the army of John marching thence toward Rome,
they should simply follow him without drawing
attention to themselves; for he himself would attend
to the rest. In consequence of this John became
afraid that he would fall into some trap and be
990
216 B.C.
26
27
28
29
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μίων. τινὰ ἐμπέσῃ, παρὰ Βελεσάριον μὲν οὐκέτι
ἤει, ἐς δὲ Βριττίους καὶ Λευκανοὺς ἐχώρει.
Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Τότθοις Ῥεκιμοῦνδος, ἀνὴρ
δόκιμος, ὅνπερ ὁ Τουτίλας ἐπὶ τῇ Βριττίων
φρουρᾷ καταστησάμενος ἔτυχε, Γότθων τε καὶ
Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν καὶ , Μαυρουσίων αὐτο-
μόλων τινὰς ἔχοντα, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ξὺν αὐτοῖς τόν τε
κατὰ Σκύλλαν φυλάξει 3 πορθμὸν καὶ τὴν ταύτῃ
ἠϊόνα, ὡς μήτε ἐνθένδε τινὲς ἀπαίρειν ἐς Σικελίαν
μήτε ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἐνταῦθα καταπλεῖν ἀδεέστερον
, 5 7 na A Woe δ,
οἷοί τε ὦσι. τούτῳ τῷ στρατῷ μεταξὺ Ῥηγίου
τε καὶ Βέβωνος ἀπροσδόκητος καὶ αὐτάγγελος 3
᾿Ιωάννης ἐπιπεσὼν κατέπληξέ τε ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου
οὐδεμιᾶς ἀλκῆς αὐτοὺς ὃ μεμνημένους, καὶ αὐτίκα
ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψε. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὸ ὄρος ὃ ταύτῃ
ἀνέχει, δύσβατόν τε ὃν καὶ ἄλλως κρημνῶδες,
κατέφυγον, ᾿Ιωάννης δὲ διώξας τε καὶ ξὺν τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐν τῷ ἀνάντει γενόμενος, οὔπω τε σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς ἐν ταῖς δυσχωρίαις κρατυναμένοις ° ἐς
ΧΕ ας ἐλθών, πλείστους μὲν τῶν τε Μαυρουσίων
Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ἔκτεινεν, ἰσχυρότατα
ἀμυνομένους, ἱΡεκιμοῦνδον δὲ καὶ Γότθους ξὺν
τοῖς λοιποῖς ἅπασιν ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλεν.
᾿Ιωάννης μὲν ταῦτα διαπεπραγμένος αὐτοῦ
ἔμενε, Βελισάριος δὲ ᾿Ιωάννην ἐς ἀεὶ καραδοκῶν
ἡσυχῆ ἔμενεν. ἐμέμφετό τε ὅτι δὴ οὐ δια-
κινδυνεύσας τε καὶ τοῖς ἐν Καπύῃ φυλάσσουσι
1 ἐμπέσῃ K: ἐμπέσοι L. 2 φυλάξει L:: φυλάξη K.
3 αὐτάγγελος Καὶ : ἀκατάγγελτος L.
4 ἀλκῆς Li: ἄλλης ἀλκῆς K. 5 αὐτοὺς Καὶ : om. L.
6
κρατυναμένοις Maltretus : κρατυνομένοις Κι, κρατυνα-
μένους L,
310
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xviii. 25-29
surrounded by the enemy, and so discontinued his
movement to join Belisarius, and instead marched
into the territory of the Bruttii and Lucani.
Now there was a certain Rhecimundus among the
Goths, a man of note whom Totila had appointed to
keep guard over Bruttium; he had under him some
of the Goths as well as Roman soldiers and Moors
who had deserted, and his instructions were to
guard with these troops the Strait of Scylla! and
the adjoining coast, so that no one might be able
fearlessly to set sail from there for Sicily nor to land
there from the island. This army was surprised by
John, whose presence had not been reported to
them; and he fell upon them at a point between
Rhegium and Vevon, threw them into consternation
by a sudden attack, utterly heedless as they were
of their valour, and turned them immediately to
flight. And they sought refuge by fleeing to the
mountain which rises near by, a difficult one to
climb and generally precipitous; but John pursued
them and reached the steep slopes along with the
enemy, and thus, before they had as yet secured
their position on the rough mountain-side, he engaged
with them and killed many of the Moors and Roman
soldiers, though they offered a most vigorous re-
sistance, and captured by surrender Rhecimundus
and the Goths together with all who remained.
After accomplishing this feat, John still continued
to remain where he was, while Belisarius, constantly
expecting John, remained inactive. And Belisarius
kept reproaching him because he would not take
the risk of meeting in battle the force on guard at
Capua, only three hundred in number, and endeavour
1 Messina.
211
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τριακοσιοῖς οὖσιν ἐς χεῖρας ἥκων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν
δίοδον 1 ἐνεχείρησε, καίπερ βαρβάρους ἀριστίνδην
ξυνειλεγμένους ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων. ᾿Ιωάννης δὲ τὴν
ίοδον ἀπογνοὺς ἐπὶ ᾿Απουλίας ἐχώρησεν, ἔν τε
χωρίῳ Κερβαρίῳ καλουμένῳ ἡσύχαζε.
XIX
Acicas οὖν Βελισάριος ἀμφὶ τοῖς πολιορκου-
μένοις, μή τι ἀνήκεστον δράσωσι τῶν ἀναγκαίων
τῇ ἀπορίᾳ, ὅτῳ δὴ τρόπῳ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐς “Ῥώμην
εἰσκομίξειν. διενοεῖτο. καὶ ἐπεὶ δύναμιν ἀξιόμαχον
πρός γε τοὺς πολεμίους οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν, ὥστε μάχῃ
ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ πρὸς αὐτοὺς διακρίνεσθαι, πρότερον
ἐπενόει τάδε. ἀκάτους δύο ἐ ἐσάγαν εὐρείας ζεύξας
τε καὶ λίαν ἐς ἀλλήλας ξυνδήσας, πύργον ξύλινον
ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς ἐτεκτήνατο, πολλῷ καθυπέρτερον τῶν
τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν τῇ γεφύρᾳ πεποιημένων. ξυμ-
μετρησάμενος γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἔτυχε
πρότερον, πέμψας τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινάς, οἵπερ
εἰς τοὺς βαρβάρους αὐτόμολοι δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ
ἐστέλλοντο. δρόμωνάς τε διακοσίους τείχεσι
ξυλίνοις περιβαλὼν ἐς Τίβεριν καθῆκε, παντα-
χόθι τῶν ξυλίνων τειχῶν τρυπήματα ποιησά-
μενος, ὅπως δὴ βάλλειν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐνθένδε
σφίσι δυνατὰ εἴη. σῖτόν τε οὖν καὶ ἄλλα τῶν
ἐπιτηδείων πολλὰ τοῖς δρόμωσι τούτοις ἐνθέμενος
στρατιωτῶν αὐτοὺς τῶν μαχιμωτάτων ἐπλήρου.
στρατιώτας δὲ ἄλλους πεζούς τε καὶ ἱππεῖς
ἑκατέρωθεν ἐν χωρίοις ἐχυροῖς τισιν ἀμφὶ τὰς
1 δίοδον Li: δίωξιν Καὶ.
312
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xviii. 29-xix. 6
to make his way through, in spite of the fact that he
had barbarians under his command who were men
selected for their valour. But John abandoned that
plan, and proceeded to a place in Apulia, called
Cervarium,! where he remained in idleness.
XIX
Beuisarius, therefore, dreading that the besieged
would do something desperate because of the lack
of provisions, began to make plans to convey his
supplies into Rome by some means or other. And
since he plainly had no force sufficient to pit against
the enemy, so that he could fight a decisive battle
with them in the plain, he first arranged the following
plan. He chose two skiffs of very unusual breadth
and, after fastening them together and lashing them
very firmly to one another, constructed a wooden
tower upon them, making it much higher than those
made by the enemy at their bridge. For he had
previously had them accurately measured by sending
some of his men, who, as it was made to appear,
were going over to the barbarians as deserters.
Next he built wooden walls upon two hundred
swift-sailing boats and launched them in the Tiber,
having caused openings to be made in all parts
of the wooden walls, in order that his men might
be able to shoot at the enemy through them.
Finally he loaded grain and many other kinds of
provisions on these boats and manned them with his
most warlike soldiers. He also stationed other
troops, both infantry and cavalry, on either side
of the river in certain strong positions near the
1 Modern Cervaro.
$13
10
ΠῚ
12
13
14
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τοῦ Τιβέριδος ἐκβολὰς ἔ ἔστησεν, ods 1 δὴ ἐκέλευσε
μένειν τε αὐτοῦ καί, ἢν τῶν πολεμίων τινὲς ἐπὶ
τὸν Iloprov ἴωσι, διακωλύειν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.
τὸν δὲ ᾿Ισαάκην ἐς τὸν Πόρτον ἐσαγαγὼν τήν τε
πόλιν καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα παρέδωκε καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο
ἐνταῦθα ἔχων ἐτύγχανε. καί οἱ ἐπέστελλε μηδε-
μιᾷ ἐνθένδε μηχανῇ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, μηδ᾽ ἢν
Βελισάριον πύθηται πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἀπο-
λωλέναι, ἀλλὰ τῆς φυλακῆς ἐς ἀεὶ ἔχεσθαι,
ὅπως, ἤν τι σφίσιν ἐ ἐναντίωμα ὑπαντιάσῃ, ἕξουσιν
ὅπη διαφυγόντες σωθήσονται. ὀχύρωμα γὰρ
ἄλλο ταύτης δὴ τῆς χώρας οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, ἀλλὰ
πάντα σφίσι πανταχόσε 2. πολέμια ἦν.
Αὐτὸς δὲ ἐς ἕνα τῶν δρομώνων͵ ἐσβὰς 3 τοῦ τε
στόλου ἡγεῖτο καὶ τὰς ἀκάτους ἐφέλκειν ἐκέλευεν,
οὗ δὴ τὸν πύργον ἐτύγχανε τεκτηνάμενος. τοῦ
δὲ πύργου ὕπερθεν λέμβον τινὰ ἔθετο, πίσσης τε
καὶ θείου καὶ ῥητίνης αὐτὸν ἐμπλησάμενος καὶ
τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ὅσα δὴ τοῦ πυρὸς βρῶσις
ὀξυτάτη γίνεσθαι πέφυκε. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἑτέραν
τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὄχθην, ἥ ἐστιν ἐκ τοῦ ἸΤόρτου ἐς
“Ῥώμην ἰόντι ἐν δεξιᾷ," καὶ πεζὸς παραβεβοηθήκει
στρατός. πέμψας δὲ καὶ παρὰ Βέσσαν τῇ προ-
τεραίᾳ ἐκέλευε τῇ ἐπιγενησομιένῃ ἡμέρᾳ πολλῷ
στρατῷ ἐπεξιόντα ὃ ξυνταράξαι τὰ τῶν πολεμίων,
στρατόπεδα, ὅπερ οἱ καὶ πρότερον ἐπιστείλας
πολλάκις ἤδη € ἐτύγχανεν. ἀλλὰ Βέσσας οὔτε πρό-
τερον οὔτε ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ ἐπιτελῆ ποιεῖν τὰ
ἐπαγγελλόμενα ἔγνω. ἔτι γάρ οἱ μόνῳ τι τοῦ
1 obs Καὶ : οἷς L. 3 πανταχόσε K: πανταχόθεν L.
ὃ ἐσβὰς Καὶ ; ἐμβὰς L. 4 ἐν δεξιᾷ Haury: om. MSS.
314
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xix. 6-14
mouth of the Tiber, commanding them to remain
at their posts and, if any of the enemy should
threaten Portus, to prevent them with all their
strength. But he stationed Isaac inside Portus, and
it was to him that he entrusted both the city and
his wife and whatever else he happened to possess
there. And he directed himin no circumstances to
go away from the city, not even if he learned that
Belisarius had perished at the hand of the enemy,
but to maintain a close and constant guard, so that,
if any reverse should befall the Romans, they might
have a place where they could take refuge and save
themselves. For they held no other stronghold at
all in that region, but the whole country in every
direction was hostile to them.
Then he himself embarked on one of the swift
boats and led on the fleet, giving orders to tow the
boats on which he had constructed the tower. Now
he had placed on the top of the tower a little boat
which he had caused to be filled with pitch, sulphur,
resin, and all the other substances on which fire
naturally feeds most fiercely. And on the other
bank of the river—that on the right as one goes
from Portus to Rome—a force of infantry was also
drawn up along the stream to support him. But he
had sent word to Bessas the day before commanding
that on the following day he should make a sally
with a strong force and throw the enemy’s camp
into confusion; and indeed this was the same
command that he had already sent him many a
time before. But neither on previous occasions nor
during the present battle did Bessas see fit to carry
out his orders, For now he was the only one who
5 ἐπεξιόντα Ki: ἐξιόντι L.
315
15
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
σίτου ἐλέλειπτο, ἐπεὶ ὅσον ἐς Ρώμην οἱ Σικελίας
ἄρχοντες πρότερον ἔπεμψαν τοῖς τε στρατιώταις
ἐπαρκέσοντα καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παντί, αὐτὸς ὀλίγον
μὲν κομιδῇ τῷ δήμῳ ἀφῆκε, τὸν δὲ πλεῖστον
κεκομισμένος ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν στρατιωτῶν λόγῳ
ἀπέκρυψεν, ὅνπερ τοῖς ἐκ βουλῆς ἀποδιδόμενος 1
χρημάτων μεγάλων διαλύεσθαι τὴν πολιορκίαν
ἥκιστα ἤθελε.
Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν καὶ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στόλος
πόνῳ ἀναπλέοντες ἅτε τοῦ ῥεύματος σφίσιν
ἀντιστατοῦντος ἤεσαν. Ρότθοι δὲ οὐδαμῆ ὑπην-
τίαζον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς χαρακώμασιν ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον.
ἤδη δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι ἄγχιστα τῆς γεφύρας γενόμενοι
φρουρᾷ πολεμίων ἐνέτυχον, 0 οἱ 5 δὴ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερα
τοῦ ποταμοῦ σειρᾶς σιδηρᾶς ὃ ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ
ἐτετάχατο, ἣν οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον ἐνταῦθα
ἐναποθέμενος Τουτίλας ἔτυχεν, ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας
τοῦ Τιβέριδος ὄχθης ἄχρι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν ἐξικνου-
μένην, ὅπως δὴ μηδὲ ὅ ὅσον ἐς τὴν γέφυραν ἰέναι
οἱ ἐναντίοι εὐπετῶς δύνωνται. καὶ αὐτῶν βάλ-
λοντες τοὺς μὲν ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ τρεψάμενοι καὶ
τὴν ἅλυσιν ἀνελόμενοι εὐθὺ τῆς γεφύρας ἐ ἐχώρησαν.
ἐπειδή τε τάχιστα ἐς αὐτὴν ἦλθον, ἔ ἔργου εἴχοντο,
οἵ te βάρβαροι ἐκ τῶν πύργων ἡ ἠμύνοντο καρτερώ-
τατα. ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῶν χαρακωμάτων 4 ἐξανα-
στάντες ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν δρόμῳ ἐ ἐχώρουν.
Τότε δὴ Βελεσάριος τὰς ἀκάτους, ἐφ᾽ ὧν οἱ ὁ
πύργος πεποίηται, ὡς ἀγχοτάτω ἀγαγὼν θατέρου
τῶν πολεμίων πύργου, ὃς δὴ ἐπὶ τῆς κᾳτὰ τὸν
Σ Ὁ ἀποδιδμεχοΣ Haury : ἀποδεδομένος MSS.
2 of: οὗ L. 3 σειρᾶς σιδηρᾶς K: ἱφειβὲ σιδηρὰ L.
4 χαρακωμάτων L: κατορθωμάτων
316
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xix. 14-18
still had any grain left, since of all the grain which
the magistrates of Sicily had previously sent to
Rome to suffice both for the soldiers and for the
whole population, he had let an exceedingly small
amount go to the populace, while he had taken for
himself the largest part on the pretext of providing
for the soldiers and had hidden it away; and since
he was selling this reserve to the senators at high
prices, he by no means wished the siege to be
broken.
Meanwhile Belisarius and the Roman fleet were
making their way upstream in spite of the difficulty
caused by the adverse current. The Goths, how-
ever, offered no opposition, but remained quietly
in their fortified camps. But immediately upon
coming close to the bridge, the Romans encountered
a hostile guard; this force had been stationed on
either side of the river to protect an iron chain
which Totila had put in place there not long before,
the which chain reached from one bank of the
Tiber to the other, and its purpose was to make it
difficult for the enemy to get even as far as the
bridge. And they killed some of the guards with
their missiles and turned the rest to flight, then
lifted out the chain and went straight on toward the
bridge. And as soon as they came up to it, they
opened their attack, while the barbarians, shooting
from the towers, were striving most vigorously to
drive them back. By this time, too, the barbarians
had started out from their fortified camps and were
rushing to the bridge.
Just at that moment Belisarius brought the skiffs
on which the tower had been built as close as
possible to one of the towers of the enemy—the
317
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Πόρτον ὁδοῦ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸ ὕδωρ
εἱστήκει, ἐκέλευε τὸν λέμβον ὑφάψαντας ὕπερθεν
τῶν πολεμίων τοῦ πύργου ῥίπτειν. κα Ρωμαῖοι
μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. ἐμπεσὼν δὲ τῷ πύργῳ
ὁ λέμβος αὐτόν τε αὐτίκα μάλα ἐνέπρησε καὶ ξὺν
αὐτῷ Τότθους ἅπαντας, ἐς διακοσίους μάλιστα
ὄντας. ,ἐκαύθη δὲ καὶ “Ὅσδας σὺν αὐτοῖς, ὃς
αὐτῶν ἦρχε, Γότθων ἁπάντων μαχιμώτατος ὦν.
θαρσήσαντες δὲ ἤδη “Ρωμαῖοι τοὺς ἐκ τῶν χαρακω-
μάτων ἐπιβεβοηθηκότας βαρβάρους ἔτι μᾶλλον
ἢ πρότερον ἔβαλλον. οἱ δὲ καταπεπληγμένοι
τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι στρέψαντες τὰ νῶτα, ὡς ἕκαστός
πὴ ἠδύνατο, ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο' τῆς τε γεφύρας
“Ῥωμαῖοι ἥπτοντο καὶ αὐτὴν ἔμελλον αὐτίκα μάλα
διαφθείραντες πρόσω ἰέναι, ἔς τε Ῥώμην κομί-
ζεσθαι οὐδενὸς ἔτι ἀντιστατοῦντος. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ
οὐκ ἣν ταῦτα βουλομένῃ τῇ τύχῃ, τῶν τίνος
φθονερῶν 5 δαιμόνων μηχανὴ γέγονεν, ἣ τὰ Ῥω-
μαίων πράγματα ἔφθειρε τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.
᾽ν ᾧ τὰ στρατόπεδα τῇδε, ἧ ἧπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐφέρετο,
ἐν τούτῳ τις φήμη ἐπὶ πονηρῷ τῷ" Ῥωμαίων ἐς
Πόρτον ἐλθοῦσα περιήγγελλεν, ὡς νικῳη μὲν
Βελισάριος, ἀνέλοιτο δὲ τὴν ἅλυσιν, διαφθείρας
τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβάρους, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ἅπερ μοι
ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται. ᾿Ισαάκης δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας
οὐκέτι οἷός τε ἢν ἐν αὑτῷ μένειν, ἀλλὰ κλέους
τοῦδε ΠΡΟ ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε. τάς τε Βελι-
σαρίου ἐντολὰς 4 ἀλογήσας, ὅτι τάχιστα ἐς τὴν
ἑτέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὄχθην ἀπιὼν ᾧχετο. καὶ
τῶν στρατιωτῶν, οὕσπερ ἐνταῦθα Βελισάριος
1 αὐτὸ K: αὐτοῦ L. 2 φθονερῶν Καὶ : φανερῶν L.
8 7@L: τῶν K. 4 τάς- ἐντολὰς K: τῶν---ἐντολῶν L.
318
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xix. 18-25
one which stood on the road to Portus at the very
edge of the water—and gave orders to set fire to the
little boat and throw it on top of the enemy’s tower.
And the Romans carried out this order. Now when
this little boat fell upon the tower, it very quickly
set fire to it, and not only was the tower itself
consumed, but also all the Goths in it, to the
number of about two hundred. And among those
thus burned was Osdas, their commander, who was
the most warlike of all the Goths. Whereupon the
Romans took courage and began to discharge their
missiles still faster than before against the barbarians
who had come to the support of their comrades. As
for the Goths, they were struck with consternation
at the turn of events, and facing about rushed off in
flight, each man as best he could. The Romans
then began to destroy the bridge and were ready,
after wrecking it in a twinkling, to go ahead and
proceed into Rome with no further opposition. But,
since this was not the will of fortune, some envious
spirit interposed and contrived to ruin the cause
of the Romans in the following manner.
While the two armies were engaged in the opera-
tions just described, meantime a report fraught with
ill for the Romans reached Portus and the tidings
spread that Belisarius was victorious and had taken
up the chain after destroying the barbarians at that
point, and all the rest which I have told above.
Now when Isaac heard this, he could no longer
contain himself, but was eager to have a hand in
that glorious victory. So, disregarding the instruc-
tions of Belisarius, he was off as quickly as possible
to the other side of the river. And he took with
him a hundred horsemen from among the troops
919
26
27
28
29
30
31
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
καταστησάμενος ἔτυχεν, ἱππεῖς ἐπαγόμενος ἑκατὸν
ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων. χαράκωμα ἤλαυνεν, οὗ
“Ῥουδέριχος ἦρχεν, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια.
ἐπελθών τε ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου τοῖς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάροις
ἄλλους τέ τινας * καὶ ἹῬουδέριχον ὑπαντιάσαντα
ἔπληξεν. οἱ δὲ Γότθοι εὐθὺς λιπόντες τὸ στρατό-
medov ὑπεχώρησαν, ἢ πλῆθος πολεμίων. ὑπο-
τοπήσαντες ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ισαάκην ὄπισθεν εἶναι, ἢ
τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐξαπατῶντες, ὅπως δὴ αὐτούς,
ὅπερ ἐγένετο, ἑλεῖν δύνωνται.
Οἱ μὲν οὖν ξὺν τῷ ᾿Ισαάκῃ εἰσδύσαντες 3 ἐς τὸ
τῶν πολεμίων χαράκωμα τόν τε ἄργυρον ὅσπερ
ἐνταῦθα ἔκειτο καὶ τὰ ἄλλα χρήματα ἥρπαζον.
ἀναστρέψαντες δὲ αὐτίκα οἱ Τ͵ότθοι πολλοὺς μὲν
κτείνουσι τῶν ἐναντίων, ζῶντα δὲ ᾿Ισαάκην ξὺν
ἑτέροις τισὶν οὐ πολλοῖς εἷλον. ἥκοντές τε ἱππεῖς
παρὰ β Βελισάριον δρόμῳ ἀγγέλλουσιν ὅτι δὴ
ἔχοιτο πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ᾿Ισαάκης. Βελισάριος
δὲ καταπλαγεὶς οἷς ἠκηκόει καὶ οὐ διερευνησά-
μενος ὁποίᾳ ποτὲ μηχανῇ ᾿Ισαάκης ἁλῴη, ἀλλ᾽
οἰόμενος τόν τε Πόρτον καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα - ἀπο-
λωλέναι καὶ ἅπαντα διεφθάρθαι σφίσι τὰ πράγ-
ματα ἄλλο τε οὐδὲν ἀπολελεῖφθαι ὀχύρωμα, ὅποι
ἂν καταφυγόντες ὅ τὸ λοιπὸν σώζοιντο, ἐς ἀφασίαν
ἐμπέπτωκεν οὐ “γεγονὸς αὐτῷ πρότερον τοῦτό γε.
διὸ δὴ κατὰ τάχος ὀπίσω ὑπῆνγε τὸ στράτευμα,
ὡς ἐπιθησόμενος μὲν ἀτάκτοις ὃ ἔτι τοῖς πολεμίοις
οὖσιν, ἀνασωσόμενος δὲ πάσῃ μηχανῇ τὸ χωρίον.
Οὕτω μὲν ὁ Ρωμαίων στρατὸς ἐνθένδε ἄπρακτοι
1 ἄλλους τέ τινας L: om. K.
2 εἰσδύσαντες Li: δείσαντες K.
8 παρὰ K: κατὰ L.
320
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xix. 25-31
which Belisarius had stationed there, and advanced
against the enemy’s stockade, which was commanded
by Ruderic, a capable warrior. Then he made a
sudden assault upon the barbarians in the camp and
smote a certain number of them, including Ruderic
who had come out against him. The Goths, for
their part, immediately abandoned the camp and
withdrew, either because they supposed that Isaac
had a very large hostile force in the rear, or by way
of deceiving their opponents so that they might be
able to capture them, as actually happened.
So Isaac’s men penetrated the hostile camp, and
began to plunder the silver which lay there and
the other valuables. But the Goths immediately
returned and slew many of their opponents, but
took Isaac alive along with some few others. Horse-
men then hastened to Belisarius and reported that
Isaac was in the hands of the enemy. Belisarius
was thunderstruck at what he heard, and, without
investigating in what manner Isaac could have been
captured, but thinking that both Portus and his wife
were lost and that complete disaster had fallen upon
the Romans, in that no other stronghold remained
where they could now take refuge and save them-
selves, he fell into a state of speechlessness, an
experience which he had never had before. It was
for this reason that he hastily withdrew his forces to
the rear, with the intention of attacking the enemy
while they were still in disorder and recovering the
town at all costs.
So the Roman army withdrew from the bridge
4
5
γυναῖκα Ki: γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ L.
καταφυγόντες Li: καταλιπόντες K.
5 ἀτάκτοις Ki: ἀπαρασκεύοις L.
VOL, IV. ve
33
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀνεχώρησαν. ἐν δὲ τῷ Πόρτῳ γενόμενος Βελει-
σάριος, τήν τε Ἰσαάκου μανίαν “ἔγνω καὶ τῆς οὐ
δέον οἱ αὐτῷ ξυμβάσης ταραχῆς ἤσθετο, τῷ τε
τῆς τύχης ἐ ἐναντιώματι περιώδυνος γεγονὼς ἐνόσει
τὸ σῶμα. πυρετὸς γὰρ ἐπιγενόμενος, ἐς χρόνου
μῆκος ὑπερφυῶς τε αὐτὸν ἠνία καὶ ἐς κίνδυνον
θανώτου ἦγεν. ἡμέραιν δὲ δυοῖν ὕστερον Ῥου-
δερίχῳ τε ξυνέβη τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον καὶ ὁ
Τουτίλας περιαλγήσας τῇ ξυμφορᾷ τὸν ᾿Ισαάκην
διέφθειρε.
ΧΧ
Βέσσας τε τὸν σῖτον ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀπεμπολῶν
ἐπλούτει, πρυτανευούσης αὐτῷ τὰς τιμὰς τῆς τῶν
εομένων ἀνάγκης. καὶ ὅλος ' εἰς μέριμναν τὴν
περὶ ταῦτα ἐσπουδακὼς οὔτε φυλακῆς τοῦ περι-
, "ἢ ” id nr ΕῚ / 9 /
βόλου οὔτε ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἀσφαλείας " πέρι
ἐπεμελεῖτο, ἀλλὰ ἀναπεπτωκέναι μὲν τῶν στρα-
τιωτῶν τοῖς γε βουλομένοις ἐξῆν, φυλακτήριον δὲ
ὀλίγων τινῶν ἐν τοῖς τείχεσιν ἣν, καὶ τοῦτο δὲ
ἀπημελημένον ὡς μάλιστα. οἷς γὰρ ἀεὶ τὴν
\ b lal / Δ 9, 7 rn
φυλακὴν ἐπικεῖσθαι ξυνέβαινε, πολλὴ ἐξουσία τοῦ
καθεύδειν ἐγίνετο, ἐπεὶ οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐφειστήκει,
ὅστις ἂν καὶ λόγον τινὰ τοῦ τοιούτου ποιοῖτο"
οὐδὲ περιιόντες τινὲς κύκλῳ τῶν περιβόλων, ἡ ἧπερ
εἰώθει, διερευνᾶσθαι τοὺς φύλακας ὅ τί ποτε
ποιοῦσιν ἠξίουν, οὐ μὴν οὐδέ τις τῶν οἰκητόρων
an ΄ 5 / \
αὐτοῖς ξυμφυλάσσειν ἠδύνατο. ὀλίγοι TE γὰρ
1 ὅλος L: ὅλως Κ.
3 ἀσφαλείας Καὶ : om. L.
a ts
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xix. 31-xx. 3
without accomplishing its object. But when Beli-
sarius reached Portus, he learned of the madness of
Isaac and perceived that his own excitement had been
without reason; whereupon he was so overcome with
sorrow at this adversity of fortune that he fell sick.
For a fever came on which by its long continuance
harassed him sorely and brought him into danger
of death. Two days later it came about that Ruderic
died, and Totila, being exceedingly grieved at his
loss, put Isaac to death.
XX
Meanwuite Bessas continued to grow more wealthy
than ever by retailing his grain, since his prices were
fixed by the necessity of those who wanted it. And
since he was entirely wrapped up in his concern for
this traffic, he neither paid heed to the defence of
the walls nor concerned himself with any other
measures for security whatsoever, but any of the
soldiers who so wished were allowed to neglect
their duties; and meanwhile there was only an
insignificant garrison on the walls, and even this
received very little attention. For those who
chanced from day to day to be assigned to guard
duty were freely permitted to sleep, since no one
was put in command of them who might possibly
take some notice of such an act; nor did any officers
consent to go the rounds of the fortifications, as had
been customary, and inspect the guards to see what
they were doing, and furthermore not one of the
citizens was able to assist them in keeping guard;
323
y 2
8
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δῆ > a A > / / \
κομιδῆ ἐνταῦθα, ὥσπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, ἐλείποντο καὶ
> \ fol an lal
αὐτοὶ τῷ λιμῷ ὑπερφυῶς κεκακωμένοι.
/ / ᾽ὔ
Τέσσαρες οὖν Ἴσαυροι, ἀμφὶ πύλην Ἀσιναρίαν
\ a \ \
φυλακὴν ἔχοντες, τηρήσαντες τῆς νυκτὸς TOV
a lal /
καιρὸν ἐν ᾧ τοῖς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐχομένοις καθεύδειν
rn r /
ἐπέβαλλεν, αὐτοῖς δὲ ἡ φυλακὴ τοῦ ἐκείνῃ
/ “
τείχους ἐπέκειτο, κάλως τε ἐκ τῶν ἐπάλξεων
i
ἀναρτήσαντες ἄχρι ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἐξικνουμένους,
ἢ
καὶ τούτων χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις λαβόμενοι ἔξω
τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο καὶ παρὰ ουτίλαν
> / / an f > f . ,
ἀφικόμενοι δέξασθαι τῇ πόλει αὐτὸν TE ὡμολό-
\
youv καὶ τὸν ᾿ότθων στρατόν" δυνατοὶ yap εἶναι
ἴον n / U a
τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἰσχυρίζοντο οὐδενὶ πόνῳ. καὶ ὃς
4 / ig \ [2 id / ”
χάριτας σφίσιν ἁδρὰς ἕξειν ὁμολογήσας, ἤνπερ
> an rn \
ἐπιτελῆ ταῦτα ποιήσωσι, κυρίους TE αὐτοὺς
καταστήσεσθαι χρημάτων μεγάλων, δύο τῶν
ἑπομένων ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψε κατασκεψομένους
Ν ἴον ef « » J. ΝΜ >?
τὸν χῶρον ὅθεν οἱ ἄνθρωποι VotOois ἔφασκον ἐς
/ Ἴ \ ‘
τὴν πόλιν ἐσιτητὰ εἶναι. οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ παρὰ TO
r > / an / / > /
τεῖχος ἀφίκοντο, τῶν καλωδίων λαβόμενοι ἀνέ-
> \ > ΄ > \ > lal x»
Bawov ἐς tas ἐπάλξεις, οὐδενὸς ἐνταῦθα ἢ
ἴω /
φθεγγομένου ἢ τῶν ποιουμένων αἴσθησιν ἔχοντος.
? ἴω lal id
ἐπειδή τε ἐνταῦθα ἐγένοντο, τοῖς βαρβάροις οἱ
Ἴσαυροι πάντα ἐδείκνυον, ὡς ἀνιέναι μὲν βουλο-
᾿ ἐ , an \
μένοις οὐδὲν ἂν ἐμπόδιον εἴη, ἀνελθοῦσι δὲ πολλὴ
/
ἂν ἐξουσία γένοιτο σφίσιν, οὐδενὸς TO παράπαν
ἀντιστατοῦντος, ταῦτά τε αὐτοὺς ἀπαγγέλλειν
Τουτίλᾳ κελεύσαντες ἀπεπέμψαντο.
“ ς ῳ ,
“Απερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Τουτίλας ἤκουσεν, ἥσθη μέν πως
324
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xx. 3-8
for an exceedingly small number, as I have said,
were left in the city and these were wasted to the
last degree by the famine.
Thus it came about that four Isaurians who were
keeping guard by the Asinarian Gate did as follows:
having waited carefully for that part of the night
during which it always fell to the lot of the soldiers
next them to sleep while the guarding of that
portion of the wall devolved upon them, they
fastened ropes to the battlement long enough to
reach down to the ground, and laying hold of these
with both hands got outside the fortifications ; then
they went before Totila and agreed to receive him
and the Gothic army into the city; for, as they
declared, they were able to do this without any
trouble. And Totila promised that he would be
exceedingly grateful to them if they made good
these promises and that he would put them in
possession of great sums of money; he then sent
with them two of his men to look over the place
from which these men claimed that the Goths could
effect an entrance into the city. So this party came
up beside the wall and, laying hold of the ropes,
ascended to the battlement, where not a man
uttered a sound or observed what was going on.
So when they reached the top, the Isaurians shewed
the barbarians everything, namely that those who
wished to ascend would meet with no obstacle, and
that after they had come up they would have
complete freedom of action, meeting as they would
with not the least resistance; then, after bidding
them carry this report to Totila, they sent them
away.
Now when Totila heard this report, he was, in a
325
10
lI
12
13
14
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τῇ ἀγγελίᾳ, ὑποψίᾳ δὲ καὶ ὡς ἐς τοὺς ᾿Ισαύρους
ἐχόμενος οὐ λίαν αὐτοῖς πιστεύειν ἠξίου. ἡμέραις
τε οὐ πολλαῖς 1 ὕστερον αὖθις οἱ ἄνθρωποι παρ᾽
αὐτὸν ἧκον, ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν παρακαλοῦντες. καὶ
ὃς ἑτέρους δύο ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ
αὐτοὶ ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἅπαντα διερευνησάμενοι
ἀπαγγείλωσιν. οἱ δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπανήκοντες
ἅπαντα ὁμοίως τοῖς προτέροις ἤγγελλον. ἐν
τούτῳ δὲ Ρωμαῖοι στρατιῶται πολλοὶ ἐπὶ κατα-
σκοπῇ στελλόμενοι τῆς πόλεως οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν
Ρότθοις δέκα ὁδῷ ἰοῦσιν ἐνέτυχον, οὺς δὴ ἑλόντες
παρὰ τὸν Βέσσαν εὐθὺς ἄγουσι. καὶ ὁ μὲν
ἀνεπυνθάνετο τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων 6 τί ποτε
ὁ Τουτίλας διανοοῖτο, οἱ δὲ Γότθοι ἐν ἐλπίδι
ἔφασαν εἶναι τῶν τινας σφίσιν ᾿Ισαύρων ἐνδώσειν
τὴν πόλιν: ἤδη γὰρ ἔκπυστος ὁ λόγος" ἐς τῶν
βαρβάρων πολλοὺς ἐγεγόνει. ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῦτα
Βέσσας τε καὶ Κόνων ἀκούσαντες ἔν τε πολλῇ
ὀλιγωρίᾳ ἔσχον καὶ αὐτῶν ἐντροπὴν οὐδεμίαν
πεποίηντο. καὶ τρίτον Ou Ἴσαυροι Τουτίλᾳ ἐς
ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἐς τὸ ἔργον τὸν ἄνδρα ἐνῆγον.
ὁ δὲ ἄλλους τε ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψε “καὶ τῶν αὐτῷ
A tela
κατὰ γένος προσηκόντων τινά, οἵπερ ἐς αὐτὸν
ἐπανήκοντες καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀγγείλαντες ἐς
τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπέρρωσαν.
Τουτίλας δέ, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα νὺξ ἐγεγόνει,
ἅπαν ἡσυχῆ ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα ἐπῆγεν
ἀμφὶ πύλην ᾿Ασιναρίαν. καὶ τέσσαρας τῶν ἐν
Γότθοις ἀνδρίας τε καὶ ἰσχύος πέρι εὖ ἡκόντων ὃ
1 οὐ πολλαῖς Li: οὔπω πολλαῖς K.
3 ἔκπυστος ὁ λόγος K: ἔκπυστον 1..
3 of K: οὖν L. 4 ἐπῆγεν Haury: ἀπῆγεν MSS.
326
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xx. 8-14
way, pleased at the intelligence, but, notwith-
standing this, he felt a suspicion as regards the
Isaurians and was not inclined to place very much
confidence in them. Not many days later these
men came to him again, urging him to undertake
the enterprise. Totila thereupon sent two other
men with them, with instructions that they too
should make a thorough investigation of the whole
situation and bring back a report. And these men,
upon returning to him, made a report in all respects
like that of those previously sent. But during this
time a large force of Roman soldiers, who were out
on a reconnoitering expedition, charged upon ten
Goths walking along a road not far from the city,
and they took them prisoners and_ straightway
brought them before Bessas. And he enquired
of these barbarians what Totila’s purpose really
was; and the Goths said that he was in hopes that
some of the Isaurians would deliver the city to him:
for the story had already become known to many of
the barbarians. But even when Bessas and Conon
heard this, they treated the matter with great
unconcern and took no heed of the report. And
a third time the Isaurians came into the presence
of Totila and tried to induce the man to do the
deed, So he sent with them a number of men and
among them one related to him by blood, and they,
upon returning to him, reported the whole situation
and encouraged him to proceed.
Totila, then, as soon as night came on, put his
whole force under arms in silence and led them up
near the Asinarian Gate. And he commanded four
men who were conspicuous among the Goths for
δ ἡκόντων suggested by Haury : ἥκοντας MSS.
327
16
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ξὺν τοῖς ᾿Ισαύροις διὰ τῶν βρόχων ἀναβαίνειν ἐς
τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἐκέλευεν, ἐς ἐκεῖνον δηλονότι τῆς
νυκτὸς τὸν καιρὸν ἐς ὃν τούτοις δὴ τοῖς ᾿Ισαύροις
ἡ φυλακὴ τοῦ ταύτῃ τείχους ὕπνον ἐκ περιτροπῆς
τῶν ἄλλων αἱρουμένων ἐπέβαλεν. οἵπερ, ἐπειδὴ
ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο, καταβαίνουσι μὲν
ἐς πύλας τὰς ᾿Ασιναρίας, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντι-
στατοῦντος, καὶ τό τε ,ξύλον πελέκεσι" διαφθεί-
povow ᾧπερ" ἐνέρσει τοίχου ἑκατέρου ἐναρμοσθέντι
τὰς πύλας ἐπιξζευγνύναι εἰώθεσαν, τά τε σιδήρια
ξύμπαντα οἷς δὴ τὰς κλεῖς ἀεὶ οἱ φύλακες ἐμβαλ-
λόμενοι ἔκλειόν τε τὰς πύλας καὶ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν
ἀνέῳγον. οὕτω δὲ τὰς πύλας ἀναπετάσαντες,
ἧπερ ἐβούλοντο, τῇ πόλει Τουτίλαν τε καὶ τὸν
Γότθων στρατὸν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἐδέξαντο.
Τουτίλας δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐς ἕνα χῶρον
ξυναγαγὼν σκεδάννυσθαι οὐδαμῆ εἴασεν: ἔδεισε
γὰρ μὴ τις ἐνέδρα, πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων. σφίσι
ξυμβαίνῃ ταραχῆς δέ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τῇ πόλει
καὶ θορύβου ἐπιπεσόντος οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι τῶν
Ρωμαίων στρατιωτῶν διὰ πύλης ἑτέρας ξὺν τοῖς
ἄρχουσιν ἔφευγον, ἁ ὥς πη ἑκάστῳ εὐπετὲς γέγονεν,
ὀλίγοι δέ τινες ξὺν Ῥωμαίοις τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐς τὰ
ἱερὰ καταφεύγουσι. τῶν δὲ πατρικίων Δέκιος καὶ
Βασίλειος ξὺν ἑτέροις τισὶν (ἵπποι γὰρ σφίσι
παρόντες ἔτυχον) ξὺν τῷ Βέσσα φυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν.
Μάξιμος δὲ καὶ Ὀλύβριος καὶ ᾿Ορέστης καί τινες
ἄλλοι ἐς τὸν Πέτρου τοῦ ἀποστόλου νεὼν ἔφυγον.
τοῦ μέντοι δήμου πεντακοσίους ἄνδρας ἀνὰ πᾶσαν
1 πελέκεσι MSS.: σιδήρῳ Suidas.
2 ὧπερ Land Suidas: ὅπερ K.
3 ξυμβαίνῃ Dindorf from an inferior MS. : ξυμβαίνει KL.
328
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xx. 14-19
their bravery and strength to climb up the ropes
with the Isaurians to the battlements, during that
part of the night, of course, in which the guarding
of that portion of the wall fell to the Tsaurians
while the others were taking their turn at sleeping.
And when these men got inside the fortifications,
they descended to the Asinarian Gate without
meeting any opposition ; there they shattered with
axes both the wooden beam with which the Romans
customarily made the gates fast by fitting it into
recesses in the wall on either side, and also all the
ironwork into which the guards always inserted their
keys to shut the gates or open them according to the
need of the moment. Thenthey swung the gates open,
just as they wished to do, and without any trouble
received Totila and the Gothic army into the city.
But Totila collected his men there in one place
and would not allow them to scatter at all, for he
feared that they would fall into some ambush set by
the enemy. And tumult and confusion, as was
natural, fell upon the city, and the most of the
Roman soldiers were fleeing with their commanders
through another gate, each one taking whatever
course he found easy to follow, while only a few
with the rest of the Romans were taking refuge in
the sanctuaries. Among the patricians Decius and
Basilius, in company with a few others (for horses
happened to be at hand for them) succeeded in
escaping with Bessas. But Maximus, Olyvrius,
Orestes, and some others fled to the church of the
Apostle Peter.| Among the common people, how-
ever, it so fell out that only five hundred men had
1 The Basilica commenced by Constantine, on the site of
St. Peter’s.
329
20
22
23
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τὴν πόλιν ἀπολελεῖφθαι ξυνέπεσεν, οἵπερ ἐς τὰ
ἱερὰ κατέφυγον μόλις. τῶν γὰρ ἄλλων ἁπάντων
οἱ “μὲν ἀπιόντες ἤδη πρότερον ἐς ἑτέρας ὥχοντο
χώρας, οἱ δὲ τῷ λιμῷ διεφθάρησαν, ὥσπερ μοι
ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται. πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν Τουτίλᾳ
νύκτωρ ἤγγελλον ὅτι δὴ Βέσσας τε καὶ οἱ
πολέμιοι φεύγουσιν. ὁ δὲ χαρίεντα τὸν λόγον
αὐτοὺς εἰρηκέναι εἰπὼν οὐκ εἴα διώκειν. τί γὰρ
5) / /
ἂν ἥδιον ἀνθρώπῳ γένοιτο, ἔφη, πολεμίων
ευγόντων;
oe mh) \ \ e / Ss ” \ > / »
Επειδὴ δὲ ἡμέρα τε ἣν ἤδη καὶ οὐδεμία ἔτι
3. Λ \ - / > / / \ >
ἐνέδρας τινὸς ὑποψία ἐλέλειπτο, Τουτίλας μὲν ἐς
Ν n /
τὸν Πέτρου νεὼν τοῦ ἀποστόλου εὐξόμενος ἤει.
f
Γότθοι δὲ τοὺς παραπεπτωκότας διέφθειρον.1
, 72 lol / r
ἀπέθανόν Te τούτῳ TO τρόπῳ τῶν μὲν στρατιω-
τῶν ἕξ καὶ εἴκοσι, τοῦ δὲ δήμου ἑξήκοντα. ἐπεὶ
NSC , >? / > Ate , ΄ > a
δὲ ὁ Toutinas ἀφίκετο ἐς τὸ ἱερόν, LleXaytos αὐτῷ
ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθε τὰ Χριστιανῶν 5 λόγια ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ
,ὔ
φέρων, παντί τε τρόπῳ ὃ τὴν ἱκεσίαν ὁ προτεινό-
μενος “ Φείδου τῶν σῶν, ὦ δέσποτα ᾽" εἶπε. καὶ
ἃ > fa) / \ 2 ὃ θ Ι 5.ϑΝΆ ἩΚκ
ὃς ἐπιτωθάζων τε καὶ ἐνδιαθρυπτόμενος ὃ ἔφη
«ND a ΄ G ΄, ὅτ 02 »»
Nov με, ὦ IleXaye, ἱκετεύσων ἐλήλυθας.
« r fe
“Ore we” ὁ Πελάγιος ἀπεκρίνατο “ δοῦλον σὸν ὁ
‘ “ r \
θεὸς εἶναι πεποίηκεν. ἀλλὰ δούλων TOY σῶν TO
“ La / / » ΄ « /
λοιπόν, ὦ δέσποτα, φείδου." ταύτην ὁ Toutiras
\ e / / 2 “ / / \
τὴν ἱκεσίαν δεξάμενος ἀπεῖπε ΤΓότθοις μηδένα τὸ
lal ς / ἀν
λοιπὸν ἀποκτιννύναι τῶν πάντων Ρωμαίων, ἀλλὰ
τῶν χρημάτων αὐτῷ μὲν τὰ τιμιώτατα ἐξελεῖν, τὰ
Ἂς ΚΔ’ / > r 4:19 / wa
δὲ ἄλλα σφίσιν αὐτοῖς Kat ἐξουσίαν ληΐζεσθαι.
διέφθειρον L: διέφυγον Κ,
χριστιανῶν K: τοῦ χριστοῦ L.
παντί τε τρόπῳ L: παντί τε K, ταύτῃ τε Vj.
1
3
3
4 ἱκεσίαν K: ἱκετείαν L.
339
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xx. 19-25
been left throughout the whole city, and these with
difficulty found refuge in the sanctuaries. For all
the rest of the population were gone, some having
departed to other lands and some having been
carried off by the famine, as I have stated above.
Now many persons during that night kept reporting
to Totila that both Bessas and the enemy were
fleeing. But he, saying the report they had given
was a pleasing one, would not permit a pursuit.
“For what could be sweeter for a man,” he said,
*‘than a fleeing enemy?”
When it was already day and there was now no
suspicion left of any ambush, Totila, for his part,
went to the church of the Apostle Peter to pray,
-but the Goths began to slay those who fell in their
way. And in this manner there perished among the
soldiers twenty-six, and among the people sixty.
And when Totila had come to the sanctuary,
Pelagius came before him carrying the Christian
scriptures in his hand, and, making supplication
in every manner possible, said “Spare thine own,
O Master.” And Totila, mocking him with a
haughty air of indifference, said “Now αὖ last,
Pelagius, you have come to make yourself a sup-
pliant before me.” “Yes” replied Pelagius, ‘at
a time when God has made me your slave. Nay,
spare your slaves, O Master, from now on.” And
Totila received this supplication with favour and
forbade the Goths thereafter to kill any Roman
at all, but he permitted them, while setting aside
for him the most valuable of the property, to have
unrestricted authority to plunder all the rest. for
themselves,
5 ἐνδιαθρυπτόμενος Vy, Scaliger: ἐνδιαθρύπτως KL.
33!
26
27
28
29
30
31
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἐν ταῖς πατρικίων οἰκίαις εὗρε,
πάντων δὲ μάλιστα οὗπερ ὁ Βέσσας κατέλυε.
τὰς γὰρ ἀνοσίας, ὥς γε δεδήλωται, τοῦ σίτου
τιμὰς 6 κακοδαίμων Τουτίλᾳ ἤθροιζεν. οὕτω
τε περιέστη τοῖς τε ἄλλοις “Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς
ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα Ῥου-
στικιανῇ, τῇ Βοετίου μὲν γαμετῇ γενομένῃ, παιδὶ
δὲ Συμμάχου, καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἀεὶ τοῖς δεομένοις
προϊεμένῃ," δούλων τε καὶ ἀγροίκων ἀμπεχομένοις
ἱμάτια, πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἄρτον ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν
ἀναγκαίων αἰτουμένοις βιοῦν. ἔς τε τὰς οἰκίας
περιιόντες καὶ τὰς θύρας ἐς ἀεὶ κόπτοντες τροφὴν
διδόναι σφίσιν ἐδέοντο, οὐ φέροντος αὐτοῖς
αἰσχύνην τοῦ ἔργου.
Καὶ Γότθοι μὲν Ῥουστικιανὴν κτείνειν ἐν
σπουδῇ € ἐποιοῦντο, ἐπικαλοῦντες ὅτι δὴ χρήματα
προϊεμένη τοῖς τοῦ “Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχουσι
τὰς Θευδερίχου εἰκόνας διαφθείρειε, τοὺς φόνους
ἀμυνομένη Συμμάχου τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ Βοετίου
τοῦ ξυνοικήσαντος. Τουτίλας δὲ οὐδὲν ἄχαρι
παθεῖν αὐτὴν ξυνεχώρησεν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτήν τε καὶ
τὰς ἄλλας ἁπάσας ὕβρεως ἐκτὸς διεφύλαξε,
καίπερ Τότθων ἐς κοίτην ὡς μάλιστα ἐφιεμένων
αὐταῖς ξυνελθεῖν. διόπερ αὐτῶν οὐδεμιᾷ ἐς τὸ
lal ς / 3 / ” 2 \ ΄
σῶμα ὑβρίσθαι ξυνέβη οὔτε ἀνδρὶ ξυνοικούσῃ
οὔτε παρθένῳ ἢ χήρᾳ οὔσῃ, μέγα τε κλέος ἐπὶ
σωφροσύνῃ ἐκ τούτου τοῦ ἔργου Τουτίλας ἔσχε.
περιέστη K: περιῆν L.
προϊεμένῃ Ἰζ : προτεινομένη L.
ὑβρίσθαι K: ὑβρίζεσθαι 1,.
wow re
332
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xx. 26-31
Now he found much of value in the houses of
patricians, but most of all in the house where Bessas
had lodged. For that ill-starred wretch had been
only collecting for Totila the outrageous sums
which, as set forth above, he had charged for the
grain. And thus the Romans in general, and
particularly the members of the senate, found
themselves reduced to such straits that they clothed
themselves in the garments of slaves and rustics,
and lived by begging bread or any other food from
their enemies; a very notable example of this
change of fortune being that of Rusticiana, the
daughter of Symmachus, who had been wife of
Boethius, a woman who was always lavishing her
wealth upon the needy. Indeed these wretches
went about to all the houses and kept knocking
at the doors and begging that they give them food,
feeling no shame in doing so,
Now the Goths, on their part, were eager to put
Rusticiana to death, bringing against her the charge
that after bribing the commanders of the Roman
army, she had destroyed the statues of Theoderic,
her motive in so doing having been to avenge the
murder not only of her father Symmachus, but also
of her husband Boethius. But Totila would not
permit her to suffer any harm, but he guarded
both her and all the other women safe from insult,
although the Goths were extremely eager to have
intercourse with them. Consequently not one of
them had the ill fortune to suffer personal insult,
whether married, unwed, or widow, and Totila won
great renown for moderation from this course.
333
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
XXI
Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Vor@ous ἅπαντας ξυγκαλέσας
ὁ Τουτίλας ἔλεξε τοιάδε' ἐν Οὐ καινήν τινα οὐδὲ
ἀγνῶτα ὑμῖν παραίνεσιν ποιησόμενος ἐνθάδε ὑμᾶς,
ἄνδρες ξυστρατιῶται, ξυνήγαγον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνα
ἐρῶν, ἅπερ ἐγὼ μὲν πολλάκις ἐς ὑμᾶς εἶπον, ὑμῖν
δὲ αὐτὰ ἐνδεξαμένοις τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀγαθῶν
ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. μὴ τοίνυν τινὶ ὀλυγωρίᾳ
διὰ τοῦτο ἐς τὴν παραίνεσιν τανῦν χρήσησθε.
λόγων γὰρ τῶν ἐς εὐδαιμονίαν ἀγόντων κόρον
οὐκ εἰκὸς ἀνθρώπῳ γενέσθαι, κἂν τῇ modu novia *
τις ἀποκναίειν δοκῇ" ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς τὴν ἐξ αὐτῶν
εὐεργεσίαν ἀπειπεῖν ἄξιον. λέγω δὲ ὅτε πρώην
μὲν ἐς μυριάδας εἴκοσι μαχιμωτάτων ξυνιόντες
στρατιωτῶν πλούτῳ τε ὑπερφυεῖ χρώμενοι καὶ
ἵππων τε καὶ ὅπλων περιουσίαν τινά, ὡς ἔνι
μάλιστα, ἐνδεικνύμενοι, καὶ γερόντων ξυνετωτάτων
πολὺν ὅμιλον, ὅπερ τοῖς ἐς ἀγῶνας καθισταμένοις
ξυμφορώτατον εἶναι δοκεῖ, πρὸς ἀνδρῶν ἑπτα-
κισχιλίων Τραικῶν ἡσσηθέντες, τήν τε ἀρχὴν
καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ξύμπαντα λόγῳ οὐδενὶ ἀφῃρήμεθα.
νῦν δ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐς ὀλίγους ἀπολειφθεῖσι γυμνούς τε
καὶ οἰκτροὺς καὶ οὐδ᾽ ὁτουοῦν τῶν πάντων ἐμπεί-
ρους κρατεῖν τῶν πολεμίων πλέον ἢ δισμυρίων
ὄντων τετύχηκε. τὰ μὲν οὖν πεπραγμένα συλ-
"ἢ πολυλογία Li: τι ἀλογίᾳ Κι.
πλων K: ἄλλων L.
1 Cf. Book IV. xxvii. 38, note.
334
—
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxi. 1-6
XXI
On the day following the capture Totila gathered
all the Goths together and spoke as follows:
“ Fellow-soldiers, it is not with the purpose of
making to you any new or unknown exhortation
that 1 have brought you together in this place,
but in order to say those very things which I have
often said to you, and which you for your part have
heeded with the result that the greatest of blessings
have fallen to your lot. Do not, therefore, on this
account regard this present exhortation as of little
moment. For when words lead to good fortune,
men ought not to feel surfeit of them, even though
the speaker seem to wear out his hearers with much
speaking; for they cannot reasonably reject the
benefit gained from such words. Now what I would
say is this: only yesterday, as it were, we assembled
a host of two hundred thousand most warlike soldiers,
we had at our disposal enormous wealth, and could
display a lavish abundance of both horses and arms,
we had a numerous company of mature men of
the greatest discretion—a circumstance considered
most advantageous for those entering upon a war—
and yet, with all this in our favour, we were van-
quished by five thousand Greeklings,! and for no
good reason were stripped of our power and every-
thing else that was ours. But now it has been
our fortune, though reduced to a small number,
destitute of arms and in pitiable plight and without
any experience at all, to gain the mastery over an
enemy more than twenty thousand strong. Our
experience, then, to put it in a word, has been such
335
10
an:
12
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
/ > a ἴω “
λήβδην εἰπεῖν τοιαῦτά ἐστι: τὰς δὲ τῶν οὕτω
/ ΄ G lal
ξυμβαινόντων αἰτίας ἐν" εἰδόσιν ὑμῖν αὐτίκα
, (A / \ / n ”
δηλώσω: ὅτι Τότθοι μὲν πρότερον τῶν ἄλλων
ἁπάντων περὶ ἐλάσσονος πεποιημένοι τὸ δίκαιον,
ἔπρασσον ἔς τε ἀλλήλους καὶ τοὺς κατηκόους
/
“Ῥωμαίους ἀνόσια ἔργα, ols δή, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
ς \ ? \ n
ἠγμένος ὁ θεὸς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὸτε ξὺν τοῖς πολεμίοις
ἐστράτευσε. καὶ διὰ ταῦτα πλήθει τε καὶ ἀρετῇ
lol lal / an “
καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευῇ τῶν ἐναντίων
\ , fal
παρὰ πολὺ ὑπεραίροντες δυνάμει τινὶ ἀφανεῖ τε
καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα γινωσκομένῃ ἡσσήθημεν. οὐκοῦν
\ / Ne 3 SN Dalle) pays: 3 , 8 ΄
τὸ φυλάξαι τὰ ἀγαθὰ ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν 3 κείσεται, διασώ-
/ \ / / \
Cover δηλονότι TO δίκαιον. μεταβαλλομένοις yap
\ a aA ͵΄ ᾿
καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα πολέμια
ἔσται. οὐ γὰρ ἀνθρώπων γένει οὐδὲ φύσει ἐθνῶν
ξυμμαχεῖν εἴωθεν, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἂν μᾶλλον ὁ τοῦ
ικαΐου λόγος “τιμῷτο. πόνος τε οὐδεὶς αὐτῷ
τἀγαθὰ ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρους μετενεγκεῖν. ἀνθρώπῳ μὲν
γὰρ τὸ μὴ ἀδικεῖν μόνον ἐν γνώμῃ ἐστί, θεῷ
δὲ ξύμπαντα ἐν τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ πέφυκε κεῖσθαι.
, A
φημὶ τοίνυν ὑμᾶς 5 χρῆναι τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἔ ἔς
τε ἀχλήλους καὶ τοὺς κατηκόους τηρεῖν. ταὐ-
τὸν γὰρ ἂν εἴη λέγειν τὴν εὐημερίαν ἐς ἀεὶ
ip ”
διασώζεσθαι.
lal ¢ \ Ul ’ \
Τοσαῦτα ὁ Τουτίλας és τοὺς Τότθους εἰπὼν
\ AY 5) fel ¢ / fel /
Kal τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς ξυγκαλέσας
πολλὰ ὠνείδισέ τε καὶ ἐκάκισεν,, οἱ ὃ δὴ πολλὰ
ξυμβαινόντων Ια : ξυμβάντων L.
ἐν MSS. : εὖ editors; cf. vir. xxxiv. 28, Thucyd. IV. 59.
ὑμῖν Li: ἡμῖν K.
μόνον K corr., ἴω: μόνῳ K pr. m.
ξύμπαντα Ko: πάντα L.
a ἢ ὦ pp μὰ
336
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxi. 6-12
as I have described. But the causes of this outcome,
though you know them full well, I must now state
to you. The Goths in earlier times paid less heed
to justice than to any other thing, and treated each
other and their Roman subjects as well in an unholy
manner; wherefore God was then moved to take
the field against them on the side of their enemies.
And so, although we were far superior to our
opponents in number and in valour and in the
general equipment for war, we were defeated by a
power which was invisible and quite uncompre-
hended. It will therefore rest with you to guard
your blessings—manifestly by continuing to observe
justice. For if you change your course, God too
will instantly change His favour and become hostile
to you. For itis not His wont to fight with a race
of men or a particular nation, but with such as shew
the greater honour to justice. And for Him it is no
labour to transfer his blessings from one people to the
other. For whereas only to refrain from wrong-doing
inheres in the will of man, God by His very nature
has all things in His power. I say, therefore, that
you must observe justice strictly both in your dealings
with each other and with your subjects; for it
would amount to the same thing to tell you to
preserve your good fortune for ever.”
After Totila had made this speech before the
Goths, he likewise called together the members
of the Roman senate, and reproached and abused
them at length, saying that, although they had
ὑμᾶς K corr., L: ἡμᾶς K. pr. m.
ἐκάκισεν Ki: ἐπιτωθάζων ἐκάκισεν L.
οἱ Καὶ : ὡς L
1 8»
x
337
VOL. IV. Z
13
14
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πρός τε Θευδερίχου καὶ ᾿Αταλαρίχου ἀγαθὰ
πεπονθότες, ἐπί τε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἁπάσης αὐτοὶ ἐς
ἀεὶ καταστάντες καὶ τήν τε πολιτείαν διοικησά-
μενοι, πλούτου τε περιβεβλημένοι μέγα τι χρῆμα,
εἶτα 1 ἐ 5? Ρότθους τοὺς εὐεργέτας πολλῇ ἀγνω-
μοσύνῃ ἐχόμενοι, ἐς ἀπόστασίν τε οὐ δέον ἐπὶ
τῷ σφετέρῳ πονηρῷ ἴδοιεν * καὶ τοὺς Τ»ραικοὺς
ἐπὶ τῇ πατρί ε ἐπαγάγοιντο, προδόται σφῶν
αὐτῶν ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου γεγενημένοι. καὶ ἀνε-
πυνθάνετο μὲν εἴ τι πρὸς Γότθων πάθοιεν αὐτοὶ
κακὸν πώποτε. λέγειν δὲ ἠνάγκαζεν, εἴ τι ἀγα-
θὸν σφίσι πρὸς ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως Evp-
Baivou,* “καταλέγων ἐφεξῆς ἅπαντα, ὅτι δὴ τὰς
μὲν ἀρχὰς ἀφήρηντο σχεδόν τι ἁπάσας, πρὸς δὲ
τῶν καλο υμένων λογοθετῶν αἰκιζόμενοι λογισμοὺς
ἐκτίνειν τῶν σφίσιν ἐς Γότθους πεπολιτευμένων
ἀναγκασθεῖεν καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ κεκακωμένοι φόρους
τοὺς δημοσίους οὐδέν τι ἐνδεέστερον ἢ ἐν τῇ
εἰρήνῃ τοῖς Τραικοῖς φέροιεν: ἄλλα τε πολλὰ
ἐνετίθει τῷ λόγῳ, ὅσα δεσπότην δυσμενῆ τοὺς
δεδουλωμένους ὀνειδίζειν εἰκός. «Ἡρωδιανόν τε
αὐτοῖς ἐνδεικνύμενος καὶ τοὺς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῷ
, ’ / ¢ an ΠΧ, BY) /
παραδόντας ᾿Ισαύρους ‘Tels μέν" ἔφη “ Evy-
τροφοι Τότθοις γεγενημένοι οὐδὲ χῶρόν τινα
ἔρημον ἐς τήνδε ἡμῖν ἐνδιδόναι τὴν ἡμέραν ἐγνώ-
κατε, οἵδε δὲ ἡμᾶς Ῥώμῃ τε αὐτῇ καὶ Σπολιτίῳ
ἐδέξαντο. διόπερ ὑμεῖς μὲν ἐν οἰκετῶν λόγῳ
1 εἶπα K: om. L. 2 ἐς K: és τοὺς L.
3 ἴδοιεν K: εἶδον L. 4 ξυμβαίνοι KR: ξυμβαίη L.
1 Of. Book IV. xxvii. 38, note.
2 Of chap, 1. 92.
338
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxi. 12-16
received many benefits from both Theoderic and
Atalaric, in that they themselves had always been
appointed to the chief offices throughout the kingdom
and had thus administered the government, and had,
furthermore, amassed vast wealth, still they had
acted with such ingratitude toward the Goths, their
benefactors, that, regardless of their obligations,
they had planned a revolt to their own harm, and
brought in the Greeks! to attack their fatherland,
thus turning traitors to themselves on the impulse of
the moment. Then, after enquiring whether they
had ever suffered any personal harm at the hands
of the Goths, he compelled them to state whether
any good thing came to them from the Emperor
Justinian, reviewing all that had happened in order :
first, they had, he said, been stripped of practically
all the offices; second, they had been maltreated by
the logothetes,? as they were called, in that they
had been compelled to settle accounts for their
treatment of the Goths during their official careers ;
and, third, although they were in dire straits on
account of the war, they were paying the Greeks
not a whit less in public taxes than in times of
peace. And he included many other things too
in his speech, such things as an angry master might
-be expected to say in upbraiding men who have
become his slaves. Then he set before them
Herodian and the Isaurians who had handed over
the city to him, and said: “ You, who have been
reared together with the Goths, have not up to
the present day seen fit to surrender to us even
one empty town, but these men have received us
into Rome itself and Spolitium. By this action you
have been reduced to the rank of household slaves,
339
zZ2
17
18
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
γεγένησθε, οὗτοι δὲ Τότθοις φίλοι. τε, ὡς τὸ
εἰκός, καὶ ξυγγενεῖς γεγενημένοι τὰς ὑμετέρας
ἀρχὰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσιν." οἱ μὲν οὖν πατρίκιοι
ταῦτα ἀκούοντες σιωπῇ εἴχοντο. Ἰ]ελάγιος δὲ
Τουτίλαν ὑπὲρ ἀνδρῶν ἐπταικότων τε καὶ δεδυσ-
τυχηκότων παραιτούμενος οὐκέτι ἀνίει, ἕως
αὐτοὺς φιλανθρωπίας ὑπόσχεσιν ποιησάμενος
ἀπεπέμψατο.
Ἔπειτα δὲ Πελάγιόν τε καὶ τῶν ἐν “Ῥώμῃ
ῥητόρων ἕνα, Θεόδωρον ὄ ὄνομα, πρέσβεις ἐς βασι-
λέα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν ἔστειλεν, ὅρκοις αὐτοὺς δεινο-
τάτοις καταλαβών, ὅτι τε εὐνοίᾳ ἐς αὐτὸν
χρήσονται καὶ ἀναστρέφειν ὅτι τάχιστα ἐς τὴν
᾿Ιταλίαν ἐν σπουδῇ ἕξουσιν. ἐπέστελλέ τε
αὐτοῖς τὴν εἰρήνην οἱ παντὶ σθένει παρὰ βασι-
λέως πορίξεσθαι, ὅπως δὴ μὴ αὐτὸς ἀναγκάξηται
Ῥώμην ἐς ἔδαφος καθελὼν ξύμπασαν καὶ τοὺς
ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου διαφθείρας βουλῆς ἐς ᾿Γλλυριοὺς
τὸν πόλεμον ἄγειν. καὶ γράμματα δὲ ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ
βασιλεῖ ἔγραψεν. ἤδη μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς ἠκηκόει
τὰ ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ ξυμπεπτωκότα. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ οἱ
/ SN 9 2 / / ῶ ὦ
πρέσβεις Tap αὐτὸν ἦλθον, ἀπήγγειλάν τε" ὅσα
ὁ Τουτίλας σφίσιν ἐπέστελλε καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν
ἐνεχείρισαν.
᾿Εἰδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: ““ἽὍσα “μὲν ἐν
“Ῥωμαίων τῇ πόλει γενέσθαι ξυνέβη, ἐπεὶ μεμα-
θηκέναι ὃ σε ἅπαντα οἶμαι, σιωπᾶν ἔγνωκα.ἡ ὧν
δὲ ἕ eure TOUS πρέσβεις ἀπέσταλκα τούσδε αὐτίκα
elon.” αἰτούμεθα τὰ ἐκ τῆς εἰρήνης καλὰ σέ τε
1 ἀκούοντες K: ἀκούσαντες L. 2 re Haury: δὲ K, om. L.
3 ἐπεὶ μεμαθηκέναι K: ἐπιμεμαθηκέναι L.
4 σιωπᾶν ἔγνωκα K: καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἔγνωκας L.
340
—-
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxi. 16-22
while these men, seeing that they have really
proved themselves friends and kinsmen of the
Goths, will hold your offices hereafter.” Now when
the patricians heard this, they sat in silence. But
Pelagius began to plead with Totila for them as
men who had suffered reverse and misfortune, and
would not let him go until he made them a promise
of kind treatment and thus sent them away.
After this he sent Pelagius and one of the Roman
orators, Theodorus by name, as envoys to the Em-
peror Justinian, having bound them by most solemn
oaths that they would remain loyal to him and
would make every effort to return to Italy as
quickly as~ possible. And he instructed them to
exert themselves to the utmost to secure peace for
him from the emperor, in order, as he said, that he,
for his part, might not be compelled to raze Rome
entirely to the ground, to destroy the members of
the senate, and to carry the war into Illyricum.
And he also wrote a letter to the Emperor Justinian.
Now the emperor had already heard of what had
taken place in Italy. But when later on the envoys
came before him, they delivered the message which
Totila had instructed them to bring and put the
letter into his hands.
Now the contents of the letter were as follows:
“As to what has transpired in the city of Rome,
since I suppose thou hast learned everything, I
have decided to remain silent. But as to the
purpose for which I have sent these envoys, thou
shalt straightway be informed. We demand that
thou, for thy part, take to thyself the advantages
5 αὐτίκα elon K: ταῦτά εἰσιν L.
ὁ καλὰ Καὶ ; ἀγαθὰ L,
341
23
24
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
προσίεσθαι" αὐτὸν καὶ ἡμῖν ξυγχωρεῖν. ὧνπερ
μνημεῖά τε καὶ παραδείγματα κάλλιστα ἔχομεν
᾿Αναστάσιόν τε καὶ ᾿Θευδέρεχον, ob ) βεβασιλεύκασι
μὲν οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον, εἰρήνης δὲ Kal ἀγαθῶν
πραγμάτων ἅπαντα ἐνεπλήσαντο τὸν KAT αὐτοὺς
χρόνον. ἢν γάρ σοι ταῦτά ποτε βουλομένῳ εἴη,
πατήρ τε ἂν ἐ ἐμὸς εἰκότως καλοῖὸ καὶ ξυμμάχους
ἡμᾶς ἐφ᾽ ods ἂν βούλοιο τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξεις. ταῦτα
ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἀπενεχθέντα εἶδε,
καὶ τοὺς λόγους τῶν πρέσβεων ἅπαντας ἤκουσεν,
ἀπεπέμψατο αὐτοὺς αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα, τοῦτό Te?
μόνον αὐτοῖς ἀποκρινόμενος καὶ Τουτίλᾳ γράψας,
ὅτι δὴ αὐτοκράτορα τοῦ πολέμου - πεποίηται
Βελισάριον,Σ κύριός τε διὰ τοῦτο ἐκεῖνος εἴη τὰ
πρὸς Τουτίλαν ὅπως βούλοιτο“ διοικήσασθαι.
XXII
Ἔν ᾧ δὲ οἱ πρέσβεις οὗτοι ἐς Βυζάντιον Kai
s > ᾽ / > / > / >
αὖθις és ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐστέλλοντο, ἐν τούτῳ ἐν
Λευκανοῖς ὃ τάδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. Τουλ-
λιανὸς τοὺς ἐκείνῃ ἀγροίκους ἀγείρας τὴν εἴσοδον
στενοτάτην οὖσαν ἐφύλασσεν, ὅπως μὴ οἱ πολέ-
μίοι κακουργήσοντες ἴοιεν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Λευκανίας
χωρία. καὶ ΓΑνται δὲ αὐτοῖς τριακόσιοι ξυνεφύ-
ef > 7) ΕῚ a /
λασσον, οὕσπερ Iwavyns ἐνταῦθα δεηθέντι Τουλ-
λιανῷ ἀπολιπὼν πρότερον ἔτυχεν: ἀγαθοὶ γὰρ
οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι μάχεσθαι ἐν δυσχωρίαις πάν-
5
1 προσίεσθαι Hoeschel in marg. : προίεσθαι MSS.
2 τοῦτό τε K: τοῦτο τότε L.
3 avroxpatopa— {prov Καὶ : αὐ ΐ λισάριος 1,
ράτορα---βελισάριον Κα : αὐτοκγματωρ---βελισάριος 1..
342
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VIL. xxi. 22—xxii. 3
which flow from peace and also grant them to us.
These advantages are recalled and exemplified most
admirably in the lives of Anastasius and Theoderic,
who ruled as kings not long ago, and filled their
whole reigns with peace and prosperity. And if
this same condition should perchance please thee,
thou wouldst properly be called my father, and thou
wilt also have us hereafter as allies against whom-
soever thou mayest wish to use us.” When the
Emperor Justinian saw this letter thus brought to
him, and heard all the words of the envoys, he
dismissed them instantly, giving them only this
reply and writing it to Totila, that he had made
Belisarius supreme commander in the war, and that
he, consequently, had full power to make such
settlement with Totila as he wished.
XXII
Bur while these envoys were travelling to By-
zantium and returning to Italy, the following events
took place in Lucania. Tullianus gathered the
rustics of that region and set a guard upon the
pass (a very narrow one) which gives access to
the district, with the purpose of preventing the
enemy from entering to devastate the land of
Lucania. And three hundred Antae also were help-
ing them to keep guard, men whom John had left
there previously, as it happened, at the request of
Tullianus; for these barbarians excel all others in
4 ὅπως βούλοιτο L: ban βούλεσθαι Κ.
5 ἐς Βυζάντιον Comparetti: βυζάντιον K, ἐκ βυζαντίου L.
δ ἐν λευκανοῖς K: ἐν οἵη, L,
343
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
4 των μάλιστα. ἅπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Toutiras ἔμαθε,
Dor8ous μὲν ἐς τὸ ἔργον καθεῖναι, ἀξύμφορον
@ETO εἶναι, ἀγροίκων δὲ πλῆθος ἀγείρας, Γότθων
τε ξυμπέμψας αὐτοῖς ὀλίγους τινάς, ἐκέλευε τῆς
ὅ εἰσόδου σθένει παντὶ ἀποπειρᾶσθαι. οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ
ἀλλήλοις ξυνέμιξαν, ὠθισμὸς μὲν ἀμφοτέρων
πολὺς ἐγεγόνει, ἼΑνται δὲ τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἀρετῇ, ἅμα
δὲ καὶ τῆς δυσχωρίας σφίσι ξυλλαμβανούσης,
ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ Τουλλιανὸν a ἀγροίκοις τοὺς ἐναντίους
θ ἐτρέψαντο. φόνος τε αὐτῶν ἐγεγόνει πολύς.
Γνοὺς δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Τουτίλας ἔγνω Ῥώμην μὲν
καθελεῖν ἐς ἔδαφος, τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ τὸ μὲν
πλεῖστον ἐνταῦθά πὴ ἀπολιπεῖν, τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ
7 ἐπί τε ᾿Ιωάννην καὶ Λευκανοὺς ἰέναι. τοῦ μὲν
οὖν, περιβόλου ἐν χώροις πολλοῖς τοσοῦτον
καθεῖλεν ὅσον ἐς τριτημύριον τοῦ παντὸς μάλιστα.
ἐμπιπρᾶν δὲ καὶ τῶν οἰκοδομιῶν τὰ κάλλιστά τε
καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ἔμελλε, Ρώμην τε μηλόβοτον
καταστήσεσθαι, ἀλλὰ Βελισάριος μαθὼν πρέσ-
βεις τε καὶ γράμματα " map αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν.
8 οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ * Τουτίλᾳ ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθον, εἶπόν τε
ὧν ἕνεκα ἥκοιεν καὶ τὰ γράμματα ἐνεχείρισαν.
ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε'
“Ἰόλεως μὲν κάλλη οὐκ ὄντα ἐργάζεσθαι
ἀνθρώπων ἂν φρονίμων εὑρήματα εἶεν καὶ
πολιτικῶς βιοτεύειν ἐπισταμένων, ὄντα δὲ ἀφα-
vite TOUS γε ᾿ἀξυνέτους εἰκὸς καὶ Yea
τοῦτο τῆς αὑτῶν φύσεως οὐκ αἰσχυνομένους ὃ
9 χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἀπολιπεῖν. Ρώμη μέντοι
1 τοῦ δὲ Comparetti: τοῦ δὲ τοῦ K, τοῦ τε L.
3 γράμματα LH: πράγματα K.
ϑιοίπερ ἐπειδὴ Li; of K, οἵπερ ἐπεὶ H,
344
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxii. 3-9
their ability to fight on rough ground. When Totila
learned this, though he considered it inexpedient to
assign Goths to the task, he gathered a multitude
of rustics, and sent them with a very few Goths,
with orders to try with all their strength to force
the pass. When these two forces engaged in battle,
a violent struggle ensued, each side striving to force
the other back, but the Antae by their valour, and
also because the very roughness of the ground was
to their advantage, together with the rustics under
Tullianus turned their opponents to flight; and a
great number of them were slaughtered.
But when Totila learned this, he decided first to
raze Rome to the ground, and then, while leaving
the most of his army in that neighbourhood, to
march with the rest against John and the Lucanians.
Accordingly he tore down the fortifications in many
places so that about one third of the defences were
destroyed. And he was on the point also of burning
the finest and most noteworthy of the buildings and
making Rome a sheep-pasture, but Belisarius learned
of his design and sent envoys with a letter to him.
When these envoys came before Totila, they stated
why they had come and delivered the letter, which
conveyed the following.
* While the creation of beauty in a city which has
not been beautiful before could only proceed from
men of wisdom who understand the meaning of
civilization, the destruction of beauty which already
exists would be naturally expected only of men who
lack understanding, and who are not ashamed to
leave to posterity this token of their character.
4 πόλεως KH: πόλεων L.
ἢ αἰσχυνομένους KH: αἰσχυνομένων LL.
345
10
I
12
13
14
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πόλεων ἁπασῶν, ὅσαι Ud ἡλίῳ τυγχάνουσιν
οὖσαι, μεγίστη τε καὶ ἀξιοχλογωτάτη ὡμολόγηται 1
εἶναι. οὐ γὰρ ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἀρετῇ εἴργασται οὐδὲ
χρόνου βραχέος δυνώμει ἐς τόσον μεγέθους τε
καὶ κάλλους ἀφῖκται, ἀλλὰ βασιλέων μὲν πλῆθος,
ἀνδρῶν δὲ ἀρίστων συμμορίαι πολλαί, χρόνου τε
μῆκος καὶ πλούτου ἐξουσίας ὑπερβολὴ τά τε
ἄλλα πάντα ἐκ πάσης τῆς γῆς καὶ τεχνίτας
ἀνθρώπους ἐνταῦθα ξυναγαγεῖν͵ ἴσχυσαν. οὕτω
τε τὴν πόλιν τοιαύτην, οἵανπερ ὁ ὁρᾷς, κατὰ βραχὺ
τεκτηνάμενοι, μνημεῖα τῆς πάντων ἀρετῆς τοῖς
ἐπυγενησομένοις ἀπέλιπον, ὥστε ἡ ἐς ταῦτα
ἐπήρεια εἰκότως ἂν ἀδίκημα μέγα ἐς τοὺς
ἀνθρώπους τοῦ παντὸς αἰῶνος δόξειεν εἶναι"
ἀφαιρεῖται γὰρ τοὺς μὲν προγεγενημένους τὴν
τῆς ἀρετῆς μνήμην, τοὺς δὲ ὕστερον ἐπιγενησο-
μένους τῶν ἔργων τὴν θέαν. τούτων δὲ τοιούτων
ὄντων ἐκεῖνο εὖ ἴσθι, ὡς δυοῖν ἀνάγκη τὸ ἕτερον
εἶναι. ἢ γὰρ ἡσσηθήσῃ βασιλέως ἐν τῷδε τῷ
πόνῳ, ἢ περιέσῃ, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι. ἢν μὲν οὖν
νικῴης, Ῥώμην τε καθελών, οὐ τὴν ἑτέρου του,
ἀλλὰ τὴν σαυτοῦ ἀπολωλεκὼς ἄν, ὦ βέλτιστε,
εἴης, καὶ διαφυλάξας, κτήματι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, TOV”
πάντων καλλίστῳ πλουτήσεις: ἢν δέ γε τὴν
χείρω σοι τύχην πληροῦσθαι 3 ξυμβαίη, σώσαντι
μὲν Ρώμην χάρις ἂν σώζοιτο παρὰ τῷ νενικηκότι
πολλή, διαφθείραντι δὲ φιλανθρωπίας τε οὐδεὶς
ἔτι λελείψεται λόγος καὶ προσέσται τὸ μηδὲν τοῦ
1 ὡμολόγηται KL: ὁμολογεῖται Ἡ.
2 τῶν KL: τῶ Ἡ.
3 πληροῦσθαι KH: κληροῦσθαι L.
346
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII, xxii. 9-14
Now among all the cities under the sun Rome is
agreed to be the greatest and the most noteworthy.
For it has not been created by the ability of one
man, nor has it attained such greatness and beauty
by a power of short duration, but a multitude of
monarchs, many companies of the best men, a great
lapse of time, and an extraordinary abundance of
wealth have availed to bring together in that city all
other things that are in the whole world, and skilled
workers besides. Thus, little by little, have they
built the city, such as you behold it, thereby leaving
to future generations memorials of the ability of
them all, so that insult to these monuments would
properly be considered a great crime against the
men of all time; for by such action the men of
former generations are robbed of the memorials of
their ability, and future generations of the sight
of their works. Such, then, being the facts of the
case, be well assured of this, that one of two things
must necessarily take place: either you will be
defeated by the emperor in this struggle, or, should
it so fall out, you will triumph over him. Now, in
the first place, supposing you are victorious, if you
should dismantle Rome, you would not have de-
stroyed the possession of some other man, but your
own city, excellent Sir, and, on the other hand, if
you preserve it, you will naturally enrich yourself
by a possession the fairest of all; but if, in the second
place, it should perchance fall to your lot to ex-
perience the worse fortune, in saving Rome you
would be assured of abundant gratitude on the part
of the victor, but by destroying the city you will
make it certain that no plea for mercy will any
longer be left to you, and in addition to this you
347
15
16
17
18
19
20
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔργου ἀπόνασθαι. καταλήψεται δέ σε καὶ δόξα
τῆς πράξεως ἀξία πρὸς πάντων “ἀνθρώπων, ἥ ἥπερ
ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερά" σοι τῆς γνώμης ἑτοίμως ἕστηκεν,
ὁποῖα γὰρ ἂν τῶν ἀρχόντων τὼ ἔργα εἴη, τοιοῦτον
ἀνάγκη καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ὄνομα φέρεσθαι. το-
σαῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος ἔγραψε.
Τουτίλας δὲ πολλάκις ἀναλεξάμενος τὴν
ἐπιστολὴν καὶ τῆς παραινέσεως ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς
πεποιημένος τὴν μάθησιν, ἐπείσθη τε καὶ Ῥώμην
εἰργάσατο ἄχαρι περαιτέρω οὐδέν. σημήνας τε
Βελισαρίῳ τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην τοὺς πρέσβεις
εὐθὺς ἀπεπέμψατο. καὶ τοῦ μὲν στρατοῦ τὸ
πλεῖστον μέρος Ῥώμης οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν, ἀλλ᾽
ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐς τὰ πρὸς
δύοντα ἥλιον ἐνστρατοπεδευσαμένους ἐν χωρίῳ
᾿Αλγηδόνι ἐκέλευεν ἡσυχῆ μένειν, ὅπως δὴ
ὃ / > / 2 a > \ B / Μ 8 ”
μηδεμία ἐξουσία " τοῖς ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον εἴη ἔξω
an / olf? Ε) ἂν Ν \ n ΝΜ
πὴ τοῦ ἸἹΠόρτου ἰέναι: αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ
στρατῷ ἐπί τε ᾿Ιωάννην καὶ Λευκανοὺς ἤει.
Ῥωμαίων μέντοι τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου
a \ .ς [οἷ “5 \ \ Mv “
βουλῆς ξὺν αὑτῷ εἰχε, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἅπαντας
ξύν τε γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ἔστειλεν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ
Καμπανίας χωρία, ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἄνθρωπον οὐδένα
ἐάσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἔρημον αὐτὴν τὸ παράπαν ἀπολιπών.
Ἰωάννης δὲ Τουτίλαν οἱ ἐπιέναι μαθών, μένειν
b] \ n > / > ‘ ? / > ’ > ἊΝ
ἐπὶ τῆς ᾿Απουλίας οὐκέτι ἠξίου, ἀλλ᾿ ἐς τὸν
Δρυοῦντα δρόμῳ ἀφίκετο. τῶν τε πατρικίων οἱ
ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀγόμενοι ἐς Λευκανοὺς πέμψαντες
τῶν οἰκείων τινάς, Τουτίλα γνώμῃ, τοὺς σφετέρους
ἀγροίκους ἐκέλευον μεθίεσθαι μὲν τῶν πρασ-
1 ἑκάτερά KL: ἑτέρας Ἡ.
2 ἐξουσία KH: μηχανῆ δυνατὰ εἴη L. 3 εἴηΗ : om. KL.
348
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxii. 14-20
will have reaped no benefit from the deed. Further-
more, a reputation that corresponds with your conduct
will be your portion among all men, and it stands
waiting for you according as you decide either way.
For the quality of the acts of rulers determines,
of necessity, the quality of the repute which they
win from their acts.” Such was the letter of
Belisarius.
And Totila, after reading it over many times and
coming to realize accurately the significance of the
advice, was convinced and did Rome no further
harm. So he sent a statement of his decision to
Belisarius and immediately dismissed the envoys.
And he commanded the main body of the army to
make camp not far from Rome at the town of
Algedon,! which is about one hundred and twenty
stades distant from the city toward the west, and
to remain quietly there, in order that the troops of
Belisarius might have no freedom to go anywhere
outside Portus; but with the rest of the army he
himself marched against John and the Lucanians.
As for the Romans, however, he kept the members
of the senate with him, while all the others together
with their wives and children he sent into Campania,
refusing to allow a single soul in Rome, but leaving
it entirely deserted.
When John learned that Totila was marching
against him, he refused to remain longer in Apulia,
but went hastily to Dryus. Now those patricians
who were being taken into Campania sent certain
of their domestics into Lucania, by direction of
Totila, and bade their tenants abandon their
1 Perhaps Mt. Algidus (modern Ceraso), though this lies
east, not west, of Rome and is remote from Portus.
349
21
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
σομένων, τοὺς δὲ a ἀγροὺς γεωργεῖν ἧπερ εἰώθεσαν'
ἔσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς τἀγαθὰ! ἀπήγγελλον τῶν
κεκτημένων. οἱ δὲ ἀπετάξαντο μὲν τοῦ Ῥωμαίων
στρατοῦ, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον"" Τουλ-
λιανὸς δὲ φυγὼν ὥχετο, καὶ οἱ τριακύσιοι ἴἌνται
παρὰ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην, ἀναχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν. οὕτω
μὲν ἅπαντα τὰ ἐντὸς κόλπου τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου, πλὴν
τοῦ Δρυοῦντος, αὖθις ὑποχείρια Ρότθοις τε καὶ
Τουτίλᾳ γέγονε. θαρσοῦντες δὲ ἤδη οἱ βάρβαροι
καὶ κατὰ συμμορίας σκεδαννύμενοι περιήεσαν
κύκλῳ ἅπαντα. ὅπερ ᾿Ιωάννης μαθὼν τῶν οἱ
ἑπομένων πολλοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν. οἱ δὴ
τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπροσδόκητοι ἐπιπεσόντες 3 πολ-
λοὺς ἔκτειναν. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δείσας ὁ Τουτίλας,
ἅπαντάς τε τοὺς ξὺν αὑτῷ ἀγείρας, ἀμφὶ 6 ὄρος τὸ
ΙΝ άργανον, ὅπερ ἐν ᾿Απουλίοις που μέσοις a ἀνέχει,
ἐν τῷ ᾿Αννίβαλος τοῦ Λίβυος χαρακώματι στρα-
τοπεδευσάμενος ἡσυχῆ ἔμενεν.
ΧΧΠΙ
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν τις ξὺν τῷ Κόνωνι ἐκ Ρώμης
φυγόντων, ἡνίκα ἡ πόλις ἡλίσκετο, Μαρτινιανὸς
ὄνομα, Βυζάντιος γενος, Βελισαρίῳ προσελθὼν
/ > / n r , \ \
στέλλεσθαι αὐτόμολος δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παρὰ τοὺς
πολεμίους ἠξίου, μεγάλα Ῥωμαίους émayyed-
, > Ν ΄ / a
λόμενος ἀγαθὰ δράσειν: δόξαν τε τοῦτο Βελι-
1 αὐτοῖς τἀγαθὰ K: αὐτοὺς L.
2 ἀπήγγελλον---ἔμενον L: om. K.
3 ἐπιπεσόντες K: ἐπεισπεσόντες L.
35°
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxii. 20-xxiii. τ
present machinations, and till the fields as they
were accustomed ; for, the message announced, they
would have the property of their masters. So they
detached themselves from the Roman army, and
remained quietly on the land; whereupon Tullianus
made off in flight, and the three hundred Antae
decided to follow John in his retreat. In this way
the whole territory south of the Ionian Gulf, with
the exception of Dryus, became once more subject
to the Goths and Totila. And the barbarians by
this time were filled with confidence and, scattering
in small bands, began to overrun the whole country
round about. When John learned this, he sent a
numerous force of his men against them. And this
force, falling unexpectedly upon the enemy, killed
a large number. And Totila, as a result of this
experience, became cautious and gathered all his
troops together in the neighbourhood of Mt.
Garganon,! which rises near the centre of Apulia,
and encamping in the fortified enclosure of Hannibal
the Libyan, he remained quiet.
XXIII
Ar this time one of the men who had fled from
Rome with Conon while the city was being captured
—he was named Martinianus, a Byzantine by birth—
came before Belisarius and asked permission to go
to the enemy, pretending to be a deserter, and he
promised to render the Romans a great service; and
since this met with the approval of Belisarius, he
1 Modern Gargano.
351
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
capi, ἀπιὼν ὥχετο. καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Toutiras ἰδὼν
ὑπερφυῶς ἥσθη. εὐδοκιμοῦντα γὰρ ἐν μονο-
μαχίαις τὸν νεανίαν ἤκουσέ τε καὶ εἶδε πολλάκις.
ὄντων δὲ αὐτῷ παίδων τε δύο καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς
ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις, τὴν μὲν γυναῖκα καὶ τῶν
παίδων τὸν ἕτερον εὐθὺς τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἀπέδωκε,
τὸν δὲ ἕτερον ἐν ὁμήρου λόγῳ ἐφύλασσεν, ἔς τε
Σπολίτιον ξὺν ἑτέροις τισὶν ἔπεμψεν.
᾿Βτύγχανον δὲ Τύότθοι, ἡνίκα Ἡρωδιανοῦ
ἐνδιδόντος Σπολίτιον εἷλον, τῆς μὲν πόλεως τὸν
περίβολον ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος. “καθελόντες, τοῦ δὲ πρὸ
τῆς πόλεως κυνηγεσίου, ὅπερ καλεῖν ἀμφιθέατρον
νενομίκασι, τάς τε εἰσόδους ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς
ἀποφράξαντες καὶ φρουρὰν ἐνταῦθα καταστησά-
μενοι Γότθων ret καὶ Ῥωμαίων. τῶν αὐτομόλων,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ᾧ φυλάξωσι" 5 τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία. Μαρτινιανὸς
οὖν ἐπειδὴ εἰς Σπολίτιον ἦλθε, στρατιώτας πεντε-
καίδεκα ὃ ἑταιρίσασθαι ἢ ἴσχυσεν, οὕσπερ ἀνέπειθεϊ
δράσαντάς τι ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους μέγα οὕτω δὴ
ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὸ Ρωμαίων στρατόπεδον. στείλας
δέ τινας καὶ παρὰ τὸν ἄρχοντα τοῦ ἐν Περυσίᾳ
φυλακτηρίου ἐκέλευέν οἱ στράτευμα ὅτι “τάχιστα
ἐς Σπολίτιον πέμψαι, τοῦ παντὸς λόγου τὴν
δήλωσιν ποιησάμενος. “Οδολγὰν δὲ Odvvos ἢ ἦρχε
τότε τῆς ἐν Περυσίᾳ φρουρᾶς, Κυπριανοῦ πρός
του τῶν αὐτοῦ δορυφόρων, ὥς μοι ἔμπροσθεν
εἴρηται, δόλῳ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος. ὅσπερ
ξὺν στρατεύματι ἐπὶ τὸ Σπολίτιον ἤει. Μαρτι-
lire K: τε αὐτῶν L.
2 φυλάξωσι K: φυλάξουσι L.
3 els Σπολίτιον ἦλθε, στρατιώτας πεντεκαίδεκα Haury: καὶ K,
τινας Li, cf. sec. 7.
30
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiii. 1-7
went off. Now when Totila saw him, he was ex-
ceedingly pleased. For he heard that the youth
had won fame in single combats, and he had also
seen him many times. And since the man had two
children and his wife among the captives, Totila
immediately restored to him his wife and one of ~
the children, but the other he continued to guard
as a hostage, and sent Martinianus to Spolitium
with a few others.
Now it so happened that when the Goths captured
Spolitium by the surrender of Herodian, they had
indeed razed the whole circuit-wall of the city to
the ground, but they had thoroughly walled up the
entrances of the structure in front of the city, which
served for the keeping of wild animals and has come
to be called an amphitheatre, and had established in
it a garrison both of Goths and of Roman deserters,
for the purpose of guarding the country round about.
So when Martinianus had come to Spolitium, he suc-
ceeded in winning the friendship of fifteen soldiers,
whom he persuaded to return to the Roman army
after first accomplishing some great exploit against
the barbarians. And he also sent some men to
the commander of the garrison in Perusia, bidding
him send an army to him at Spolitium with all
possible speed, and explaining to him the whole
situation. Now the garrison in Perusia was at that
time commanded by Odalgan, a Hun, Cyprian having
been treacherously removed from the world, as has
been stated above,! by one of his own bodyguards.
And he came himself with an army to Spolitium.
1 Cf. chap. xii. 20.
4 οὕσπερ ἀνέπειθε K: τούτους ἀνέπεισε L.
9.90
VOL. IV, AA
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11
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
νιανὸς δὲ ἄγχιστά πη εἶναι TO στράτευμα τοῦτο
αἰσθόμενος, ἅμα τοῖς πεντεκαίδεκα στρατιώταις
τοῦ τε φυλακτηρίου τὸν ἄρχοντα ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου
διέφθειρε καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀναπετάσας Ῥωμαίους
3 an / δ 5
ἅπαντας τῷ φρουρίῳ ἐδέξατο. οἱ δὴ κτείνουσι
an /
μὲν TOV πολεμίων πλείστους, τινὰς δὲ ζωγρή-
Ν /
σαντες παρὰ ἘΒελισάριον ἢγον.
9 / δὲ ed / " /
λίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον βελισαρίῳ ἔννοια γέγονεν
9. « ΄ > lol WS! “ , > 4
ἐς Ῥώμην τε ἀναβῆναι καὶ ἐς 6 τι τύχης ἐληλύθει
θεάσασθαι. τῶν στρατιωτῶν οὖν χιλίους ἀπο-
/ > lal Vv € a \ » \
λεξάμενος ἐνταῦθα eu. Ρωμαῖος δὲ ἀνὴρ
/ / / 0,
ἀφικόμενος δρόμῳ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους, οἵπερ
> ὃ 7 3 ΨΑΙ ὃ / \ 2 B /
ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο EV yn νι, TO ελισαρίου
στράτευμα ἤγγειλεν. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι προλοχί-
σαντες ἐνέδραις τισὶ τὰ πρὸ τῆς Ῥώμης χωρία,
ἐπειδὴ ἄγχιστά “πη ἀφικομένους τοὺς ἀμφὶ
Βελεσάριον εἶδον, ἐ ἐκ τῶν evedpav ἀναστάντες ἐ ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἤεσαν. μάχης τε καρτερᾶς γενομένης, τῇ
σφετέρᾳ ἀρετῇ “Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς πολεμίους τρεψά-
μενοι, πλείστους τε διαφθείραντες ἐ ἐς τὸν Πόρτον
εὐθὺς ἀνεχώρησαν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε
ἐχώρησεν.
"Kote. δὲ Καλαβρῶν ἐπιθαλασσία πόλις ὁ
4 an f ς / fay “ -
Τάρας, δυοῖν σχεδόν τι ἡμέραιν ὁδὸν Δρυοῦντος
ὃ / 9 ’ / \ Ῥ / > θέ ὃ
ιέχουσα, ἐπί τε Θουρίους καὶ Ῥηγίνους ἐνθένδε
“ /
ἰόντι. ἐνταῦθα ᾿Ιωάννης ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισί,
Ταραντηνῶν αὐτὸν ἐπαγαγομένων, ἀφίκετο,
τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Δρυοῦντος φυλακῇ
\ /
καταστησάμενος. Kal ἐπεὶ τὴν πόλιν εἶδε
1 στρατιώταις Ki: στρατιώταις τοσούτους γὰρ ἑταιρίσασθαι
ἴσχυσε L.
2 τὸ Τ,: τοῦ Κ᾿
Soe
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiii. 7-14
Then, when Martinianus ascertained that this army
was close at hand, he in company with the fifteen
soldiers suddenly slew the commander of the garrison
and, opening the gates, received all the Romans
into the fortress. And the most of the enemy they
slew, but they made some prisoners and brought
them before Belisarius.
Shortly after this Belisarius conceived the idea of
going up to Rome and seeing into what condition it
had fallen. So he selected a thousand of his soldiers
and with them went to the city. But a man of
Rome went in haste to the enemy who were in camp
at Algedon, and reported the presence of Belisarius’
army. So the barbarians occupied the district in
front of Rome with several ambuscades, and, when
they saw that the force of Belisarius had come close
upon them, they rose from their places of ambush
and attacked them. Thereupon a fierce battle en-
sued, in which the Romans by their valour routed
their enemy, and, after destroying the most of them,
they withdrew immediately to Portus. Such was
the course of events at Rome.
There is a city on the coast of Calabria called
Tarentum, about two days’ journey distant from
Dryus, on the road from there to Thurii and Rhegium.
Thither John came with a few men, at the invitation
of the Tarentines, having established the rest of his
command as a garrison in Dryus. And when he saw
3 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῆδε ἐχώρησεν L: om. K.
‘ αὐτὸν K: αὐτῶν L.
355
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μεγίστην τε ὑπερφυῶς καὶ παντάπασιν ἀτείχι-
στον οὖσαν, πᾶσαν μὲν φυλάξαι οἷός τε ἔσεσθαι
οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ᾧετο, ἰδὼν δὲ τὴν θάλασσαν τῆς
πόλεως ἐς τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον ἀμφί τινα
χῶρον στενὸν μάλιστα ἑκατέρωθεν ἐς κόλπον
ἰοῦσαν, οὗ δὴ Ταραντηνῶν ὁ λιμήν ἐστιν, ἰσθμόν
τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τὸν ἐν μέσῳ χῶρον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ
σταδίων εἴκοσιν ὄντα, ἐπενόει τάδε. ἀποτεμὼν
ἀπὸ τῆς ἄλλης πόλεως τὴν τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ μοῖραν
τειχίσματί τε αὐτὴν περιέβαλεν ἐκ θατέρου
θαλάσσης + μέρους aX pl ἐς ἕτερον καὶ τάφρον
βαθεῖαν ἀμφὶ τὸ τείχισμα ὥρυσσεν. ἐνταῦθά, τε
οὐ Ταραντηνοὺς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ
χωρία ὠκουν συνήγαγε, καὶ φυλακὴν αὐτοῖς
λόγου ἀξίαν ἐλίπετο. ταύτῃ τε Καλαβροὶ
ἅπαντες ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη γενόμενοι LoT@wv
ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον. ταῦτα μὲν ἐφέρετο τῇδε.
Τουτίλας δὲ φρούριον ἐν Λευκανοῖς καταλαβὼν
ἐχυρώτατον ἄγχιστά ™ τῶν Καλαβρίας ὁρίων
κείμενον, ὅπερ ᾿Αχεροντίδα καλοῦσι “Ῥωμαῖοι,
ἐνταῦθά τε φυλακτήριον ἀνδρῶν οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ
τετρακοσίων καταστησάμενος. αὐτὸς ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ
στρατῷ ἐπὶ ‘PaBevvay ἤει, τῶν βαρβάρων τινὰς
ἀπολιπὼν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Καμπανίας χωρία, οἷσπερ
ἡ Ρωμαίων ἐπέκειτο φυλακή, τῶν ἐκ τῆς συγκλή-
του βουλῆς ἐνταῦθα ὄντων.
XXIV
Βελεσαρίῳ δὲ τόλμα προμηθὴς γέγονε, τότε
ἀρχὴν μὲν μανιώδης δόξασα εἶναι τοῖς τε ὁρῶσι
1 θαλάσσης K: τῆς θαλάσσης L.
356
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiii. 14-xxiv. 1
that this city was exceedingly large and entirely
without defences, he thought that he would be
utterly unable to defend the whole of it; but he
observed that the sea to the north of the city formed
a bay on either side of a very narrow strip of land,
where the port of Tarentum is situated, and thus
the space between the bays naturally forms an isth-
mus for a distance of not less than twenty stades ;
so he formed the following plan. He cut off from
the rest of the city that portion which lay on the
isthmus, and enclosed it by means of a wall extending
from one bay to the other and along the wall he dug
a deep trench. There he collected not only the
Tarentines but also all the inhabitants of the sur-
rounding country, and he left them a garrison of
considerable size. In this way all the Calabrians
were now in a secure position and they consequently
purposed to revolt from the Goths. Such was the
course of events in this quarter.
Totila, for his part, occupied a very strong fortress
in Lucania, situated close to the boundaries of
Calabria, called Acherontis by the Romans; and after
establishing there a garrison of not less than four
hundred men, he himself with the rest of his army
marched against Ravenna, leaving in Campania some
of the barbarians, who were charged with the guard-
ing of Roman prisoners, the members of the senate
being in that place.
XXIV
Ar that time Belisarius conceived a daring and far-
seeing plan, which in the beginning indeed appeared
insane to those who first saw and heard of his actions,
357
EROCORIUS OF CAESAREA
καὶ ἀκούουσι πρῶτον, ἐκβᾶσα δὲ ἐς ἀρετῆς ἔργον
ὑψηλόν τε καὶ δαιμονίως ὑπέρογκον. τῶν γὰρ
στρατιωτῶν ὀλίγους τινὰς φρουρᾶς ἕνεκα τῆς ἐν
Πόρτῳ ἀπολιπὼν αὐτὸς ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐς
Ῥώμην ἦλθε, προσποιεῖσθαί τε αὐτὴν σθένει
παντὶ ἤθελεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν ὅσα
καθελὼν τοῦ περιβόλου Τουτίλας ἔτυχε βραχεῖ
ἀνοικοδομήσασθαι χρόνῳ, ἐποίει τάδε. λίθους
ἄγχιστά πὴ ὄντας ξυναγαγὼν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους
οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ξυνέβαλεν, οὐδὲν τὸ παράπαν ἐντὸς
ἔχοντας, ἐπεὶ οὔτε τίτανον εἶχεν οὔτε TL ἄλλο
τοιοῦτον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως μόνον τὸ τῆς οἰκοδομίας
σώζοιτο πρόσωπον, σκολόπων τε μέγα τι χρῆμα
ἔξωθεν ἵστη. ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ τάφρους βαθείας
ἀμφὶ τὸν “περίβολον ὅλον ὀρύξας πρότερον, ὥσπερ
μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη. παντὸς δὲ
τοῦ στρατοῦ προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ ταῦτα ἐργαζο-
μένου πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμερῶν ὅσα τοῦ
περιβόλου καθήρητο τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ τετέλεστο.
τῶν τε Ρωμαίων ὅσοι ἀμφὶ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία
@KNVTO ἐνταῦθα ἠγείροντο, THs τῷ ἐν “Ῥώμῃ
οἰκήσεως ἐπιθυμίᾳ καὶ ὅτι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τέως
σπανίζοντες ἀφθονίαν ἐνταῦθα εὗρον, ἥνπερ
Βελισάώριος ποιεῖν ἴσχυσε, ναῦς ὅτι πλείστας
πάντων ἐμπλησάμενος τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἔς τε
“Ῥώμην διὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐσκομίσας 8
Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Τουτίλας ἤκουσεν, ἄρας αὐτίκα
παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Βελισάριόν τε καὶ Ῥώμην 4
" εἶχεν K: om. L.
2 τοιοῦτον K: τοιοῦτον ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχεν L.
3 ἐσκομίσας followed by a blank space of one word L:
ἐσκομίσας εἰσῆξε K.
35ὃ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiv. 1-8
but its outcome proved to be a splendid achievement
of marvellous importance. For he sallied forth,
leaving behind only a few of his soldiers to keep
guard in Portus, and went himself with the rest of
his army to Rome, with the intention of trying with
all his strength to establish himself in possession of
the city. And since he was unable in a short time
to rebuild all the portions of the wall which Totila
had torn down, he did as follows. Gathering stones
which lay close by, he threw them one on top of the
other, regardless of order, without putting anything
at all between the stones, since he had neither lime
nor anything else of the sort, but caring only that
the face of the masonry should be preserved, and he
set a great quantity of stakes on the outside. Now
he had previously, as it happened, dug deep trenches
around the entire circuit-wall, as stated in the pre-
vious narrative.! And since the whole army carried
out this work with unbounded enthusiasm, in twenty-
five days such parts of the fortifications as had been
torn down had been finished in this manner. And
all the Romans who lived in the neighbourhood
gathered in the city, both because of their desire to
make their homes in Rome, and also because they
had for a time been scantily supplied with provisions
and they found abundance there; for Belisarius
had been able to bring this about by loading a great
number of boats with all manner of provisions and
bringing them up to Rome by the river.
When Totila heard this, he immediately set his
whole army in motion and marched against Belisarius
1 Cf. Book V. xiv. 15:
4 ῥώμην K: πόλιν L,
359
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13
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἦλθεν, οὔπω Βελισαρίου τὰς πύλας ἐναρμόσασθαι
τῷ περιβόλῳ ἰσχύσαντος. πάσας γὰρ διαφθείρας
Τουτίλας ἔ ἔτυχεν, ἅσπερ οὐκ ἔφθη τεχνιτῶν ἀπορίᾳ
Βελισάριος τεκτηνάμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων στρατὸς ἀγχοῦ (aol τότε μὲν
ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ηὐλίσαντο “παρὰ Τίβεριν
ποταμόν, ἡμέρᾳ τε τῇ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἅμα ἡλίῳ
ἀνίσχοντι θυμῷ Te πολλῷ καὶ θορύβῳ ἐχόμενοι
ἀμφὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἤεσαν. 'Βελισάριος δὲ τῶν μὲν
στρατιωτῶν τοὺς μαχιμωτάτους ἀπολεξάμενος ἐ ἐς
τὴν χώραν τῶν πυλῶν ἔστησε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς
ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τῶν περιβόλων ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς
ἐπιόντας πάσῃ δυνάμει ἐκέλευε. γέγονε τοίνυν
καρτερὰ μάχη. οἱ γὰρ βάρβαροι τὰ μὲν πρῶτα
ἐλπίδα εἶχον αὐτοβοεὶ τὴν πόλιν αἱρήσειν, τοῦ
δὲ πράγματος σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος, καὶ τῶν
Ῥωμαίων ἰσχυρότατα ἀ ἀμυνομένων, ὀργῇ χρώμενοι
τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπέκειντο, τοῦ θυμοῦ σφᾶς παρὰ
δύναμιν ἐς “τὴν εὐτολμίαν ὁρμῶντος. οἵ τε Ῥω-
μαῖοι παρά δόξαν ἀντείχοντο, τοῦ κιυδύνου, ὡς
τὸ εἰκός, ἐς τὴν εὐψυχίαν ἐνάγοντος.." γέγονεν
οὖν φόνος τῶν βαρβάρων ἅτε ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ
βαλλομένων πολύς, κόπῳ τε πολλῷ καὶ Tahar
πωρίᾳ ἑκάτεροι εἴχοντο καὶ ἡ μάχη πρωὶ
ἀρξαμένη ἐτελεύτα ἐς νύκτα. ἔπειτα ἢ οἱ μὲν
βάρβαροι ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις γενόμενοι ἐνυκτέ-
ρευσαν, τῶν ἐν σφίσι τραυματιῶν ἐπιμελούμενοι,
Ῥωμαίων δὲ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ
φυλακὴν εἶχον, οἱ δὲ ἀνδρίας πέρι μάλιστα
1 ἐγένοντο K: ἐγένετο L.
2 ἀντείχοντο---ἐνάγοντος Li: τυχόντες τοῦ κινδύνου, ὡς τὸ
εἰκός, ἐς τὴν εὐψυχίαν ἐνήγοντο K.
360
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiv. 8-15
and Rome, before Belisarius had as yet been able to
fit the gates to the wall. For it so happened that
Totila had destroyed them all, and Belisarius had
not up to that time succeeded in having gates built
because of the lack of artisans. And when the bar-
barian army came near the city, they made camp
for the moment and bivouacked on the bank of the
Tiber, but on the following day at sunrise they
advanced, filled with great fury and shouting as
they came, to a position before the walls. But
Belisarius had selected the most warlike of his
soldiers and stationed them in the open gateways,
commanding the rest to stand above and ward off
the assailants from the wall with all their force. So
a fierce battle ensued; for the barbarians, on their
part, at first entertained the hope that they would
capture the city at the first shout, but since the
attempt proved difficult, and the Romans offered a
most vigorous resistance, they gave way to rage and
began to press upon the foe, their fury inspiring
them to daring beyond their strength. The Romans,
meanwhile, resisted with unexpected determination,
the danger naturally arousing them to bravery,
Consequently a great slaughter of the barbarians
took place, since they were being shot at from a
high position, and both armies were becoming very
weary and distressed; and the battle, which had
begun in the morning, ended at night. There-
upon the barbarians repaired to their camps
and passed the night there, caring for their wounded ;
as for the Romans, some were keeping guard on the
wall, while others, who were the men most con-
3 ἑκάτεροι K: τὰ στρατεύματα ἑκάτερα L.
4 ἔπειτα ἰῷ : ἐπεί τε ξυνεσκόταζεν ἤδη L.
3461
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πάντων εὖ ἥκοντες ἐν TEPLTPOTH τὰς τῶν πυλῶν
χώρας ἐφύλασσον, τριβόλους ἔμπροσθεν πολλοὺς
θέμενοι, ὅπως μὴ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπὶ
σφᾶς ἴωσιν.
Oi δὲ τρίβολοι τοιοίδε εἰσί. σκολόπων τετ-
τάρων ἰσομήκων μάλιστα τὰ ὄπισθε πρὸς ἄλληλα
ἐναρμοσάμενοι τριγώνου σχῆμα τὰς αὐτῶν εὐθείας
πανταχόθεν ἐργάζονται, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν γῆν
ὅπου παρατύχῃ ῥ ῥίπτουσι. ταύτῃ τε τῶν σκολό-
πων οἱ μὲν τρεῖς ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἰσχυρότατα
ἑστήκασι πάντες, ὁ δὲ λειπόμενος ἀνέχων μόνος
ἐμπόδιον ἀνδράσι τε καὶ ἵπποις és. ἀεὶ γίγνεται.
ὁσάκις δέ τις τοῦτον δὴ κυλίυδει τὸν τρίβολον, ὁ
μὲν τέως ἐκ τῶν σκολόπων τὴν ' τοῦ ἀέρος ὄρθιον"
κληρωσάμενος χώραν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἕ ET TNKED, aos
δὲ a ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ γιγνόμενος ἄνω τοῖς ἐπιέναι βουλο-
μένοις ἐμπόδιόν ἐστιν. οἱ μὲν τρίβολοι τοιοίδε
εἰσίν. ἑκάτεροι δὲ οὕτω μετὰ τὴν μάχην
ηὐλίσαντο.
Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Τουτίλας αὖθις παντὶ τῷ
στρατῷ τειχομαχεῖν ἔγνω, οἱ δὲ Ρωμαῖοι τρόπῳ
τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἡμύνοντο. καθυπέρτεροί τε τῇ
ξυμβολῇ γεγενημένοι ἐπεξελθεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις
ἐθάρσησαν. καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ὑποχωρούντων
διώκοντες τῶν Ῥωμαίων τινὲς πόρρω που τοῦ
περιβόλου ἐγένοντο. ods δὴ κυκλώσεσθαι οἱ
βάρβαροι ἔμελλον, ὡς μὴ ἀναστρέφειν ἐς τὴν
πόλιν δυνατοὶ εἶεν. ἀλλὰ Βελισάριος (κατενόησε
γὰρ τὰ ποιούμενα) τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὑτὸν πολλοὺς
ἐνταῦθα στείλας διασώσασθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας
1 τὴν K: τὴν εὐθὺ 1). 2 ὄρθιον L: τρίβολον K.
362
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiv. 15-20
spicuous of all for their bravery, were guarding the
open gateways in relays, having placed ¢ribol in great
numbers in front of them, so that the enemy might
not make a surprise attack upon them.
Now these é7vboli! are of the following sort. Four
spikes of equal length are fastened together at their
butts in such a manner that their points form the
outline of a triangle on every side. These they throw
at random upon the ground, and because of their
form three of the spikes all plant themselves very
firmly upon the ground, while the remaining one
stands up alone and always proves an obstacle for
both men and horses. And as often as anybody
rolls over one of these tribolt, the spike which
hitherto has chanced to stand up straight in the air
becomes planted on the ground, but another one
takes its place above, as an obstacle to those who
wish to advance to the attack. Such are the
triboli. So both sides bivouacked thus after the
battle.
On the following day Totila decided to storm the
wall again with his whole army, and the Romans
proceeded to ward them off in the manner described ;
and gaining the upper hand in the engagement,
they plucked up courage to make a sally against
their enemy. And as the barbarians retreated, some
of the Romans, in pursuing them, went to a con-
siderable distance from the fortifications. These the
barbarians were on the point of surrounding, so that
they might be unable to return to the city. But
Belisarius, noting what was taking place, sent a
large number of his men to that point and thus suc-
1 Caltrops ; used, for example, at Bannockburn.
363
21
22
23
24
26
27
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἴσχυσεν. οὕτω τε ἀποκρουσθέντες οἱ βάρβαροι
ἀνεχώρησαν, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀποβεβληκότες τῶν ἐν
σφίσι μαχίμων, πλείστους δὲ τραυματίας ἐς τὸ
στρατόπεδον ἐπαγόμενοι. ἐνταῦθά τε ἡσυχῆ
ἔμενον, τά τε τραύματα θεραπεύοντες καὶ τῶν
ὅπλων ἐπιμελούμενοι (πολλὰ γὰρ σφίσι διέφθαρτο
ἤδη) καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐν παρασκευῇ πάσῃ ποιούμενοι.
Ἡ μέραις δὲ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἐπὶ τὸν περίβολον
ὡς τειχομαχήσοντες ἤεσαν. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ “σφίσιν
ὑπαντιάσαντες ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον. τύχῃ τέ τινι ὁ
τὸ Τουτίλα σημεῖον φέρων καιρίαν πληγεὶς αὐτός
τε ἐκ τοῦ ἵππου ἐκπίπτει καὶ τὸ σημεῖον ἐς τὴν
γῆν ἔρριψε. καὶ Ῥωμαίων μὲν ὅσοι ἐς τὰ πρῶτα
ἐμάχοντο, ὥρμησαν ὥστε τὸ σημεῖον καὶ τὸν
νεκρὸν ἁρπασόμενοι. φθάσαντες δὲ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων οἱ εὐτολμότατοι τό τε σημεῖον ἁρπάξουσι
καὶ TOU? νεκροῦ χεῖρα τὴν λαιὰν ἀποτεμόντες ξὺν
αὑτοῖς ἔλαβον. ψέλλιον yap χρυσοῦν ἐπὶ ταύτης
ὁ πεπτωκὼς φορῶν ἔτυχε λόγου ἄξιον, ᾧπερ
ἐναβρύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐναντίους ἥκιστα ἤθελον,
φεύγοντες δηλονότι τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔργου αἰσχύνην.
καὶ ὁ μὲν ED βαρβάρων στρατὸς ἐς ὑπαγωγὴν
ἐτράποντο 3 οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ, “Ρωμαῖοι δὲ τὸ μὲν
ἄλλο τοῦ νεκροῦ σῶμα ἐσκύλευσαν, τοὺς δὲ
πολεμίους ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διώκοντες πολλοὺς
ἔκτειναν, ἔς τε τὴν πόλιν κακῶν παντάπασιν
ἀπαθεῖς ἦλθον.
Τότε δὲ ὅσοι ἐν Γότθοις λόγιμοι ἦσαν Τουτίλᾳ
προσελθόντες ἐλοιδοροῦντό τε καὶ ἀνέδην αὐτῷ
τὴν ἀβουλίαν ὠνείδιζον, ὅτι δὴ Ρώμην ἑλὼν οὔτε
ο
1 ἴσχυσεν 1, : ἔσχεν Κ. 2 τοῦ Haury: om. MSS.
3 ἐτράποντο KK: ἐτράπετο L
364
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiv. 20-27
ceeded in rescuing the force. After being repulsed
in this way the barbarians withdrew, having lost
many of their able fighting men, and bringing with
them a great number of wounded to their camp.
There they remained quiet, caring for their wounds
and attending to their arms, many of which had
now been destroyed, and putting everything else in
readiness.
Many days later they again advanced against the
wall with the purpose of storming it. But the
Romans came out to meet them and joined battle.
And by some chance the man who was bearing the
standard of Totila received a mortal wound and not
only fell from his horse himself, but also threw the
standard to the ground. Whereupon those of the
Romans who were fighting at the front made a rush
with the intention of seizing the standard and the
corpse. But the most courageous of the barbarians
got there first, seized the standard, and also cut off
the left hand of the corpse and took it with them.
For the fallen man was wearing upon this hand a
notable bracelet of gold, over which they were
quite unwilling that their opponents should exult,
and they sought thus to avoid the disgrace which
its loss would involve. Then the barbarian army
was turned to retreat in complete disorder, while
the Romans despoiled what was left of the corpse,
and in pursuing the enemy to a great distance
killed many of them, and then returned to the city
without the slightest loss.
Then all the notable Goths came to Totila and
inveighed against him and reproached him merci-
lessly for his lack of wisdom; after capturing Rome,
they said, he had neither levelled the whole city
365
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ξύμπασαν ἐς 1 ἔδαφος καθεῖλεν, ὅπως μηκέτι τοῖς
πολεμίοις καταληπτὴ εἴη, οὔτε αὐτὸς ἔσχεν, GAN
ὅπερ πόνῳ τε καὶ χρόνῳ πολλῷ αὐτοῖς ἐργασθὲν
ἔτυχε, τοῦτο λόγῳ αὐτὸς οὐδενὶ διαφθείρειεν.
οὕτω τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐμπέφυκε πρὸς τῶν πραγ-
μάτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις ἀεὶ τὴν γνώμην ῥυθμίξειν
καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν τῷ τῆς τύχης ῥεύματι προσχωρεῖν,
ἀγχιστρόφους τε ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὰς μεταστάσεις
ποιεῖσθαι τῆς δόξης. διὸ δὴ καὶ Γότθοι εὐημε-
ροῦντα μὲν τοῖς ἐγχειρήμασι Τουτίλαν ἐτεθήπεσαν
ἴσα θεῷ, ἄμαχόν τινα καὶ ἀήττητον ἀποκαλοῦντες,
ἡνίκα πόλεων τῶν ἁλισκομένων ἐκ μοίρας τινὸς
τὰ τείχη διαφθείρειν εἴα, σφαλέντι δέ, ὥσπερ
ἐρρήθη, λοιδορεῖσθαι οὐκ ἀπηξίουν τῶν ἔναγχος
σφίσιν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰρημένων ἀμνημονοῦντες, ἀπ᾽
ἐναντίας Te αὐτῶν οὐδεμιᾷ ὁ ὀκνήσει, ἰόντες. ἀλλὰ
ταῦτα μὲν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα οὐχ οἷόν τέ ἐστι μὴ
οὐχὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐς ἀεὶ ἁμαρτάνεσθαι, ἐπεὶ
καὶ φύσει γίγνεσθαι εἴωθε.
Τουτίλας δὲ καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι λύσαντες τὴν
προσεδρείαν ἐς Τίβουριν πόλιν ἀφίκοντο, πάσας
σχεδόν τι τὰς τοῦ Τιβέριδος γεφύρας διελόντες,
ὅπως μὴ “Ῥωμαῖοι εὐπετῶς σφίσιν ἐπιέναι οἷοί τε
ὦσι. γέφυραν μέντοι μίαν, ἣ Μολιβίου ἐ ἐπώνυμός
ἐστι, διαφθεῖραι οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσαν, ἐπεὶ ἄγχιστα
τῆς πόλεως ἐτύγχανεν οὗσα. τό τε ἐν Τι βούρει
φρούριον ἀνοικοδομήσασθαι σθένει παντὶ ἔγνωσαν"
4
καθελόντες γὰρ αὐτὸ πρότερον ἔτυχον: τά τε
χρήματα ἐνταῦθα καταθέμενοι ἅπαντα ἡσυχῆ
ἔμενον. καὶ Βελισάριος ἀδεέστερον ἤδη τὰς
ἘΣ sera
366
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiv. 27-34
to the ground so that it might be no longer possible
for the enemy to take possession of it, nor had him-
self held it, but that which they had accomplished
by 4 great expenditure of both labour and time, this
he himself had undone in an altogether unreasonable
manner. Thus it is by nature inbred in men to
accommodate their judgment in every case to the
outcome of events and to allow their mind to be
dominated by the current of fortune, and to make
their changes of opinion instantly as a result of
this. It was indeed for this reason that while
Totila was succeeding in his undertakings, the
Goths had reverenced him equally with God, calling
him an unvanquished and invincible leader, at the
time when he allowed them to destroy only a portion
of the defences of captured cities, but when he met
with the reverse above mentioned, they did not feel
it improper to inveigh against him, unmindful of
what they had recently said about him, and going
contrary to these declarations without the least
hesitation. But these errors of judgment and others
like them must inevitably be constantly committed
by men, since they are due to human nature.
So Totila and his barbarians broke up the siege
and went to the city of Tibur, having torn down
practically all the bridges over the Tiber, that it
might not be easy for the Romans to make an
attack upon them. One bridge, however, which
bears the name of Mulvius, they were quite unable
to destroy, since it was very close to the city. And
they decided to rebuild the fortress in Tibur with
all their might ; for they had dismantled it previously ;
and they deposited there all their possessions and
remained quiet. As for Belisarius, having now less
367
to
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πύλας τοῦ Ῥώμης περιβόλου! πανταχόθι
ἐφαρμοσάμενος σιδήρῳ τε αὐτὰς περιβαλὼν
αὖθις βασιλεῖ τὰς κλεῖς ἔπεμψε. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν
ἔληγε, καὶ τὸ δωδέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ
/ “ ἃ / /
πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.
ΧΧΥ
> 4 δὲ Ὁ / / 2 \
Ervyyxave δὲ πολλῷ πρότερον στράτευμα ἐπὶ
(: 6 Lol
Περυσίαν ὁ Τουτίλας στείλας, οἵπερ ἀμφὶ τὸν τῆς
/
πόλεως περίβολον ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐπο-
, «ς
λιόρκουν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τοὺς ταύτῃ “Ρωμαίους.
καὶ ἐπεὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων αὐτοὺς σπανίζοντας
wv BA / \ ΄ 20 7
ἤσθοντο ἤδη, πέμψαντες παρὰ Τουτίλαν ἐδέοντο
“ lal rn / - e
παντὶ TO στρατῷ ἐνταῦθα ἰέναι, ῥᾷον ἂν οὕτω Kal
ἀπονώτερον ἐξελεῖν [lepuciay τε καὶ τοὺς ἐνταῦθα
€ 12 910 ,ὔ \ > / 3 Ἂν;
Ρωμαίους οἰόμενοι. Τουτίλας δὲ οὐ λίαν ἐς τὰ
ἐπαγγελλόμενα προθυμουμένους τοὺς βαρβάρους
ὁρῶν παραίνεσίν τινα ποιεῖσθαι és? αὐτοὺς
ἤθελε. διὸ δὴ “ξυγκαλέσας ἅ ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τοιάδε'
“Ὁρῶν ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες ξυστρατιῶται, ἐμὲ μὲν
οὐκ ὀρθῶς δι᾿ ὀργῆς ἔχοντας, ἀγανακτοῦντας δὲ
πρὸς τὸ τῆς τύχης ξυμπεπτωκὸς ἐναντίωμα,
ξυναγωγεῖν τανῦν ἔγνωκα, ὅπως ὑμῶν δόξαν ὡς
\ ,
ἥκιστα ὀρθὴν ἀφελὼν ἀντικαθιστάναι THY γνώμην
ἐπὶ τὰ βελτίω δυνήσωμαι, καὶ μήτε ἀχαριστεῖν
οὐδὲν ὑμῖν προσῆκον ἐς ἐμὲ δόξητε μήτε ἀγνω-
lal \ / a
μοσύνῃ εἰς τὸ θεῖον ὑπὸ ἀβελτερίας χρῆσθαι.
ΜΑΣ στὸν ΄ \ / Bai πὴ}
τὰ γὰρ ἀνθρώπεια καὶ σφάλλεσθαί ποτεῦ πέφυκεν,
1 τοῦ---περιβόλου Κα : τῶ---περιβόλω L,
δὸς ἢ: ἐπὶ K. 3 ποτε K: ξύμπαντα L.
368
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxiv. 34—xxv. 5
cause for fear, he fitted gates to the circuit-wall of
Rome on every side, bound them with iron, and
once more sent the keys to the emperor. And
the winter drew to a close, and the twelfth year
ended in this war, the history of which Procopius
has written.
XXV
Lone before this Totila had, as it happened, sent
an army against Perusia, and they had encamped
about the circuit-wall of the city and were main-
taining a close siege of the Romans there. And
since they perceived that the city was scantily
supplied with provisions, they sent to Totila and
begged him to come there with his whole army,
thinking that they would thus capture Perusia and
the Romans in it with less difficulty and labour.
Now Totila saw that the barbarians were not very
eager to carry out his orders, and so he desired to
deliver an exhortation to them. With this in view,
he called them all together and spoke as follows.
“1 have observed, fellow-soldiers, that you are
cherishing toward me an unjustified anger, and at
the same time that you bitterly resent that adversity
of fortune which has befallen us; for this reason I
have decided to bring you together on the present
occasion, in order that I may be able to remove
from your minds an impression which is absolutely
wrong and bring you back to a better judgment, and
also that you may appear neither to shew me an
ingratitude which ill befits you, nor to be led by
base motives to assume a thankless attitude toward
the Deity. For it is of the very nature of human
369
VOL, IV. BB
547 A.D,
10
11
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ed ΝΜ Kx Ψ “ ” > \
ὅστις τε ἄνθρωπος ὧν εἶτα “δυσχερῶς ἔχων ἐς τὰ
προσπίπτοντα φαίνεται, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμαθίας, ὡς
τὸ εἰκύς, ἀποίσεται δόξαν, οὐδὲν δὲ ὑπεκστήσε-
ται 2 τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης ἀνάγκην. βούλομαι δὲ
τῶν πρότερον πεπραγμένων ὑ ὑμᾶς ὑπομνῆσαι, οὐχ
ὅσον ἕνεκα τοῦ τὰς αἰτίας τῶν ξυμβεβηκότων
equa at, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ δικαιότερον ἂν ὃ ταύτας
ὑμῖν ἢ προσήκειν ἐνδείκνυσθαι. Οὐΐττιγις γὰρ
τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καθιστάμενος ἐς πόλεμον τόνδε
Φανοῦ μὲν καὶ Πισαύρου τῶν ἐπιθαλασσίων
πόλεων τὰ τείχη καθεῖλε, Ῥώμην δὲ καὶ τὰς
Ye ᾽ / / ς / b fal 2 ¢ a
ἄλλας ᾿Ιταλίας πόλεις ἁπάσας ἀφῆκεν οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν
λυμηνάμενος. ἐκ μὲν οὖν Φανοῦ καὶ ΠΠισαύρου
φλαῦρον οὐδὲν Γότθοις ξυμβέβηκεν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ
id / / \ r v 2 “
Ρώμης περιβόλου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὀχυρωμάτων
/ ce e e , mee \ > /
ταύτῃ, ἧπερ ὑμεῖς ἴστε, VorPous καὶ Οὐιττίγιδι
ἐκεχωρήκει, τὰ πράγματα.
᾿Εγὼ τοίνυν ἐπειδὴ διδόντων ὑ ὑμῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν
ἔλαβον, ἐλογισάμην τῶν ἔργων τοῖς ἀμείνοσι
δόξασιν εἶναι μᾶλλον ἕπεσθαι ἢ ἐκ τῶν λυμη-
ναμένων ὃ τοῖς πράγμασι διδόναιϑ βλάβος. φύσει
μὲν γὰρ ἄνθρωποι οὐδέν τι μέγα διαφέρειν
:) , ὃ a ig δὲ a / 7
ἀλλήλων δοκοῦσιν, ἢ ὃὲ TElpa τισι’ γινομένη
διδάσκαλος κρείσσω τὸν ἐκμαθόντα τῶν οὐ
τετυχηκότων τῆς διδασκαλίας τῷ παντὶ τίθη-
σιν. ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν BeveSevtov εἵλομεν, τὰ
1 δὲ MSS. : δὲ ἧττον editors.
2 ὑπεκστήσεται Haury : ὑποστήσεται MSS.
ἂν MSS.: ἄλλοις Maltretus.
4 ὑμῖν Haury: ἢ K, om. L.
5 ἐκ τῶν λυμηναμένων Christ: ἐκ τῶν δυναμένων K, τῶν
δεδηνημένων L, ἐκ τῶν λυμαινομένων Scaliger: Haury suggests
ἠρτῆσθαι ἐκ τῶν δυναμένων.
37°
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxv. 5-11
affairs that failure must come at times, and when any
man, forgetting that he is human, shews himself
rebellious against that which befalls him, he will
himself naturally acquire a reputation for stupidity,
and yet in no wise escape the necessity which
fate has laid upon him. Now I wish to remind you
of previous events, not so much in order to absolve
myself from the blame for what has happened, as
to demonstrate that this may with more justice be
laid upon yourselves. For when Vittigis was enter-
ing upon this war at the very beginning, he did
indeed tear down the walls of the coast towns
Fanum and Pisaurum, but Rome and the other cities
of Italy without exception he exempted, not dam-
aging them in the least. Consequently, while no
trouble has come to the Goths from Fanum and
Pisaurum, it was because of the circuit-walls of
Rome and the other fortified places that trouble
came to the Gauls and Vittigis after the manner
that is well-known to you.
“ Accordingly, when I accepted the royal power
offered by you, I formed the reasonable purpose
of emulating those deeds which had come to be
regarded as better for us rather than to damage
our cause by doing those things which had harmed
us. For while men do not seem to differ greatly
one from the other as far as nature is concerned,
still some have had the advantage of experience,
which, like a teacher, makes him who has learned
her lesson superior in every respect to those who
have not received such instruction. Accordingly,
when we captured Beneventum, we razed its walls
8 διδόναι L: διώκειν K.
7 ἡ-ππισι K: εἰ δὲ πεῖρά τις ἦν L.
371
BB2
12
13
14
15
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τείχη καθελόντες TOV ἄλλων εὐθὺς ἐκρατοῦμεν,
ὧνπερ ὁμοίως τοὺς | περιβόλους καθελεῖν ἔγνωμεν,
ὅπως μὴ ἐξ ἐχυροῦ τινος ὁρμώμενος ὁ τῶν πολε-
μίων στρατὸς σοφίξεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον δυνατὸς
εἴη, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος ἀναγκάζηται ἡμῖν ἐς
πεδίον κατιὼν ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι. καὶ οἱ μὲν
ἔφευγον, ἐγὼ δὲ καθαιρεῖν τῶν πόλεων τὰς
ἁλισκομένας ἐκέλευον. ὑμεῖς δὲ τὴν εὐβουλίαν
θαυμάζοντες ὑπουργεῖτε τῇ γνώμῃ. ταύτῃ, τὸ
ἔργον, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, οἰκειούμενοι. ὁ γὰρ ἐπαινέσας
τὸν δράσαντα ᾽ οὐδέν TL ἧσσον τῶν πεπραγμένων
αὐτουργὸς γίνεται. νῦν δὲ μεταβέβλησθε, ὦ
φίλτατοι Γότθοι, ἐπειδὴ ξυνέβη. Βελισάριον
κρεῖσσον Noyou θράσος ἑλόμενον τῶν ἐγκεχειρη-
μένων αὐτῷ " παρὰ δόξαν κρατεῖν, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
καταπεπλῆχθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἅτε ἀνδρεῖον ὑμῖν
ξυμβαίνει. ῥᾷον γὰρ οἱ θρασεῖς εὔτολμοι
κέκληνται ἢ οἱ προμηθεῖς ἀσφαλεῖς. ὁ μὲν
γὰρ παρὰ τὰ καθεστῶτα τολμήσας 5 ἐννοίᾳ τοῦ
δοκοῦντος δραστηρίου τετίμηται, ὁ δὲ προμηθεῖ
γνώμῃ ἀποκνήσας τὸν κίνδυνον ἀποτυχών τε
τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπισπᾶται τῶν ξυμπιπτόντων καὶ
πράξας κατὰ νοῦν οὐδὲν αὐτὸς τοῖς γε ἀμαθέσιν
ἐργάσασθαι δοκεῖ.
Χωρὶς δὲ τούτων οὐκ ἐκλογίζεσθε ὅτι ἐμοὶ
χαλεπαίνετε, δι’ ὧν ὁ ὑμῖν ἀγανακτεῖν ξυμβαίνει
τανῦν. Ἢ Μελισάριον εὐδοκιμηκέναι καθ᾽ ὑμῶν
1 δράσαντα K: δεδρακότα L.
2 ἐγκεχειρημένων αὐτῶ K: ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ L.
3 τολμήσας KL: τολμήσας εὐημερῶν γε (τε Boissonade) τὴν
amd τοῦ ἔργου δόξαν φέρεται ξύμπασαν καὶ σφαλεὶς Vj.
4 ὧν Κα : ὃν L.
372
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxv. 11-16
and straightway captured the other towns, whose
circuit-walls we decided to raze in the same way,
in order that the enemy’s army might not be able,
by having any strong base, to carry on the war
by stratagem, but should at once be compelled to
come down to the plain and engage with us there.
So while the enemy, for their part, were in flight,
I was giving orders to raze such of the cities as
were captured. And you, marvelling at my good
judgment, aided and abetted this decision, and so, it
would seem, made my actions your own. For he who
praises the man who has done a deed becomes him-
self the agent of the deed no less than the other.
But now you have reversed your position, my
dearest Goths, simply because it has come about
that Belisarius, by adopting a course of unreason-
able daring, has unexpectedly attained the object
for which he strove, and in consequence of this you
have come to be astounded at the man as a marvel
of courage. For men of daring are called courageous
more readily than men of foresight are called safe.
And the reason is that, while he who displays
daring beyond the established bounds of conduct is
honoured with the name and fame of a strenuous
man, he who refrains from danger with careful
judgment and meets with ill success draws upon
him the responsibility for what happens, and even
if he achieves the success he planned, he still seems,
to foolish men at any rate, to have accomplished
nothing by himself.
And apart from this, you do not consider that
you are angry with me for the things which, in
reality, cause you resentment just now. Or do
you really believe that Belisarius has won a glorious
373
17
18
19
20
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
οἴεσθε, οἵπερ δορυάλωτοι ὄντες καὶ δραπέται
γεγενημένοι ὑπ᾽ ἐμοί τε στρατηγοῦντι ὅπλα
ἀντάραντες ὑπερβαλέσθαι πολλάκις αὐτὸν: τῷ
πολέμῳ δεδύνησθε; καίτοι εἰ μὲν ἐμῇ ἀρετῇ
ἐκεῖνα ὑμᾶς εἰργάσθαι ξυνέβη, ταύτην. ὑμᾶς
αἰσχυνομένους χρὴ σιωπᾶν, ἐν τοῖς πταίσμασι
δὴ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐνθυμουμένους ὡς οὐδὲν
πέφυκεν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ μένειν" εἰ δέ τις ὑμῖν τύχη
ἐκεῖνο τὸ κράτος ἐβράβευσε, σέβειν μᾶλλον ἢ
δυσκόλως πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔχειν ὑμῖν ξυνοίσει,2 ὡς μὴ
προσκεκρουκότες τὴν εὐγνωμοσύνην μεταμαθεῖν
βιάζησθε καίτοι πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἀπὸ τοῦ σώφρονὸς
τρόπου φανείη τοὺς πολλά τε καὶ μεγάλα περι-
βεβλημένους εὐτυχήματα οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν
ἐν Bpaxet τε τανῦν πταίσαντας οὕτω δε-
δουλῶσθαι * τὸ φρόνημα; οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν
τὸ τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν ἢ ἀπαξιοῦν τε καὶ ἀπαρνεῖσθαι
ἀνθρώπους εἶναι. τὸ γὰρ ἐν οὐδενὶ σφάλλεσθαι
χρόνῳ θεοῦ ἂν ὃ ἴδιον γένοιτο. τούτων τοίνυν
φημὶ χρῆναι ἀφεμένους ὑμᾶς προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ
ὁμόσε ὃ τοῖς ἐν ἸἹ]ερυσίᾳ πολεμίοις ἰέναι. ἢν γὰρ
ἐκείνους ἐξελεῖν δυνήσησθε, αὖθις ὑμῖν τὰ τῆς
τύχης ἐν καλῷ κείσεται. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ξυμπεσὸν
οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὁ πᾶς αἰὼν ἀποίητον τίθεσθαι δύναιτο,
εὐτυχημάτων δὲ ἄλλων ἐπιγινομένων τοῖς ἐπται-
κόσι λελωφηκέναι ξυμβαίνει τὴν τῶν κακῶν
μνήμην.
Ἔσται δὲ ὑμῖν ἡ ἹΠερυσίας ἐπικράτησις οὐδενὶ
1 αὐτὸν L: αὐτῶν Κα.
2 ξυνοίσει editors: ξυνήσει K, ξοίσει L.
3 βιάζησθε Paris 1699: βιάζεσθε K, ἀναγκάζησθε L.
4. δεδουλῶσθαι 1, : δεδηλῶσθαι KX,
374
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxv. 16-20
success against you—you who, though reduced to
the condition of prisoners of war and runaway slaves,
took up arms under me as your general and have
proved yourselves able many a time to overcome
him in battle? And yet if it was through my merit
that you succeeded in accomplishing such things,
out of respect for that merit you ought to be silent,
remembering in the hour of men’s reverses that
nothing can remain fixed; and if, on the other
hand, it was some fortune which bestowed that
victory upon you, it will profit you more to shew
reverence toward her rather than vexation, so that
you may not be compelled through failure to learn
the true meaning of her favour. Indeed, how
could it fail to appear inconsistent with a well-
tempered spirit that men who have achieved for
themselves many great successes not long ago and
have now met with a slight reverse should allow
their pride to be thus humbled? For such an
attitude means purely and simply this, that you
obstinately refuse to acknowledge that you are
human. For never to make mistakes could be
predicated only of God. Consequently I say that
you must abandon this attitude and with all
enthusiasm grapple with the enemy in Perusia.
For if you prove able to capture them, Fortune will
again smile upon you. For while that which has
happened could never be undone by all eternity,
still when fresh successes fall to the lot of those
who have met with reverse, it comes about that the
memory of evil days is made lighter.
“And you will achieve the mastery of Perusia
5 ty K: ἂν μόνου L, ἂν μόνον Vj.
6 ὁμόσεϊ αὶ : om. L,
oS)
21
22
23
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
/ Ν ‘ ἃ n > fol « /
πόνῳ. Kumpiavos yap ὃς τῶν ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαίων
ἦρχε, τύχῃ τε καὶ βουλαῖς ἡμετέραις ἐκποδὼν
γέγονε, πλῆθος δὲ ἄναρχον ἄλλως τε καὶ τῶν
ἀναγκαίων ὑποσπανίζον ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι ἥκιστα
πέφυκεν. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ὄπισθέν τις ἐς ἡμᾶς
κακουργήσει" τάς τε γὰρ τοῦ ποταμοῦ γεφύρας
τούτου ἕνεκα καθελεῖν ἔγνωκα, ὡς μή: Tt πάθοιμεν
ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἀπροσδόκητον, καὶ ὑπόπτους ξυμ-
/ / / \ > / 2 7:
βαίνει Βελισάριόν te καὶ ᾿Ιωάννην ἀλλήλοις
εἶναι, ὅπερ' διὰ τῶν πεπραγμένων ὁρᾶν πάρεστι.
γνῶμαι γὰρ ἀλλήλαις μαχόμεναι διὰ τῶν ἔργων
ἐλέγχονται. οὐκοῦν οὐδέ πη ἀλλήλοις ἐπι-
μίγνυσθαι ἐς τόδε τοῦ χρόνου δεδύνηνται.
> / \ e / e > ’ ,΄ 3 lal
ἀναχαιτίζει yap ἑκάτερον ἡ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀμφοῖν
ὑποψία. οἷς δ᾽ ἂν αὕτη éyyévntat,” φθόνον τε
/ / / @ \
καὶ ἔχθος ἐπάναγκες ξυνοικίζεσθαι. ὧν δὴ
/ cr ΄
μεταξὺ ἐπιπεσόντων γενέσθαι τι τῶν δεόντων
> rn «ς
ἀδύνατον. τοσαῦτα ὁ Τουτίλας εἰπὼν ἐπὶ
Ilepuciay ἐξῆγε τὸ στράτευμα, ἐνταῦθά τε
ἀφικόμενον ἄγχιστα τοῦ περιβόλου ἐστρατο-
πεδεύσαντο καὶ ἐγκαθεζόμενοι ἐς πολιορκίαν
καθίσταντο.
XXVI
? e \ la) Sigal a > / > ΄
Εν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐγίνετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ Ἰωάννῃ
᾿Αχεροντίδα τὸ φρούριον πολιορκοῦντι, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν
προὐχώρει, ἔννοιά τις καὶ τόλμα γέγονεν, ἣ
/ ΝΥ
“Ῥωμαίων μὲν τὴν βουλὴν διασώσασθαι, αὐτῷ δὲ
/ / / \ ς \ >
κλέος περιβαλέσθαι μέγα τε Kal ὑπερφυὲς ἐς
> / Ψ ” , \ N
2 ἀνθρώπους ἅπαντας ἴσχυσε. Τουτίλαν yap καὶ
1 ὕπερ Ια ; ὥσπερ L. 2 ἐγγένηται Ἰζ : γένηται L,
370
.-«ὦ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxv. 20-xxvi. 2
without any trouble. For Cyprian, who was com-
mander of the Romans there, has been put out of
the way by fortune, coupled with our planning, and
an ungoverned multitude, particularly when scantily
supplied with the necessities of life, is quite in-
capable of offering a brave resistance. Nor indeed
will anyone harm us from the rear; for not only
have I seen fit to destroy the bridges over the river,
with this purpose, that we might suffer no loss from
unexpected assaults, but it is also true that Belisarius
and John are regarding each other with suspicion,
a fact which can be seen from previous events. Tor
the conflict of men’s judgments, one with the other,
is clearly detected by their actions. This indeed is
the reason why they have not even been able to join
forces with each other up to this time. For their
mutual suspicion disconcerts each of them; and
those who admit this feeling are bound to harbour
envy and hostility besides. And when these passions
assault men, no needful thing can be done.” After
this speech Totila led forth his army against Perusia,
and, upon their arrival at that city, they made
camp hard by the circuit-wall and _ established
themselves for a siege.
XXVI
Wuite these events were taking place in the
manner described, John was meanwhile besieging
the fortress of Acherontis; and since he was not
making any progress, he conceived a daring plan,
which not only effected the rescue of the Roman
senate, but also caused him to win for himself an
extraordinarily great renown among all men. For
377
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Tov Γότθων στρατὸν τειχομαχεῖν ἀκούσας ἀμφὶ
τὸν “Ῥώμης περίβολον, τῶν ae, τοὺς δοκιμω-
τάτους ἀπολεξάμενος, τῶν πάντων 1 οὐδενὶ προρ-
ρηθέν, ἐς _Kapravovs, οὔτε νύκτα ἀνιεὶς οὔτε
ἡμέραν, ἤει (ἐνταῦθα γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀπολιπὼν
Τουτίλας ἔτυχεν), ὅπως ἐπιπεσὼν ἀπροσδόκητος
ἀναρπάσαι τε καὶ διασώσασθαι τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς
συγκλήτου βουλῆς οἷός τε εἴη ἅτε τῶν ἐνταῦθα
χωρίων ἀτειχίστων παντάπασιν ὄντων.
Ξυνηνέχθη δὲ ὑπὸ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Τουτίλαν
δείσαντα, ὅ ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μή τις τῶν πολεμίων ἐς
τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους κακουργήσων ἴοι, στράτευμα
ἐπὶ Καμπανίας ἱππέων στεῖλαι. οἱ " δὴ ἐπεὶ ἐν
Μεντούρνῃ πόλει ἐγένοντο ἄμεινον σφίσιν ἔδοξεν
εἶναι τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἐνταῦθα ἡσυχῆ μένειν
τῶν τε ἵππων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι (κόπῳ γὰρ πολλῷ ἐν
ταύτῃ πῇ πορείᾳ σφίσιν ὁμιλῆσαι ξυνέβη), στεῖλαι
δέ τινας ἢ τὰ ἐν Maan, Te κατασκεψομένους “καὶ
τοῖς ταύτῃ χωρίοις." χώραν δὲ ξυμβαίνει εἶναι
τὴν μεταξὺ οὐ πλέον ἢ σταδίους τριακοσίους.
τετρακοσίους οὖν, οὕσπερ δὴ ἵπποις τε καὶ
σώμασιν ἀκραιφνέσι χρῆσθαι ξυνέτυχε, ἐπὶ ἴ
κατασκοπῇ ἔπεμψαν. 8 τύχῃ τέ τινι ξυνηνέχθη
ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τόν τε ξὺν
τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ στρατὸν καὶ τούτους δὴ τοὺς τετρα-
κοσίους βαρβάρους ἐ ἐν Καπύῃ γενέσθαι, οὐδετέρους
1 πάντων MSS. : πάντων πέρι editors,
3 οἱ K: 6 L.
8 ἐγένοντο K: ἐγένετο L.
4 twas K: τινας τωτίλας τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτῶ δοκίμους τετρακοσίους
ἠθέ λησε L.
p τοῖς --χωρίοις K : τὰ---χωρία L,
5. χετρακοσίους οὖν Haury: om. MSS., cf. next sentence.
378
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxvi. 2-6
upon hearing that Totila and the Gothic army were
engaged in assaulting the fortifications of Rome, he
chose out the most illustrious of his horsemen, and,
without announcing his plan to anyone at all, he
rode with them into Campania (for Totila had, as it
happened, left the members of the senate there),
resting neither day nor night, in order that by
making an unexpected attack he might be able to
seize and rescue the senators, seeing that the towns
there were entirely without defences,
Now it so happened that Totila at that very time
began to be alarmed lest some of the enemy should,
as in fact they did, come with the intention of
striking a blow to rescue the prisoners, and he had
accordingly sent an army of cavalry to Campania,
Now when this force reached the city of Minturnae,!
it was decided that the better course for them was
for the main body to remain quietly there and care
for their horses (for they had become greatly fatigued-
on this journey), while they sent a few scouts to
investigate the situation at Capua and the adjoining
towns. Now the distance between the two places
is not more than three hundred stades. They
accordingly sent forward as scouts four hundred
men whose horses were unwearied and whose
strength was still unimpaired. And it so fell out
by some chance that on that very day at the same
time both John and his army and these same four
hundred barbarians reached Capua, neither having
1 Near modern Traetto.
7 ἐπὶ K: τούτους ἐπὶ L.
8 ἔπεμψαν K: τωτίλας ἔπεμψε L,
379
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
rn /
7 τι πρότερον τῶν ἐναντίων πέρι ἀκούσαντας. καὶ
10
11
12
13
μάχη μὲν ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἰσχυρὰ γίνεται: ἅμα
γὰρ τῇ ὄψει ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον: νικῶσι δὲ κατὰ
κράτος Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν πολεμίων
εὐθὺς ἔκτειναν. ὀλίγοι τε τῶν βαρβάρων τινὲς
φυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν, καὶ δρόμῳ ἐχόμενοι ἐς Μεντοῦρναν
ἀφίκοντο. οὕσπερ ἐπεὶ οἱ ἄλλοι εἶδον τοὺς μὲν
αἵματι 1 περιρρεομένους, τοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ βέλη ἐν
τοῖς σώμασιν ἔτι φέροντας, ἄλλους δὲ οὔτε τι
φθεγγομένους οὔτε τι ἀπαγγέλλοντας τῶν ξυμπε-
σόντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι τῆς ὑπαγωγῆς ἐχομένους καὶ τὸ
ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς δέος ἐνδεικνύντας," αὐτίκα ἐς τοὺς
ἵππους ἀναθορόντες ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἔφευγον. καὶ παρὰ
Τουτίλαν ἐλθόντες πλῆθος ἀμύθητον εἶναι τῶν
πολεμίων ἐσήγγελλον, ταύτῃ δηλονότι τὴν ἐκ τῆς
φυγῆς αἰσχύνην ἰώμενοι.
᾿Ετύγχανον δὲ στρατιῶται “Ῥωμαῖοι οὐχ ἧσσον
ἢ ἑβδομήκοντα τῶν εἰς Γότθους ηὐτομοληκότων
τὸ πρότερον ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Καμπανίας χωρία ἰόντες,
οἵπερ ᾿Ιωάννῃ προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν. ᾿Ιωάννης
δὲ ἄνδρας μὲν τῶν ἐκ βουλῆς ὀλίγους τινὰς
ἐνταῦθα εὗρε, γυναῖκας δὲ σχεδόν τι ἁπάσας.
“Ῥώμης γὰρ, ἁλισκομένης πολλοὶ μὲν ἄνδρες
φεύγουσι τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπισπόμενοι ἐς τὸν
ἸΠόρτον ἀφίκοντο, ταῖς δὲ γυναιξὶ πάσαις ἁλῶναι
ξυνέβη. ἸΚλημεντῖνος μέντοι, πατρίκιος ἀνήρ,
καταφυγὼν ἔς τινα τῶν ἐκείνῃ νεῶν, τῷ" Ῥωμαίων
στρατῷ ἕπεσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἤθελεν, ἐπεὶ φρούριον ὃ ὃ
Νεαπόλεως ἄγχιστά ἐστι Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις
1 αἵματι Maltretus: αἵμασι MSS.
2 ἐνδεικνύντας Ια : ἐλέγχοντας L.
380
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxvi. 6-13
heard anything previously of their opponents.
Thereupon a fierce battle ensued on the spur of the
moment; for no sooner did they see each other than
they began fighting ; but the Romans won a decisive
victory and killed most of the enemy immedi-
ately. Only a few of the barbarians were able to
escape, and these reached Minturnae in rapid flight.
But when the others saw these men, some dripping
with blood, some still actually carrying the missiles
in their bodies, and others refusing to speak a word
or give any account of what had happened, but
still persisting in their retreat and openly displaying
the terror which was in them, they leaped upon
their horses immediately and joined in the flight.
And when they came before TYotila, they reported
that there was an innumerable host of the enemy,
seeking in this way to remove the shame of their
flight.
Now it so happened that not less than seventy
Roman soldiers of those who had previously deserted
to the Goths were on their way into the towns of
Campania, and these men decided to go over to
John. And John found there only a few of the
members of the senate, but practically all their
wives. For during the capture of Rome many of
the men followed the soldiers in flight and reached
Portus, but the women were all captured. Clemen-
tinus, however, a patrician, took refuge in one of the
sanctuaries there and refused absolutely to follow
the Roman army, for he had previously handed over
to Totila and the Goths a stronghold which is close
3 ἰόντες Maltretus: ὄντες MSS.
4 ἐκείνῃ νεῶν, τῷ Li: ἐκεῖ ναιόντων K.
381
14
16
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐνδοὺς πρότερον, τὴν βασιλέως, ὡς TO εἰκός, ὀργὴν
ἐδεδίει" ‘Opéarns τε, ὁ Ρωμαίων “γεγονὼς ὕπατος,
ἄγχιστα μέν πη ἐτύγχανεν ὦν, ἵππων δὲ ἀπορίᾳ
ὡς ἥκιστα ἐθέλων αὐτοῦ ἔμενε. τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἐκ
τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ξὺν τοῖς προσκεχωρηκόσιν
ἑβδομήκοντα στρατιώταις ἐς Σικελίαν εὐθὺς
ἔστειλεν ὁ ᾿Ιωάννης.
Τουτίλας δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἐν πένθει ἐποιεῖτο
μεγάλῳ καὶ τίσασθαι ᾿Ιωάννην τοῦ ἔργου τούτου
ἠπείγετο. διὸ δὴ ξὺν τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ
ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤλαυνε, τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων μοῖράν τινα
φρουρᾶς ἕνεκα ἐνταῦθα ἀπολιπών. ἐτύγχανε δὲ
Ἰωάννης ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτόν, χιλίοις οὖσιν, ἐν
Λευκανοῖς στρατόπεδον ποιησάμενος κατασκόπους
τε πρότερον πέμψας, οἱ δὴ ἁπάσας διερευνώμενοι
τὰς ὁδοὺς ἐφύλασσον [1 πολεμίων στρατὸς
κακουργήσων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴῃ. ἐν νῷ τε τὸ τοιοῦ-
τον Τουτίλας ἔχων, ὅτι δὴ οὐχ οἷόν τέ ἐστι
κατασκόπων χωρὶς τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ἐν
τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καθῆσθαι, τὰς συνειθισμένας
ὁδοὺς ἐκλιπὼν διὰ τῶν ὀρῶν, ἅπερ ἐνταῦθα
πολλὰ κρημνώδη τε καὶ ὑψηλὰ λίαν ἀνέχει, ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἤλαυνεν, ὅπερ οὐκ ἄν τις ὑποτοπάξειν
ἔσχεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἄβατα τὰ ὄρη ταῦτα νομίξεται εἶναι.
οἱ μέντοι ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ κατασκοπῇ πρὸς τοῦ
᾿Ιωάννου σταλέντες αἰσθόμενοι μὲν πολεμίων
στρατὸν ἀμφὶ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία γενέσθαι, οὐδὲν
δὲ τούτου δὴ ἕνεκα σαφὲς πεπυσμένοι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ
ἐγένετο δείσαντες ἤλαυνον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τὸ
Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον. καὶ ξυνηνέχθη ὁμοῦ
1 ἤλαυνε Καὶ : ἤει L. δ Καὶ : ἴοι L.
382
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxvi. 13-19
to Naples, and in all probability dreaded the wrath
of the emperor for this reason. On the other
hand, Orestes, who had been consul of the Romans,
though he chanced to be near at hand, was obliged
to remain, altogether against his will, owing to a
scarcity of horses, John then immediately sent to
Sicily the members of the senate together with the
seventy soldiers who had come over to him.
Totila, upon hearing this, was sorely grieved, and
eagerly sought an opportunity to inflict vengeance
upon John for the deed. With this in view, he
marched against him with the main body of his
army, leaving a small part of his troops behind in
order to keep guard. Now it so happened that
John and his men, a thousand in number, had made
camp in Lucania, having previously sent out scouts
who were watching all the roads closely and keeping
guard that no hostile army should approach to do
them harm. But Totila had in mind that such
would be the case, believing it impossible that
John’s force should settle in their camp without
sending out scouts, and so he abandoned the
customary roads and marched against them through
the mountains, many of which in that region are
precipitous and rise to a very great height—a feat
which no one would have been able to suspect, for
these mountains are considered in fact impassable.
Meanwhile, the men thus sent out as scouts by John
did indeed observe that a hostile army had got into
that region, but they secured no definite information
about it; however they feared what actually did
take place, and so they too marched toward the
Roman camp. And it so turned out that they
3 ἀνέχει L: ἔχει Κα,
383
20
21
22
23
24
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι νύκτωρ. ὀργῇ
δὲ πολλῇ καὶ οὐ προμηθεῖ γνώμῃ ὁ Τουτίλας ἤδη
ἐχόμενος τῆς ἐκ τοῦ θυμοῦ ἀβελτερίας ἀπώνατο.
στράτευμα γὰρ δεκαπλάσιον ἢ τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων
ἣν ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων εὔδηλόν τε ὃν ὅτι δὴ στρατῷ
κρείσσονι ξύμφορόν ἐστιν ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς δια-
μάχεσθαι, δέον te? μᾶλλον αὐτὸν ὄρθρου τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, ὡς μὴ ἐν σκότῳ δια-
λαθεῖν δυνατοὶ εἶεν, τοῦτο μὲν ὡς ἥκιστα
ἐφυλάξατο: ἢ γὰρ ἅπαντας σαγηνεύσας εὐθὺς ἂν 3
τοὺς ἐναντίους εἷλεν: ἀλλὰ τῷ θυμῷ χαριζόμενος
ἀωρὶ τῶν νυκτῶν ἐπέστη τῷ τῶν πολεμίων
στρατῷ. καὶ αὐτῶν οὐδεὶς μὲν τὸ παράπαν ἐς
ἀλκὴν εἶδεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ πλεῖστοι ἔτι ἐκάθευδον,
οὐ μέντοι ἀνελεῖν πολλοὺς δεδύνηνται ToGo,
ἀλλὰ ἀναστάντες οἱ πλεῖστοι ἅτε ἐν σκότῳ
διαλαθεῖν ἴσχυσαν. ἔξω δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου
γενόμενοι ἐς τὰ ὄρη, ἅπερ ἄγχιστά πὴ πολλὰ
ἀνέχει, ἀναδραμόντες ἐσώθησαν. ἐν οἷς * ᾿Ιωάννης
τε αὐτὸς ἣν καὶ "Apovdos ὁ τῶν ᾿Ερούλων ἡγού-
μενος. ἀπέθανον δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς ὃ ἑκατὸν μάλιστα.
"Hy δὲ τίς ξὺν τῷ Ἰωάννῃ Τιλάκιος ὄνομα,
"A ρμένιος γένος, ὀλίγων τινῶν ᾿Αρμενίων ἄρχων.
οὗτος ὁ Γιλάκιος οὔτε ἑλληνίζειν ἠπίστατο οὔτε
Λατίνην ἢ Γοτθικὴν ἢ ἄλλην τινὰ ἢ ᾿Αρμενίαν
μόνην ἀφεῖναι φωνήν. τούτῳ δὴ Τότθοι ἐντυ-
χόντες τινὲς ἐπυνθάνοντο ὅ ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη. κτεῖναι
γὰρ τὸν παραπίπτοντα οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον, ὡς μὴ
1 τοῦ K: om. L. 2 δέον τε K: καὶ διὰ τοῦτο χρὴ L.
3 εὐθὺς ἂν editors: εὐθὺς MSS.
4 οἷς K: τοῖς L. 5 és K: om, L.
384
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxvi. 19-25
arrived there at night together with the barbarians.
But Totila, being now overmastered by violent
passion and not weighing the consequences with
careful judgment, reaped the fruits of his fatuous
fury. For though he had under him an army ten
times as large as that of his opponents, and though it
was plain to be seen that for a stronger army it was
of course advantageous to fight the decisive battle
in broad daylight, and he should rather have engaged
with his enemy at dawn in order that they might
not be able to escape in the darkness, still he did not
observe this precaution at all; for, in fact, he could
have stretched a cordon about his opponents and
immediately captured every man of them as in a
net; but instead he gave way to his anger and fell
upon the hostile army at an advanced hour of the
night. And although not one of them thought of
offering the least resistance, since the most were in
fact still sleeping, none the less the Goths did not
find themselves able to slay many, but they got up,
and the majority, thanks to the darkness, succeeded
in slipping away. And once outside the camp they
ran up into the mountains, many of which rise close
by, and thus were saved. Among these was John
himself and Arufus, the leader of the Eruli. Of the
Romans about a hundred perished.
Now there had been with John a certain Gilacius
of the Armenian race, commander of a small force of
Armenians. This Gilacius did not know how to
speak either Greek or Latin or Gothic or any other
language except Armenian alone. When some of
the Goths happened upon this man, they enquired
who he might be. For they were quite averse
to killing every man who came in their way, lest
385
VOL. IV. GG
26
27
28
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀλλήλους διαφθείρειν ἐ ἐν νυκτομαχίᾳ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
ἀναγκάξζοιντος ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἀπο-
κρίνασθαι ἴσχυσε πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Τιλάκιος
στρατηγὸς εἴη. τὸ γὰρ ἀξίωμα, ὃ δὴ πρὸς
4 \ 7 , > ΄
βασιλέως λαβὼν ἔτυχε, πολλάκις ἀκούσας
ἐκμαθεῖν ἴσχυσε." ταύτῃ τοίνυν οἱ βάρβαροι
αἰσθόμενοι ὅτι δὴ πολέμιος εἴη, ἐν μὲν τῷ
παρόντι ἐζώγρησαν, οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον τὸν
ἄνθρωπον διεχρήσαντο. ᾿Ιωάννης μὲν οὖν καὶ
Μ \ tal ε / ” / 3 /
Apovgos ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἔφευγον 5 τε πάσῃ
δυνώμει καὶ ἐς τὸν Δρυοῦντα δρόμῳ ἀφίκοντο,
/ \ MBC / / ” /
Γότθοι δὲ τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον ληϊσάμενοι
ἀπεχώρησαν.
ΧΧΥΠ
Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐν ᾿Ιταλιώταις στρατόπεδα τῇδε
> / 4 \ δὲ ᾽ \ /
ἐφέρετο. βασιλεὺς δὲ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς στράτευμα
/ ΝΜ Jee / \ le »,
πέμπειν ἄλλο ἐπὶ Ἰότθους καὶ Toutiray ἔγνω,
γράμμασι τοῖς Βελισαρίου ἠγμένος, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν ὃ
ἐς τοῦτο ἐνῆγε, τὰ παρόντα σφίσι πολλάκις
σημήνας. πρῶτα μὲν οὖν Ἰ]ακούριόν τε τὸν
ΠΠρανίου καὶ Σέργιον τὸν Σολόμωνος ἀδελφιδοῦν
\ IN 4 \ ΝΜ e \ > 5) ,
Evy ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἔπεμψεν. οἱ δὲ εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν
ἀφικόμενοι τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ αὐτίκα ξυνέμιξαν.
μετὰ δὲ Βῆρόν τε ξὺν ᾿Βρούλοις τριακοσίοις καὶ
Οὐαράξην ᾿Αρμένιον γένος ξὺν ὀκτακοσίοις ὃ
᾿Αρμενίοις 1 στέλλει, Βαλεριανόν τε τὸν τῶν
1 ἴσχυσε πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι 1,: ἴσχυσεν ὅτι μὴ K.
a ἴσχυσε L: ἔσχε K. 3 ξφευγόν Κα : ἔφυγόν L.
4 ἐφέρετο Ια : ἐχώρησαν L. 5 αὐτὸν Ια : αὐτὸς L
8 καὶ---ὀκτακοσίοις K: om, L.
386
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII, xxvi. 25-xxvii. 3
they be compelled to destroy each other in fight-
ing at night, as might easily happen. But he was
able to make them no answer except indeed that he
was Gilacius, a general; for his title which he had
received from the emperor he had heard many
times and so had been able to learn it by heart.
The barbarians, accordingly, perceiving by this that
he was an enemy, made him a prisoner for the
moment, but not long afterwards put the man to
death. So John and Arufus fled with their followers
as fast as they could go and made for Dryus, which
they reached on the run, and the Goths plundered
the Roman camp and then retired.
XXVII
Tuus were the armies in Italy engaged. And the
Emperor Justinian decided to send another army
against the Goths and Totila, being led to do so by
the dispatches of Belisarius, who kept urging him to
take this action, having indicated many times the
situation in which the Romans found themselves.
Accordingly, he first sent Pacurius, the son of
Peranius, and Sergius, the nephew of Solomon, with
afew men, And they arrived in Italy and immedi-
ately united with the rest of the army. Later on he
sent Verus with three hundred Eruli, and Varazes,
an Armenian by birth, with eight hundred Armenians,
and he recalled from his post Valerian, the General
7 ᾿Αρμενίοις Haury: om. MSS.: this or T¢dvors must be
supplied, cf. sect. 10 below, and vil. xiii. 10; στρατιώταις
Hoeschel.
387
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
᾿Αρμενίων στρατηγὸν ἐνθένδε ἀναστήσας ξὺν τοῖς
ἑπομένοις δορυφόροις τε καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς πλέον
ἢ χιλίοις οὖσιν ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι. Bijpos
οὖν πρῶτος Δρυοῦντι προσχὼν καὶ τὰς ναῦς
ἐνταῦθα ἀφεὶς μένειν μὲν αὐτοῦ οὐδαμῆ ἤθελεν,
οὗ δὴ καὶ τὸ ᾿Ιωάννου στρατόπεδον ἦν, ἱππεύων
δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν πρόσθεν ἤει. ἦν γὰρ
οὗτος ἀνὴρ οὐ κατεσπουδασμένος, ἀλλὰ μέθης
νόσῳ ἀνειμένος ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, καὶ ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ θράσει ἀπερισκέπτῳ ἐς ἀεὶ εἴχετο. ἐπεὶ
δὲ ἄγχιστά πὴ πόλεως Βρεντεσίου ἀφίκοντο,
αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔ ἔμενον.
ἽΛπερ ὁ Τουτίλας μαθὼν “Ὁ Bijpos δυοῖν if
ἔφη “ τὸ ἕτερον" ἢ δυνάμει μεγάλῃ χρῆται, ἢ ἀνοίᾳ᾽
πολλῇ ἔχεται. ἴωμεν τοίνυν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα
δὴ “μάλα, ὅπως ἢ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀποπειρασώμεθα *
τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, ἢ τῆς ἀνοίας ἐκεῖνος τῆς αὑτοῦ
αἴσθηται." ὁ μὲν οὖν Τουτίλας ταῦτα εἰπὼν
στρατῷ πολλῷ ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ὃ ἤει, ἼἜἜρουλοι δὲ
παρόντας ἤδη κατιδόντες τοὺς πολεμίους κατέ-
φυγον ἐς ὕλην τινὰ ἐγγύς πη οὗσαν. κυκλώ-
σαντές τε αὐτοὺς οἱ πολέμιοι πλέον μὲν ἢ
διακοσίους διέφθειραν, ἔμελλον δὲ Βῆρόν τε
αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς λειπομένους ἐς τὰς ἀκάνθας
κρυπτομένους χειρώσασθαι, ἀλλὰ τύχη τις αὐτοῖς
ξυμβᾶσα διεσώσατο ἐκ τοῦ παραδόξου. νῆες
γὰρ ἐν αἷς ὅ τε Οὐαράζης καὶ οἱ ξὺν αὐτῷ
᾿Αρμένιοι ἔπλεον, ἄφνω ἐς τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτὴν
κατῆραν. ὅπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Toutiras εἶδε, πλείονα
ἤπερ ἣν ὑποτοπάζων εἶναι τὸν τῶν ὃ πολεμίων
στρατὸν ἄρας αὐτίκα ἐνθένδε ἀπήλαυνεν, οἵ τε
ἀμφὶ τὸν βΒῆρον ἄσμενοι ἐς τὰς ναῦς δρόμῳ
388
΄
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxvii. 3-10
of Armenia, and ordered him to go to Italy with his
attendant spearmen and guards, who numbered
more than a thousand. Now Verus was the first to
put in at Dryus, and he left his ships there, being
quite unwilling to remain in that place, where John’s
army was, and went forward on horseback with his
command. For this man was not of a serious temper,
but was utterly addicted to the disease of drunken-
ness, and consequently he was always possessed by a
spirit of reckless daring. And when they had come
close to the city of Brundisium, they made camp and
remained there.
And when Totila learned this, he said “ Verus has
one of two things, either a powerful army or a
very silly head. Let us then proceed against him
instantly, that either we may make trial of the
man’s army, or that he may realize his own silliness.”
So Totila with these words marched against him
with a numerous army; and the Eruli, spying the
enemy already at hand, took refuge in a wood which
was close by. And the enemy surrounded them and
killed more than two hundred, and were about to
lay hands on Verus himself and the rest of the force
who were hiding among the thorn-bushes, but fortune
came to their aid and saved them unexpectedly. For
the ships in which Varazes and the Armenians
under him were sailing suddenly put in at the shore
there. Now when Totila saw this, supposing the
hostile army to be more numerous than it really
was, he immediately set out and marched away
from there, while Verus and his men were glad to
1 dyota K: ἀπονοία L.
2 ἀποπειρασώμεθα K: ἀπόπειραν ποιησώμεθα L.
3 αὐτὸν Li: αὐτοὺς Καὶ. 4 roy τῶν L: om, K.
389
1
13
14
15
16
17
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀφίκοντο. ὅ τε Οὐαράξης πλεῖν μὲν ἐπίπροσθεν
οὐκέτι ἔγνω, ἐς δὲ τὸν Τάραντα ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἦλθεν,
οὗ δὴ καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης ὁ Βειταλιανοῦ παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ
ἀφίκετο οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε
ἐχώρησε.
Βελισαρίῳ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἔγραψεν ὅ ὅτι δὴ πολλὴν
αὐτῷ στρατιὰν πέμψειεν, οἷσπερ αὐτὸν δεῖν. 1 ἐν
Καλαβρίᾳ ξυμμίξαντα τοῖς πολεμίοις ὁμόσε ἰέναι.
ἤδη δὲ καὶ Βαλεριανὸς a ἄγχιστα κόλπου τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου
ἥκων διαπορθμεύσασθαι μὲν ὠετό οἱ ἔν γε τῷ
παρόντι ἀξύμφορον εἶναι. στρατιώταις τε γὰρ
καὶ ἵπποις ἐς ἐκεῖνο τοῦ καιροῦ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια οὐκ
ἂν ἐπαρκέσειν, ἐπεὶ ἀμφὶ τροπὰς χειμερινὰς ἣν.
τριακοσίους δὲ τῶν αὐτῷ ἑπομένων. ᾿Ιωάννῃ
πέμψας ὡμολόγησε διαχειμάσας ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχο-
μένῳ καὶ αὐτὸς ἥξειν.
Βελισάριος οὖν ἐπειδὴ τὰ βασιλέως. ἀνελέξατο
γράμματα, ἐνακοσίους ἀριστίνδην ἀπολεξάμενος,
ἱππεῖς μὲν ἑπτακοσίους, πεζοὺς δὲ διακοσίους,
τούς τε λοιποὺς ἅπαντας ἐς φυλακὴν 3 τῆς ἐκείνῃ
χώρας ὃ καταστησάμενος, ἄρχοντά τε αὐτοῖς
Κόνωνα ἐπιστήσας ἐπὶ Σικελίας αὐτίκα ἔπλει.
ἔνθεν τε ἀνηγάγετο, καταίρειν διανοούμενος ἐς
τὸν Ταραντηνῶν λιμένα, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ἔχων τὸν
Σκύλαιον καλούμενον χῶρον, ἐφ᾽ οὗ δὴ τὴν
Σκύλλαν οἱ ποιηταὶ γεγενῆσθαί φασιν, οὐχ ὅτι
ταύτῃ πὴ τὸ θηριῶδες γύναιον, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι
λέγουσιν, ἦν, AAN ὅτε σκυλάκων μέγα τι χρῆμα,
οὕσπερ κυνίσκους τανῦν καλοῦσιν, ἐνταῦθα τοῦ
1 δεῖν K: δεῖ L.
2 és φυλακὴν Li: φυλακῆ K.
3 τῆς ἐκείνη χώρας L: om. K.
300
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII, xxvii. 10-17
reach their ships on the run. And Varazes decided
to sail no farther, but proceeded with them to
Tarentum, whither John the nephew of Vitalian
also not long afterwards came with his whole army.
Such was the course of these events.
Now the emperor wrote to Belisarius that he had
sent him a numerous army with which he should
unite in Calabria and so engage with the enemy.
And in fact Valerian had already come down close
to the Ionian Gulf, but he thought that, for the
present at any rate, it was inexpedient for him to
ferry across, For at that season of the year, he
reasoned, provisions would not be sufficient for men
and horses, since it was near the winter solstice.
But he did send three hundred of his men to John
with the promise that after spending the winter
there he would also come himself at the beginning
of spring.
Belisarius, accordingly, upon reading the emperor's
letter, selected nine hundred men distinguished for
valour, seven hundred horse-men and two hundred
foot-soldiers, and leaving all the rest to guard that
district, and appointing Conon commander over
them, he immediately set sail for Sicily. And from
there he again put out to sea purposing to sail to
the harbour of Tarentum; and as he sailed by he
had on his left the place called Scylaeum, at which
the poets say that Scylla once lived, not because
there really existed there the woman in the form
of a beast, as they say, but rather because a certain
fish, formerly called “ scylax’’ and now “cyniscus’’
has been found in great abundance in this part of
EE πο EEE EE τ . ὁ; τὸς 5...
4 ἐκεῖνοι K: om, ἴ).
9391
18
20
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
A > ἴω Ν > > \ /
πορθμοῦ ἐκ παλαιοῦ τε Kal ἐς ἐμὲ ξυμβαίνει
τ \ Ν a
εἶναι. τὰ γὰρ ὀνόματα τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀρχὴν
Ν >) / \ \
μὲν εἰκότα ἐς ἀεὶ γίνεται, ἡ δὲ φήμη αὐτὰ περι-
rn / \
ayayodoa ἐς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους τινὰς δόξας οὐκ
ὀρθὰς ἀγνοίᾳ τῶν ἀληθινῶν ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖται.
“Ν ς if \
καὶ προϊὼν οὕτως ὁ χρόνος ἰσχυρὸς μέν τις
Ν / fa)
δημιουργὸς αὐτίκα τοῦ μύθου καθίσταται,2 μάρ-
lal / \
Tupas δὲ τῶν οὐ γεγονότων τοὺς ποιητὰς ἐξουσίᾳ
a ’ / / r
τῆς τέχνης, ὡς TO εἰκός, ἑταιρίζεται. ταῦτά τοι
ἐκ παλαιοῦ μὲν ὠνόμασαν ἐπιχώριοι Κυνὸς
\ Y \ / rn
Κεφαλὴν ἄκραν τὴν μίαν Κερκύρας τῆς νήσου
A \ ? / {2 / >? ” \ > >
ἣ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιόν ἐστιν, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀπ
αὐτοῦ κυνοκεφάλους τινὰς εἶναι βούλονται τοὺς
an / \
τῇδε ἀνθρώπους. adda καὶ Λυκοκρανίτας Ka-
λοῦσι3 τῶν [ΠΙσιδῶν τινας, οὐχ ὅτι λύκων
κεφαλὰς ἔχουσιν, arr ὅτι Λύκου Kpavos* τὸ
wv 2 / a / 2 / 2 \ a \
ὄρος ἐκλήθη ὃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν
¢ ΄ὔ
ὅπη ἑκάστῳ βουλομένῳ εἴη ταύτῃ δοκείτω τε καὶ
/ > \ ἝΝ 5 / > /
λεγέσθω. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι.
XXVIII
Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν εὐθὺ ἰέναι τοῦ Τάραντος
ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχεν. ἔστι δέ τις ἀκτὴ μηνοειδὴς
ἐνταῦθα, οὗ δὴ τῆς ἠϊόνος ὑποχωρούσης ἡ
θάλασσα ὥσπερ ἐν κόλπῳ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς
γῆς ἀναβαίνει. καὶ ὁ μὲν τῆς ἀκτῆς ταύτης
διάπλους ἅπας ἐς χιλίους σταδίους διήκει, ἑκατέ-
ρωθι δὲ παρὰ τοῦ ῥεύματος τὴν ἐκβολὴν κεῖται
1 οὕτως Comparetti: οὗτος MSS.
2 καθίσταται K: καθάπτεται L. 3 καλοῦσι K: om. L.
992
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxvii. 17-xxviii. 2
the strait from ancient times even down to my day.
For names in the beginning are always appropriate
to the things they describe, but rumour, carrying
these names to other peoples, engenders there
certain false opinions through ignorance of the facts.
And as time goes on with this process, it immediately
becomes a powerful builder, as it were, of the story,
and allies itself with the poets, presumably because
of the licence of their art, as witnesses of things
that never happened. Thus, for example, the natives
of the island of Cereyra have from ancient times
called one headland of the island “ Dog’s Head ’—
the one toward the east—but others because of this
name will have it that the people there are a kind
of dog-headed folk. Indeed they even call some
of the Pisidians “ Wolf-Skulls,” not because they
have the heads of wolves, but because the mountain
which rises there has received the name “ Wolf-
Helmet.’ Now as for these matters, let each one
both think and speak as he wishes. But I shall
return to the point from which I have strayed,
XXVIII
So Belisarius was making haste to go straight to
Tarentum. Now the shore there has approximately
the form of a crescent, where the coast recedes and
the sea advances in a gulf, as it were, far up into the
land. But the distance, as one sails along this
whole coast, extends to one thousand stades, and
on either side of the opening of the gulf stand
4 κράνος K: κράνα L.
5 ἐπὶ πλεῖστον K: om. L.
393
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πολίσματα δύο: θάτερον μὲν ὁ Κρότων πρὸς
δύοντά που τὸν ἥλιον, ὁ Τάρας δὲ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα."
κατὰ δὲ τὸ μέσον τῆς ἠϊόνος Θουρίων. ἡ πόλις
οἰκεῖται. τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος ἀντιστατοῦντος καὶ
τοῦ πνεύματος σὺν πολλῷ ῥοθίῳ βιαζομένου,
περαιτέρω δὲ τὰς ναῦς ἰέναι οὐδαμῆ ἐφιέντος,
τῷ Κροτωνιατῶν λιμένι προσέσχε.
Βελισάριος οὗν, ἐπεὶ οὔτε τε ὀχύρωμα ἐνταῦθα
εὗρεν οὔτε τοῖς στρατιώταις ὅθεν ἂν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια
ἐσκομίζοιντο εἶχεν, αὐτὸς μὲν ξύν τε τῇ γυναικὶ
καὶ τοῖς πεζοῖς αὐτοῦ ἔμεινεν, ὅπως ἐνθένδε
μεταπέμπεσθαί τε καὶ διέπειν τὸ Evy τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ
στράτευμα δύνηται: τοὺς δὲ ἱππεῖς ἅπαντας
ἐπίπροσθεν ἐκέλευεν ἰόντας στρατοπεδεύεσθαι
παρὰ τὰς τῆς χώρας εἰσόδους, Φάζαν τε τὸν
Ἴβηρα καὶ Βαρβατίωνα τὸν δορυφόρον αὐτοῖς
ἐπιστήσας. οὕτω “γὰρ αὐτοὺς 8 ῥᾷστα @ETO σφίσι
μὲν καὶ ἵπποις τοῖς σφετέροις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πάντα
πορίξεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ, ὡς
τὸ εἰκός, ἀποκρούεσθαι δυνατοὺς ἔσεσθαι. τὰ
γὰρ Λευκανῶν ὄρη “μέχρι ἐς Βριττίους διήκοντα
καὶ πρὸς ἄχληλα ἐν στενῷ ξυνιόντα δύο μόνας
εἰσόδους στενὰς μάλιστα ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖται, ὧν
ἁτέρα μὲν Πέτρα Aipatos τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ
κέκληται, Λαβοῦλαν δὲ τὴν ἑτέραν καλεῖν οἱ
ἐπιχώριοι νενομίκασιν. ἐνταῦθα μὲν παρὰ τὴν
ἀκτὴν Ῥουσκιανή ἐστι τὸ Θουρίων ἐπίνειον,
ὕπερθεν δὲ αὐτοῦ ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα
φρούριον ἐχυρώτατον ἐδείμαντο οἱ πάλαι Ῥωμαῖοι.
1 ὁ T.—avicxovra K: om. L.
2 προσέσχε Li: προσέσχον K.
8 αὐτοὺς Haury: αὐτοῖς MSS.
394
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxviii. 2-8
two cities, the one toward the west being Croton,!
and the one to the east Tarentum.? And at the
middle of this shore is the city of Thurii. But
Belisarius was hindered by a storm and _ forced
from his course by a violent wind and a high sea
which would not permit his ships to make any
progress at all; he therefore put in at the harbour
of Croton,
And since he neither found any fortress there
nor any place from which provisions could be
brought in for the soldiers, Belisarius himself
together with his wife remained there with the
infantry, in order that from there he might be able
to summon and organize John’s army; but he ordered
all the horsemen to go ahead and make camp at the
passes leading into the country, placing in command
of them Phazas the Iberian and the guardsman
Barbation, For in this way he thought that they
could secure all necessary supplies for their horses
and themselves very easily, and would probably, too,
be able in a narrow pass to repulse the enemy. For
the mountains of Lucania extend as far as Bruttium,
and standing as they do close to one another, they
form there only two passes, which are exceedingly
narrow, one of which has received the name “ Rock
of Blood”? in the Latin tongue, while the natives
are accustomed to call the other Lavula. Not far
from these passes on the coast is Rusciane, the naval
harbour of Thurii, while above it at a distance of
about sixty stades is a very strong fortress* built by
1 Modern Cotrone.
2 The description is misleading; Tarentum lies in the
eastern recess of the ‘‘ crescent,” not at the tip.
3 Petra Sanguinis. 4 Perhaps modern Rossano,
395
10
11
12
13
14
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ὅπερ ᾿Ιωάννης πολλῷ πρότερον καταλαβὼν ἔ ετυχε
φρουράν τε λόγου ἀξίαν ἐ ἐκείνῃ καταστησάμενος.
οἱ μὲν οὖν Βελισαρίου στρατιῶται ἐνταῦθά
πη ἰόντες πολεμίων στρατεύματι ἐντυγχάνουσιν,
οὕσπερ ὁ Τουτίλας ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἀποπειράσονται
τοῦ τῇδε φρουρίου. ἐς χεῖρας 88 αὐτοῖς αὐτίκα
ἐλθόντες “ἀρετῇ τε οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἔτρεψαν, καίπερ
αὐτῶν τῷ πλήθει παρὰ πολὺ ἐάν σου ποτ καὶ
πλέον ἢ διακοσίους διέφθειραν. δὲ λοιποὴ
φεύγοντες παρὰ Τουτίλαν τε diphcovrs καὶ τὰ
ξυμπεσόντα πάντα ἐσήγγελλον: οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι
αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον, ἅτε δὲ
ἄναρχοι καὶ νενικηκότες ἀδεέστερον τῇ διαίτῃ
ἐχρῶντο. οὔτε γὰρ ἀγηγερμένοι ἡσύχαζον οὔτε
ἄγχιστα τῆς στενοχωρίας ἐγκαθεζόμενοι τὰς
εἰσόδους ἐφύλασσον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς ὀλιγωρίαν τραπό-
μενοι νύκτωρ μὲν ὡς ἀπωτάτω ἀλλήλων διεσκηνὴ-
μένοι ἐκάθευδον, ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια
διερευνώμενοι περιήρχοντο, οὔτε τινὰς ἐπὶ κατα-
σκοπῇ στείλαντες οὔτε ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν ἀσφαλείας
πέρι ᾿βεβουλευμένοι.
Τουτίλας οὖν, ἐπειδὴ ἐπύθετο ἅπαντα, ἐς
τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς τοῦ παντὸς στρατοπέδου
ἀπολεξάμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἤει. καὶ
αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσὼν ἀπροσδοκήτως οὐ ἕξυντεταγ-
μένοις, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτω περιιοῦσιν ὥσπερ εἴρηται,
κατέπληξέ τε καὶ συνετάραξεν ἅπαντας. ἐνταῦθα
Φάζξας ( (ἄγχιστα γάρ᾽ πὴ ἐσκηνημένος, ἐτύγχανεν)
ὑπαντιάσας τοῖς πολεμίοις ἔργα τε ἀρετῆς ἄξια
ἐνδειξάμενος, τισὶ μὲν τοῦ διαφυγεῖν αἴτιος
1 γάρ K: om. L.
396
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxviii. 8-15
the ancient Romans. This fortress had been occu-
pied by John much earlier and he had established a
considerable garrison in it.
Now the soldiers of Belisarius, upon reaching this
district, chanced upon a hostile army, which Totila
had sent for the purpose of making an attempt on
the fortress there. And they engaged with them
immediately and by their valour routed them with-
out any difficulty, although they were far out-
numbered, and they slew more than two hundred.
Those who were left took to flight and when they
came before Totila, reported everything that had
befallen them. As for the Romans, they made
camp and remained there, but since they were
without proper commanders and had won a victory,
they began to conduct themselves in a rather care-
less manner, For they neither stayed quietly gathered
in one place, nor did they take up positions near
the pass and guard the approaches, but, becoming
negligent, they were sleeping at night in encamp-
ments very far removed from one another, and
during the day they would go about searching for
provisions, neither sending any men out as scouts
nor taking any other measures for security.
Totila, consequently, upon learning everything,
selected three thousand horsemen from his whole
army and went against the enemy. And falling
upon them unexpectedly, not drawn up in battle
formation but going about in the manner described,
he threw them all into consternation and complete
disorder. At this moment Phazas, who happened
to be camping near by, encountered the enemy and
made a display of valorous deeds, and he did, indeed,
thus make himself the cause of the escape of a few
397
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
γέγονεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τοῖς Es) αὐτὸν ἅπασι
θνήσκει. μέγα τε πάθος τοῦτο “Ρωμαίοις
ξυνέβη, ἐπεὶ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἅτε διαφέροντας τὰ πολέ-
μια τὴν ἐλπίδα ξύμπαντες εἶχον. ὅσοι μέντοι
φυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν, ὥς πὴ ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονε
διεσώθησαν. πρῶτός τε Βαρβατίων ὁ ὁ Βελεσαρίου
δορυφόρος ξὺν ἑτέροις δυοῖν φεύγων ἀνὰ κράτος
ἐς τὸν Κρότωνα ἦλθε. καὶ τύχην τὴν παροῦσαν
ἀπαγγέλλων ἐπεῖπεν οἴεσθαι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα
καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους" παρέσεσθαι. Βελισάριος
δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἔν τε μεγάλῳ πένθει ἐγίνετο
καὶ ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐσεπήδησεν. ἔνθεν τε ἄραντες
καὶ πνεύματος ἐπιτυχόντες ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ
Σικελίας Μεσήνῃ προσέσχον, ἣ τοῦ μὲν Κρό-
T@VOS ἑπτακοσίους σταδίους διέχει, Ῥηγίνων δὲ
καταντικρὺ κεῖται.
XXIX
Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Σκλαβηνῶν στράτευμα
διαβάντες ποταμὸν "Ἴστρον ᾿Ιλλυριοὺς ἅπαντας
ἄχρι ᾿κπιδαμνίων ἔδρασαν ἀνήκεστα ἔργα, κτεί-
νοντες καὶ ἀνδραποδίξοντες τοὺς ἐν ποσὶν ἡβηδὸν
ἅπαντας καὶ τὰ χρήματα ληϊξόμενοι. ἤδη δὲ καὶ
φρούρια ἐνταῦθα πολλά τε καὶ δοκοῦντα ἐχυρὰ
τὰ πρότερα εἶναι οὐδενὸς ἀμυνομένου ἐξελεῖν
ἴσχυσαν, καὶ TALENTO ξύμπαντα κατ᾽ ἐξου-
σίαν διερευνώμενοι.Δ οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἄρχοντες
1 πάθος K: πένθος Ly
2 καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους L: om. K.
3 repinpxovto V: περιιόντες L.
398
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxviii. 15—xxix. 3
men, but he himself perished together with all his
men. ‘This misfortune fell heavily upon the Romans,
because they all pinned their hope on this detach-
ment as an unusually efficient fighting force. Now
as many as succeeded in fleeing saved themselves in
such manner as each found possible. And Barbation,
the guardsman of Belisarius, fled with two others as
hard as he could, and was the first to reach Croton.
There he reported how matters stood at the moment,
and added that he thought the barbarians too would
be at hand right speedily. And Belisarius, upon
hearing this, was sorely grieved, and rushed on
board the ships. So they set sail from there, and
since a wind was blowing, they succeeded that day
in reaching Messana in Sicily, which is seven
hundred stades from Croton, being situated opposite
to Rhegium.
XXIX
Ar about this time an army of Sclaveni crossed
the river Ister and spread desolation throughout the
whole of Illyricum as far as Epidamnus, killing or
enslaving all who came in their way, young and old
alike, and plundering their property. And they had
already succeeded in capturing numerous strongholds
of that region, which were then quite undefended,
but which previously had been reputed to be strong
places, and they continued to roam about searching
out everything at their own pleasure. And the
commanders of the Illyrians kept following them
4 διερευνώμενοι V: καὶ διερευνώμενοι L.
390
9
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
στράτευμα πεντακισχιλίων τε καὶ μυρίων ἔχοντες
εἵποντο, ἄγχιστα μέντοι τῶν πολεμίων οὐδαμῆ
ἐτόλμων ἰέναι.
Τότε δὲ καὶ σεισμοὶ πολλάκις χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ
σκληροί τε λίαν καὶ ὑπερφυεῖς ἔν τε Βυξαντίῳ
καὶ χωρίοις ἄλλοις ἐγένοντο, νύκτωρ ἅπαντες.
καὶ οἱ μὲν ταύτῃ ῳκημένοι καταχωσθήσεσθαι
ὑποτοπήσαντες ἐν δέει μεγάλῳ ἐγένοντο, οὐδὲν
μέντοι ἐνθένδε φλαῦρον αὐτοῖς ξυνηνέχθη παθεῖν.
Tore καὶ Νεῖλος ὁ ποταμὸς ὑπὲρ ὀκτωκαί εκα
πήχυς ἀναβὰς ἐπέκλυσε μὲν τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ
ἤρδευσεξ πᾶσαν, ἀλλὰϑ ἐν μὲν Θηβαΐδι τῇ
ὕπερθεν οὔσῃ vt ζάνοντά, τε καὶ ἀποχωροῦντα *
τοῖς καθήκουσι χρόνοις τὰ ὕδατα παρείχετο τοῖς
τῇδε OKNMLEVOLS σπείρειν τε τὴν γῆν καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ἧπερ εἰώθει" χώρας δὲ τῆς
ἔνερθεν ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ἐπεπόλασεν, οὐκέτι ἀπέβη,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐνοχλῶν αὐτῇ ξύμπαντα διαγέγονε τὸν τοῦ
σπείρειν καιρόν, οὐ ξυμ πεσὸν τοῦτό γε “πρότερον
ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς αἰῶνος," ἔστι δὲ οὗ καὶ ἀπολω-
φῆσαν τὸ ὕδωρ ἐπέκλυσεν αὖθις οὐ πολλῷ ὕστε-
ρον. ταύτῃ τε ἅπαντα ἐσεσήπει τὰ σπέρματα,
ὅσα δὴ μεταξὺ καταβεβλημένα ἐς τὴν γῆν ἔτυχε.
καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄνθρωποι τῷ παραλόγῳ τῆς ξυμφορᾶς
ἀμηχανίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ζῴων
ἀπορίᾳ τροφῆς τὰ πλεῖστα ἐφθάρη.
OTE καὶ τὸ κῆτος, ὃ δὴ Βυζάντιοι Πορφύριον
ἐκάλουν, ἑάλω. τοῦτό τε τὸ κῆτος πλέον μὲν ὴ
ἐς πεντήκοντα ἐνιαυτοὺς TO τε Βυζάντιον καὶ τὰ
πήχυς Vi: πόλεις L.
καὶ ἤρδευσε Υ : οὐκ ἤρδευσε δὲ L.
ἀλλὰ Vi: ἀλλὰ καὶ L.
or
400
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxix. 3-9
with an army of fifteen thousand men, without,
however, having the courage to get close to the
enemy.
At that time also, earthquakes of extraordinary
severity occurred many times during the winter
season, both in Byzantium and in other places,
always at night. And the inhabitants of these
cities, supposing that they would be overwhelmed,
fell into great fear, yet no harm befell them as a
result of the earthquakes.
Then it was, too, that the river Nile rose above
eighteen cubits and flooded all Egypt with water ;
and yet in the region of Thebes, which is higher
upstream, the waters settled and receded at the
appointed time and gave opportunity to the in-
habitants of that district both to sow the land and
to attend to their other tasks just as they were
accustomed to do. But as for the country below,
after the water had first covered the surface, it did
not recede, but remained in the way throughout
the time of sowing, a thing which had never
happened before in all time ; and there were places
where the water, even after receding, flowed in
again not long afterwards. Thus it came about that
all the seeds, such as had been put into the ground
in the interval, rotted. And by this strange occur-
rence the people were reduced to dire straits, while
most of the animals died through lack of sustenance.
It was at that time also that the whale, which
the Byzantines called Porphyrius, was caught. This
whale had been annoying Byzantium and the
4 ἀποχωροῦντα V: ὑπορρέοντα L.
ἢ αἰῶνος V: χρόνου L.
401
VOL. IV. DD
10
ll
12
13
14
15
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸ χωρία ἠνώχλει, οὐκ ἐφεξῆς μέντοι,
ἀλλὰ διαλεῖπον, ἃ ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, πολύν τινα μεταξὺ
χρόνον. καὶ πολλὰ μὲν κατέδυσε πλοῖα, πολλῶν
δὲ τοὺς ἐπιβάτας ξυνταράττον τε καὶ βιαζόμενον
ὡς ἀπωτάτω ἀπήνεγκεν. ἐπιμελὲς μὲν οὖν ᾿Ιου-
στινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἐγεγόνει τὸ θηρίον τοῦτο χειρώ-
σασθαι, ἐπιτελέσαι δὲ τὸ βούλευμα οὐδεμιᾷ
μηχανῇ ἔσχεν. ὅπως δὲ αὐτῷ τανῦν ἁλῶναι
ξυνέπεσεν, ἐγὼ δηλώσω. Sma μὲν γαλήνη
τὴν θάλασσαν πολλὴ ἔχουσα, ¢ δελφίνων δὲ πάμ-
TOAV TL πλῆθος ἃ ἄγχιστά ™ TOU στόματος ἸΠόντου
τοῦ [υὐξείνου ξυνέρρεον. οἵπερ ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου
τὸ κῆτος ἰδόντες ἔφευγον ὥς πὴ ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ
γέγονεν, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι ἀμφὶ τοῦ Σαγάριδος τὰς
ἐκβολὰς ἦλθον. τινὰς μὲν οὖν αὐτῶν καταλαβὸν
τὸ κῆτος καταπιεῖν εὐθὺς ἴ ἴσχυσεν. εἴτε δὲ πείνῃ
εἴτε φιλονεικίᾳ ἐ ἔτι ἐχόμενον οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐδίω-
κεν, ἕως δὴ αὐτὸ ἄγχιστά πὴ τῆς γῆς ἐκπεσὸν
ἔλαθεν. ἐνταῦθά TE (AVE βαθείᾳ κομιδῆ ἐντυχὸν
ἐβιάξετο μὲν καὶ πάντα ἐκίνει, ὅπως δὴ ἐνθένδε
ὅτε τάχιστα ἀπαλλάσσοιτο, διαφυγεῖν δὲ τὸ
τέναγος τοῦτο οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τῷ πηλῷ
ἔτει μᾶλλον ἐγίνετο. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο ἐς τοὺς
περιοίκους ἅπαντας ἦλθε, δρόμῳ εὐθὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ
ἤεσαν, ἀξίναις τε πανταχόθεν ἐνδελεχέστατα
κόψαντες οὐδ᾽ ὡς ἔκτειναν, ἀλλὰ σχοίνοις ἁδραῖς
τίσιν εἷλκον. ἔν Te” ἁμάξαις ἐνθέμενοι εὕρισκον
μῆκος μὲν πηχῶν μάλιστα τριάκοντα ὄν, εὗρος
δὲ δέκα. ἐνταῦθά τε κατὰ συμμορίας τινὰς δια-
σπασάμενοι οἱ μέν τινες αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ παρόντι
1 ἔφευγον Vi: ἔφυγον L.
2 ἔντε V: ταῖς τε L.
402
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxix. 9-16
towns about it for fifty years, not continuously, how-
ever, but disappearing sometimes for a rather long
interval. And it sank many boats and terrified the
passengers of many others, driving them from their
course and carrying them off to great distances. It
had consequently become a matter of concern to the
Emperor Justinian to capture this creature, but he
was unable by any device to accomplish his purpose.
But I shall explain how it came to be captured in
the present instance. It happened that while a deep
calm prevailed over the sea, a very large number of
dolphins gathered close to the mouth of the Euxine
Sea. And suddenly they saw the whale and fled
wherever each one could, but the most of them
came in near the mouth of the Sangarius, Mean-
while the whale succeeded in capturing some of
them, which he swallowed forthwith. And then,
either still impelled by hunger or by a contentious
spirit, it continued the pursuit no less than before,
until, without noticing it, it had itself come very
close to the land. There it ran upon some very deep
mud, and, though it struggled and exerted itself to
the utmost to get out of it as quickly as possible, it
still was utterly unable to escape from this shoal, but
sank still deeper in the mud. Now when this was
reported among all the people who dwelt round
about, they straightway rushed upon the whale, and
though they hacked at it most persistently with
axes on all sides, even so they did not kill it, but
they dragged it up with some heavy ropes. And
they placed it on waggons and found its length to
δε about thirty cubits, and its breadth ten.) Then,
‘after forming several groups and dividing it accord-
1 About 45 feet by 15 feet.
403
17
18
19
20
21
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
/ n fal
ἐγεύσαντο, οἱ δὲ Kal μοῖραν ταριχεῦσαι τὴν ἐπι-
βώλλουσαν σφίσιν ἔγνωσαν.
Βυζάντιοι δέ, ἐπειδὴ τῶν τε σεισμῶν ἤσθοντο
καὶ τὰ ξυμπεσόντα ἀμφί τε τῷ Νείλῳ καὶ τῷ
κήτει. τούτῳ ἔγνωσαν, προὔλεγον αὐτίκα ξυμβήσε-
σθαι ὅσα δὴ αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ ἤρεσκε. φιλοῦσι γὰρ
ἄνθρωποι τοῖς παροῦσι διαπορούμενοι τὰ ἐσόμενα
τερατεύεσθαι, καὶ τοῖς ἐνοχλοῦσιν ἀποκναιόμενοι
τὰ ξυμβησόμενα λόγῳ οὐδενὶ τεκμηριοῦσθαι. ἐγὼ
δὲ μαντείας τε καὶ τεράτων δηλώσεις ἄλλοις
2 Ν 2 lal a τὶ ¢ ς \ n τς AY
ἀφιεὶς ἐκεῖνο εὖ οἶδα, ὡς ἡ μὲν τοῦ Νείλου ἐπὶ
a , ΄ / n
τῆς χώρας διατριβὴ μεγάλων αἰτία ἔν ye TO
παρόντι συμφορῶν γέγονε, τὸ δὲ κῆτος ἀφανισθὲν
πολλῶν ἀπαλλαγὴ κακῶν διαδείκνυται οὗσα.
τινὲς δέ φασιν οὐ τὸ κῆτος τοῦτο, οὗπερ ἐμνή-
1 ΩΣ 3 a \ € nn /
σθη», ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερον εἶναι, ὃ δὴ ἁλῶναι ξυνέπεσεν.
> \ \ “ \ > \ a / > /
ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθεν τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην
ἐπάνειμι.
r ΄, 5 an , aA
Toutikas οὖν ταῦτα διαπεπραγμένος ἃ προ-
€ / . \
δεδήλωται, ἐπεὶ Ρωμαίους τοὺς ἐν TO ἐπὶ
“ῬΡουσκιανῆς φρουρίῳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ὑποσπα-
vibe? ἐπύθετο, ἐξαιρήσειν αὐτοὺς οἰόμενος ὅτι
fol ,
τάχιστα, HY μή TL ἐσκομίζεσθαι TOV ἐπιτηδείων
> ,
οἷοί τε ὦσιν, ἐστρατοπεδεύσατό τε ὡς ἀγχοτάτω
/ /
καὶ ἐγκαθεζόμενος ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο. καὶ
ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ τρισκαιδέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα
τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.
1 τῶν τε σεισμῶν Hoeschel in marg.: τόν τε σεισμὸν V, τοῦ
τε σεισμοῦ L, ;
2 ὑποσπανίζειν Haury: ἐπισπανίζειν MSS.
404
et as mo liane) SS oe, a
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxix. 16-21
ingly, some ate the flesh immediately, while others
decided to cure the portion which fell to them.
Now the Byzantines, observing the earthquakes
and learning the circumstances of the Nile’s rise and
the capture of this whale, began straightway to
prophesy that such and such things would take
place, according to the taste of each. For men are
wont, when present events baffle them, to utter awe-
some prophecies of the future, and, distracted by
occurrences which trouble them, to infer, with no
_ good reason, what the future will bring forth. But
as for me, I shall leave to others prophecies and
_ explanations of marvels; still, I know well that the
lingering of the Nile on the fields did prove a cause
of great calamities at that time at any rate, while
the disappearance of the whale, on the other hand,
unquestionably provided an escape from many
troubles. However, some say that it was not the
same whale that I mentioned, but another one that
was captured. But I shall return to the point where
I made the digression from my narrative.
Totila, after accomplishing what has been re-
counted, learning that the Romans in the fortress
near Rusciane were beginning to feel the want of
provisions, thought that he would capture them very
quickly if they should be unable to bring in any
supplies, and so he made camp close to the town
and settled down for a siege. And the winter drew
to a close and the thirteenth year ended in this war,
‘the history of which Procopius has written.
405
548 A.D
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
XXX
Βασιλεὺς δὲ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς πεζοὺς στρατιώτας
οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ δισχιλίους ἐς Σικελίαν ναυσὶν
ἔπεμψε καὶ Βαλεριανὸν οὐδεμιᾷ μελλήσει παρὰ
Βελεσάριον ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι. καὶ ὃς διαπορθμευ-
σάμενος ἐς τὸν Δρυοῦντα κατέπλευσεν, οὗ δὴ
καὶ Βελισάριον ξὺν τῇ γυναικὶ εὗρεν. ὑπὸ
τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ᾿Αντωνίνα μὲν ἡ Βελισαρίου
γυνὴ ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλεται, τῆς βασιλίδος
δεησομένη μείζονν παρασκευῇ τὸν πόλεμον +
ἐξαρτύεσθαι. ἡ δὲ βασιλὶς Θεοδώρα νοσήσασα
ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο, ἐνιαυτοὺς ἕνα τε καὶ
εἴκοσι τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐπιβιοῦσα καὶ Laas τρεῖς.
"Ev τούτῳ δὲ οἱ ἐν τῷ ἐπὶ 'Ῥουσκιανῆς " φρουρίῳ
πολιορκούμενοι πιεζόμενοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ
ἀπορίᾳ ἐς λόγους ποῖς πολεμίοις ξυνίασιν, ὧμο-
λόγησάν τε μεσούσης μάλιστα τῆς τοῦ θέρους
ὥρας τὸ φρούριον ἐνδώσειν, ἢν μή τίς ἐπιγένηται
μεταξὺ ὃ βοήθεια σφίσιν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μέντοι ἀπαθεῖς
κακῶν ἅπαντες μείνωσιν. ἦσαν δὲ ᾿Ιταλῶν μὲν
ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ τούτῳ πολλοί τε καὶ λόγιμοι, καὶ
Δεοφέρων ὁ Τουλλιανοῦ ἀδελφός, τοῦ δὲ Ρωμαίων
στρατοῦ ἱππεῖς μὲν ᾿Ιλλυριοὶ τριακόσιοι, οὕσπερ
᾿Ιωάννης. ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενος ἔτυχε, Χαλα-
ζάρ τε αὐτοῖς τὸν δορυφόρον ἐπιστήσας, Μασσα-
γέτην ᾿ γένος, διαφερόντως. ἀγαθὸν τὰ πολέμια,
καὶ Τουδίλαν Θρᾷκα, καὶ πεζοὶ ἑκατὸν πρὸς
1 τὸν πόλεμον K: τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε L.
3 ἐπὶ Ῥουσκιανῆς Haury: om. K, ῥουσκιανῶ L: cf. sect. 21,
above.
406
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxx. 1-6
XXX
Tue Emperor Justinian now sent not less than
two thousand infantry by sea to Sicily and ordered
Valerian to join Belisarius without any delay. He
accordingly crossed the sea and put in at Dryus,
where he found Belisarius together with his wife.
At about this time Antonina, the wife of Belisarius,
set off for Byzantium, intending to beg the empress
to make larger provision for carrying on the war.
But the Empress Theodora had fallen sick and
passed from the world, having lived as queen twenty- June 28.
one years and three months.! PEE
Meanwhile the Romans who were being held under
siege in the fortress near Rusciane, hard pressed,
as they were, by the lack of necessary supplies,
opened negotiations with the enemy and agreed
that precisely at the middle of the summer season
they would hand over the fortress, unless some relief
came to them in the interval, on condition, how-
ever, that they should all remain free from harm.
Now there were in this fortress many notables of
the Italians, among whom was Deopheron the
brother of Tullianus, while the Roman army was
represented by three hundred Illyrian horsemen
whom John had stationed in that place, appointing
as commanders over them Chalazar the guardsman,
a Massagete by birth and an especially able warrior,
and Gudilas the Thracian; and there were also a
1 Since April 1, 527 a.p.
3 μεταξὺ K: om. L,
407
10
ΠῚ
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
>
Βελισαρίου ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ τοῦ φρουρίου
σταλέντες.
Τότε καὶ ὅσοι στρατιῶται πρὸς Βελισαρίου ἐπὶ
τῇ Ῥώμης φρουρᾷ ἐτετάχατο τὸν σφῶν ἄρχοντα
όνωνα κτείνουσιν, ἐμπορίαν αὐτῷ" τοῦ τε σίτου
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ἐπὶ πονηρῷ τῷ σφετέρῳ
ἐπενεγκόντες. πρέσβεις τε τῶν ἱερέων τινὰς
πέμπουσιν, ἀπισχυριξόμενοι ὡς, ἢν μὴ βασιλεὺς
τούτου δὴ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος ἀμνηστίαν σφίσι
διδοίη χρόνου τε ῥητοῦ τὰς συντάξεις ἐκτίσοι ὅσας
δὴ αὐτοῖς τὸ δημόσιον ὦφειλε, Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ
ΤΓότθοις οὐδὲν μελλήσαντες προσχωρήσουσι.
βασιλεύς τε αὐτοῖς τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίει.
Βελισάριος δὲ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ἐς τὸν Δρυοῦντα
μεταπεμψάμενος ξύν τε αὐτῷ καὶ Βαλεριανῷ καὶ
ἄλλοις ἄρχουσι, στόλον πολὺν ἀγείρας εὐθὺ
Ῥουσκιανῆς κατὰ τάχος ἔπλει, τοῖς ἡ πολιορκου-
μένοις ἐπαμύνειν ὃ ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων. οἵ τε ἐν TO
φρουρίῳ τὸν στόλον τοῦτον ἅτε ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ κατι-
δόντες εὐέλπιδές τε γενόμενοι οὐκέτι τοῖς πτολεμίοις
προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν, καίπερ ἐνισταμένης ἤδη τῆς
σφίσι ξυγκειμένης ἡμέρας. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα
χειμῶνος ἐξαισίου ἐπιπεσόντος, ἄλλως τε καὶ τῆς
ἐκείνῃ ἀκτῆς ἀλιμένου παντάπασιν οὔσης, ταῖς
ναυσὶν ἁπάσαις ὡς ἀπωτάτω ἀλλήλων ἕξυνη-
νέχθη διασκεδάννυσθαι: ταύτῃ τε χρόνου μῆκος
σφίσι τριβῆναι ξυνέβη. αὖθίς τε ἀγηγερμένοι
ἐν τῷ Κροτωνιατῶν λιμένι ἐπὶ Ῥουσκιανὴν a ἀνή-
γοντο. οὕσπερ ἐπεὶ οἱ βάρβαροι εἶδον, ἐπὶ τοὺς
ἵππους ἀναθορόντες ἀμφὶ τὴν ἠϊόνα ἐγένοντο
1 αὐτῶ L: αὐτῶν K pr. m., αὐτὸν K corr.
2 τοῖς K: τοῖς ἐκεῖ L,
408
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxx. 6-12
hundred infantry sent by Belisarius to guard the
fortress.
At that time also the soldiers who had been
detailed by Belisarius for the garrison of Rome
killed their commander Conon, bringing against him
the charge of trafficking in grain and the other pro-
visions to their detriment. And they sent some of
the priests as envoys, firmly declaring that if the
emperor did not exonerate them from guilt for this
deed and remit to them within a specified time the
back payment which the state owed them, they
would without the slightest hesitation go over to
Totila and the Goths. And the emperor fulfilled
their request.
Belisarius now summoned John to Dryus and,
together with him and Valerian and other com-
manders, he gathered a great fleet and sailed straight
for Rusciane with all speed, being intent upon
bringing relief to the besieged. And those in the
fortress, seeing this fleet from their elevated
position, revived their hopes and now decided not
to yield to the enemy, although the day upon which
they had agreed was already close at hand. First
then a terrific storm came on, and for this reason and
also because the coast there is altogether without
harbours, the ships came to be scattered far apart
from one another; thus it came about that con-
siderable time was wasted. And when they had
been collected in the harbour of Croton, they put
out a second time for Rusciane. But when the
barbarians saw them, they leaped upon their horses
3 ἐπαμύνειν K: ἀμύνειν L.
4 ταῖς ναυσὶν ἁπάσαις K: τὰς ναῦς ἁπάσας L
409
13
14
16
17
18
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
\ > / al /
τὴν ἀπόβασιν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀναστέλλειν διανο-
4 “ fel
ούμενοι. Toutiras τε αὐτοὺς 1 ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς
> na [2 nr nr rn
ἀκτῆς ἀντιμετώπους ἔστησε ταῖς TOV νηῶν πρῴ-
\ / \
pais, τοὺς μὲν δόρατα ἔχοντας, τοὺς δὲ τὰ τόξα
/ fal
ἐντειναμένους. ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Ῥωμαῖοι εἶδον, κατωρ-
Yi an
ρώδησάν te καὶ ἄγχιστα οὐδαμῆ ἐτόλμων ἰέναι,
͵ \ A
ἀλλὰ χρόνον μέν τινα τὰς ναῦς ἑκαστάτω ἀνακω-
, ΄ na el
χεύσαντες ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, ὕστερον δὲ ἀπογνόν-
Ν /
τες τὴν ἀπόβασιν πρύμναν τε πάντες ἐκρούοντο
\ / n lal /
καὶ ἀναχθέντες τῷ Κροτωνιατῶν αὖθις λιμένι
προσέσχον.
Οὗ δὴ ἐπὶ κοινῆς βουλευσαμένοις ἔδοξε σφίσιν
ΝΜ 3 / \ » «ς ΄ »" \
ἄμεινον εἷναι Βελισάριον μὲν ἐς Ῥώμην ἰόντα τὰ
ταύτῃ τε ὡς ἄριστα διοικήσασθαι καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια
> , ᾽ ΄ \ \ \ ΄,
ἐσκομίσασθαι, ᾿Ιωάννην δὲ καὶ Βαλεριανὸν τούς
τε ἄνδρας ἐς γῆν καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀποβιβάσαντας
ε nan / ΄
ὁδῷ τε πορευομένους ἐς ΠΙΠκηνοὺς ἰέναι, ξυνταρά-
la) / if, “
Eovras τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς τὰ ἐκείνῃ πολιορκοῦν-
τας πολίσματα. οὕτω γὰρ ἂν αὐτοῖς Τουτίλαν
διαλύσαντα τὴν προσεδρείαν ἐπισπέσθαι " ἐλπίδα
r ,
εἶχον. ᾿Ιωάννης μὲν οὖν ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις χιλίοις
5 A \ \ \
οὖσι κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει: Bandepiavos δὲ τὸν
fal \
κίνδυνον δείσας ταῖς ναυσὶ κόλπον περιιὼν TOV
Dy pee ” a? a > ΄ ΄ \ >
᾿Ιόνιον ἔπλει τοῦ ᾿Αγκῶνος εὐθύ. ταύτῃ yap ἐν
fal “ rn »
ΠΠκηνοῖς τε γενήσεσθαι ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ eto καὶ
ἌΝ 3, a nr
τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ ξυμμῖξαι. ἀλλὰ Toutiras διαλῦσαι
\ / 50)» ἃ » » > > \ \
τὴν προσεδρείαν οὐδ᾽ ὡς ἤθελεν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν
ἐνταῦθα καθῆστο, δισχιλίους δὲ ἱππεῖς τοῦ στρα-
/ / ’
τοπέδου ἀπολεξάμενος ἐς ΠΙικηνοὺς στέλλει, ἐφ
410
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxx. 12-18
and came down to the beach, intending to prevent
the disembarkation of their enemy. And Totila
placed them for a great distance along the shore
face to face with the prows of the ship, some with
spears and some with bows ready strung. This
array struck terror to the hearts of the Romans
when they saw it and they had not the courage to
come close, but they first stopped their ships at a
great distance and remained quiet for some time,
and then, giving up the landing in despair, they
all backed off and put to sea and sailed once more
into the harbour of Croton.
There, after taking council together, they decided
that it was better that Belisarius should proceed to
Rome and there set matters in order as well as
possible and bring in provisions, while John and
Valerian should first disembark the men and horses
on the shore and then march overland into Picenum,
in order to throw into confusion those of the bar-
barians who were besieging the strongholds in that
region. For they entertained the hope that Totila
would be led by such moves to abandon the siege
and follow them. Accordingly, John, for his part,
accompanied by his troops, a thousand in number,
carried out this plan; but Valerian, fearing the
danger, went around through the Ionian Gulf with
the ships and sailed straight for Ancon. For he
thought that he could in this way reach Picenum with
safety and unite with John. But even so Totila was
unwilling to abandon the siege, but, while he him-
self remained settled there, he selected two thousand
horsemen from the army and sent them into
1 αὐτοὺς MSS. : τοὺς αὑτοῦ Hoeschel.
2 ἐπισπέσθαι Ki: ἐπισπάσθαι L.
411
19
20
21
22
23
24
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ᾧ τοῖς ἐνταῦθα βαρβάροις" ξυμμίξαντες τοὺς
ἀμφίτε ᾿Ιωάννην καὶ Βαλεριανὸν a ἀποκρούσονται."
Οἱ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι ἐν τῷ ἐπὶ Ῥουσκιανῆς
φρουρίῳ, ἐπεὶ σφᾶς τά τε ἀναγκαῖα ἤδη παντά-
πασιν ἐπελελοίπει καὶ οὐδεμίαν ἔτι ἀπὸ Ρωμαίων
ἐπικουρίας ἐλπίδα εἶχον, Γουδίλαν τε τὸν δορυφό-
ρον καὶ Δεοφέροντα τὸν ᾿Ιταλιώτην. παρὰ Τουτίλαν
πέμψαντες ἐπρεσβεύοντο ἀμφὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ, δεό-
μενοι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τῶν πεπραγμένων ξυγγνώ-
μονα εἶναι. ὁ δὲ Τουτίλας ἐς ἄλλον οὐδένα ὅτι
μὴ ἐς τὸν Χαλαζὰρ ἐπιτελέσειν τὴν κόλασιν
ἐπηγγέλλετο ἅτε τὰ πρόσθεν ξυγκείμενα ἠλογη-
κότα, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις τὸ ἔγκλημα ἐπιχωρεῖν πᾶσιν.
οὕτω τοίνυν αὐτὸς τὸ φρούριον ἐδέξατο. καὶ τὸν
μὲν Χαλαζὰρ ἄμφω τε τὼ χεῖρε ἀποτεμὼν καὶ τὰ
αἰδοῖα εὐθὺς ἔ ἔκτεινε, τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν τοὺς μὲν
βουλομένους μένειν ἐκέλευε τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν
ἔχοντας, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ
DorBous ξυντάξονται: ὅπερ κἀν τοῖς ἄλλοις
ὀχυρώμασι τοῖς ἁλισκομένοις, πράσσειν εἰώθει"
οἷς δὲ τὸ μένειν ἐν ἡδονῇ ὡς ἥκιστα ἣν, τούτους
δὴ γυμνοὺς ὅπη βούλοιντο ἐκέλευεν ἀπαλλάσ-
σεσθαι, τοῦ μή τινά οἱ τῶν ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων
ἀκούσιον ξυστρατεύεσθαι. ὀγδοήκοντα μὲν οὖν
τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ τῶν χρημάτων ἀπολε-
λειμμένων ἐς τὸν Κρότωνα ἦλθον, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ξὺν
τοῖς χρήμασιν αὐτοῦ ἔμειναν. τῶν μέντοι ᾿ταλῶν
τὰ μὲν χρήματα πάντα ἀφείλετο, τὰ δέγε σώματα ὃ
κακῶν παντάπασιν ἀπαθῆ εἴασεν."
1 βαρβάροις K: πολεμίοις L.
2 > Ul ζω e > /
ἀποκρούσονται K: ἀποκρούσωνται L.
3 πάντα-- σώματα L: om. K.
412
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxx, 18-24
Picenum, in order to unite with the barbarians
there ‘and throw back the forces of John and
Valerian.
The Romans who were besieged in the fortress at
Rusciane, seeing that their provisions had now com-
pletely failed them and that they had no further
hope of assistance from the Romans, sent Gudilas the
guardsman and Deopheron the Italian to Totila and
opened negotiations concerning their safety, begging
him to pardon them for their deeds. And Totila
promised that he would inflict punishment upon no
one except Chalazar, seeing that he had disregarded
the previous agreement, but he would remit the
charge against all the others. On such terms he
in person took over the fortress. And he cut off
both the hands of Chalazar and his private parts and
then killed him immediately ; as for the soldiers, he
ordered those who wished to do so to remain, keeping
their own possessions, on condition that they array
themselves thereafter with the Goths on terms of
complete equality ; indeed this was the same pro-
cedure which he had regularly followed when the
other strongholds were captured; those, on the
other hand, who were not at all satisfied to remain,
he commanded to depart from there and go without
equipment wherever they pleased, in order that no
man in the world might march unwillingly under his
standard. Thus, while eighty of the Roman army
abandoned their possessions and came to Croton, the
rest remained where they were with their possessions.
The Italians, however, he deprived of all their
property, though he left their persons entirely
unharmed.
* εἴασεν Scaliger : ἦσαν MSS.
413
25
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
’ rn fal
Αντωνίνα δὲ ἡ τοῦ Βελισαρίου γυνὴ τῆς
/ 2 f > / ’ /
βασιλίδος ἀπογενομένης ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικομένη
ἐδέετο! βασιλέως μετάπεμπτόν οἱ τὸν ἄνδρα
ἐνταῦθα ἐλθεῖν. ῥᾷστά τε διεπράξατο τοῦτο.
ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ὁ Μηδικὸς πόλεμος ἐπικείμενος
ἰσχυρότατα βασιλέα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν ἐς τοῦτο
ἐνῆγεν.
XXXI
"Ev τούτῳ δέ τινες ἐπίθεσιν ἐπὶ βασιλέα
᾿Ιουστινιανὸν ἐβουλεύσαντο. οἵπερ ὅπως τε ἐς
τὸ βούλευμα τοῦτο κατέστησαν καὶ τρόπῳ δὴ
ὅτῳ ἀποκρουσθέντες οὐδαμῆ ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἀφίκοντο,
αὐτίκα δηλώσω. ᾿Αρταβάνῃ VovOapw καθελόντι
τὸν τύραννον, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις
ἐρρήθη, ἐξαισία τις ἐπιθυμία ἐγένετο IIpeiéxtav
τὴν βασιλέως ἀδελφιδῆν, ἣν εἶχεν 5 ἐγγυητήν,
γυναῖκα ποιήσασθαι. ὅπερ καὶ αὐτῇ βουλομένῃ
ὡς μάλιστα, ἣν, οὐκ ἔρωτι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐνταῦθα
ἠγμένῃ, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι, οἱ χάριτας ὡμολόγει πολλὰς ἅτε
τισαμένῳ μὲν τὸν ᾿Αρεοβίνδου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς φόνον,
αὐτὴν δὲ ἀνασωσαμένῳ καὶ ἀναρπάσαντι, αἰχμά-
λωτόν τε οὖσαν καὶ οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν τῷ τυράννῳ
Γονθάριδι μέλλουσαν οὔτι ἑκουσίαν ἐς εὐνὴν
ξυνελθεῖν. ἐπεί τε ἄμφω ταῦτα ἤρεσκε, Πρεϊέκταν
μὲν ᾿Αρταβάνης βασιλεῖ ἔπεμψεν, αὐτὸς δέ,
καίπερ Λιβύης ὅλης στρατηγὸς καταστάς, ἔχρῃξε
βασιλέως, ἀναπλάσας τινὰς οὐχ ὑγιεῖς σκήψεις,
ὅπως αὐτὸν ἐς Βυζάντιον μεταπέμποιτο. ἐνῆγε
1 ἐδέετο Καὶ : ἔχρηζε L
414
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxx. 25—xxxi. 5
When Antonina, the wife of Belisarius, reached
Byzantium after the decease of the empress, she
begged the emperor to summon her husband thither.
This she accomplished very readily. For the Persian
war was now pressing the Emperor Justinian to the
utmost, and influenced him to this decision.
ΧΧΧΙῚ
Ar this time certain men formed a plot to assail
the Emperor Justinian. And I shall now set forth
how these men came to undertake this plot and the
manner in which they were frustrated and never
came to the accomplishment of their purpose. Arta-
banes, after slaying the tyrant Gontharis, as told in
the preceding narrative,! conceived an immoderate
desire to take to wife the emperor’s niece Preiecta,
who was betrothed to him. Now she, too, desired
this very ardently, not that she was led to this by love
for the man, but because she acknowledged a heavy
debt of gratitude to him, seeing that he had not
only avenged the murder of her husband Areobindus,
but had also rescued and snatched her from peril
when she was a captive and destined after no long
time to become the unwilling consort of the tyrant
Gontharis. Since, then, both wanted this, Artabanes
sent Preiecta to the emperor, while he himself, though
appointed to the post of General of all Libya,
invented sundry untruthful pretexts to induce the
emperor to summon him to Byzantium, Tor he was
1 Cf. Book IV. xxviii. 29.
2 ἣν εἶχεν 1,: om Καὶ,
415
10
11
12
13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
yap ἐς τοῦτο αὐτὸν ἡ τοῦ γάμου ἐλπίς, ἄλλα TE
πολλὰ ἐνθένδε ἀγαθὰ ὑποφαίνουσα καὶ τῆς βασι-
λείας οὐ πόρρω αὐτὸν τὸ λοιπὸν ἔσεσθαι. οἱ γὰ
ἄνθρωποι εὐημερίας ἐκ τοῦ παραλόγου ἐπιλαβό-
μενοι οὐ δύνανται τὴν διάνοιαν ἐνταῦθα ἑστάναι,"
ἀλλὰ καραδοκοῦσι τὰ πρόσω, καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν
ἐπίπροσθεν ἀεὶ χωροῦσιν, ἕως καὶ Τὴ. οὐ δέον
ὑπαρξάσης αὐτοῖς εὐδαιμονίας στερήσονται.
Βασιλεὺς μέντοι 3 τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίει
καὶ τὸν ᾿Αρταβάνην ἐς Βυζάντιον μετεπέμπετο,
ἕτερον ἀντικαταστήσας Λιβύης στρατηγόν, ἧἡπέρ
μοι δεδωΐγηται. γενόμενον δὲ τὸν ᾿Αρταβάνην ἐν
Βυζαντίῳ ὁ ὁ μὲν δῆμος. τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐθαύμαζε
καὶ ἄλλως ἠγάπα. ἣν γὰρ εὐμήκης τε το σῶμα
καὶ καλός, τό τε ἦθος ἐλευθέριος καὶ ὀλίγα ἄττα
φθεγγόμενος. βασιλεὺς δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα
ἐτετιμήκει. στρατηγόν τε γὰρ τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ
στρατιωτῶν καὶ ἄρχοντα φοιδερώτων καταστη-
σάμενος ἐς τῶν ὑπάτων ἀνεγράψατο τὸ ἀξίωμα.
τῇ μέντοι Πρεϊέκτᾳ ξυνοικίξεσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἰσχυ-
σεν. ἣν γὰρ αὐτῷ γυνὴ πρότερον ξυγγενής τεῦ
οὖσα καὶ ἐκ παιδὸς αὐτῷ ἐς γάμον ἐλθοῦσα. ἣν
δὴ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἀποσεισάμενος αὐτὸς ἔτυχε
τῶν τινος ἴσως παραπεπτωκυίας αἰτίας, ὧν δὴ
ἕνεκα γυναῖκας ἀνδράσι προσκρούειν EvpBaiver.
αὕτη, τέως μὲν. τῷ ᾿Αρταβάνῃ οὐκ εὖ καθεστήκει
Ta πράγματα," οἴκοι καθῆστο ἐν πάσῃ ἀπραγ-
1 ἑστάναι MSS. : ἱστάναι Maltretus from an inferior MS,
2 rhs K: τῆς οὐδὸς ὁ Babuds. τὸ mapa τοῦ βασιλέως
ἀξίωμα L.
3 μέντοι Ἰζ : τοίνυν 1). 4 τε K: τε καὶ ὁμόφυλος L.
5 αὕτη-- πράγματα Ko: ἄρτι τε τῶ ἀρταβάνη οὐκ εὖ καθεστηκό-
τος τοῦ πράγματος
4τό
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxi. 5-13
led on to do this by the hope of this marriage,
which suggested to him many blessings that would
flow from the union and, in particular, that he would
thereafter not be far from the throne. For when
men lay hold upon prosperity unexpectedly, their
minds cannot remain stable, but in their hopes they
ever keep going forward, until they are deprived
even of the felicity that has been undeservedly
theirs.
However, the emperor fulfilled his request and
summoned Artabanes to Byzantium, while he ap-
pointed in his place another General of Libya, as has
been related above.1 Now when Artabanes reached
Byzantium, the common people admired him for his
achievements and loved him for his other qualities.
For he was both tall of stature and handsome, of a
noble character and little given to speech. And
the emperor had honoured him in a very unusual
manner. For he had appointed him general of the
troops in Byzantium and commander of the foederati,?
as well as clothing him with the dignity of consul.
But as for Preiecta, Artabanes was quite unable to
marry her. For he had already a wife who was a
relative of his and had been married to him from
childhood. This wife he had, for his part, re-
pudiated long before, doubtless because one of those
causes had developed such as lead to the estrange-
ment of man and wife. She, for her part, as long as
the affairs of Artabanes were not prosperous, had
remained at home without causing any trouble,
1 Cf. Book IV. xxviii. 45.
* Private bands of troops under the leadership of con-
dottiere. See Book III. xi. 2, note.
47
VOL. IV. EE
14
16
17
ι8
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
μοσύνῃ, τὰ παρόντα σιωπῇ φέρουσα. ἐπεὶ δὲ
᾿Αρταβάνης ἤδη λαμπρός τε τοῖς ἔργοις καὶ μέγας
ἐγεγόνει ταῖς τύχαις, οὐκ ἐνεγκοῦσα ἡ γυνὴ ἔτι
τὴν ἀτιμίαν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἦλθεν. ἱκέτις τε γενο-
μένη τῆς βασιλίδος ἀπολαβεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα ἠξίου.
ἡ δὲ βασιλὶς (ἐπεφύκει γὰρ ἀεὶ δυστυχούσαις
γυναιξὶ προσχωρεῖν)" ἀκουσίῳ αὐτὴν τῷ ᾿Αρτα-
βάνῃ ὡς μάλιστα ξυνοικεῖν ἔγνω," τήν τε ΤΓρεϊέκ-
ταν ᾿Ιωάννης ὁ Πομπηίου τοῦ Ὑπατίου γυναῖκα
γαμετὴν ἐποιήσατο. ταύτην ᾿Αρταβάνης τὴν ξυμ-
φορὰν οὐκ ἤνεγκε πρᾷως, ἀλλ᾽ ἠγριαίνετό τε καὶ
ἀγαθὰ εἰργασμένον Ῥωμαίους ἔλεγε τόσα ἃ. ..
γυναῖκα μὲν τήν οἱ αὐτῷ κατηγγυημένην ἑκόντα
ἑκοῦσαν ἀγαγέσθαι οὐδεὶς ἐῴη, τῇ δὲ πάντων
αὐτῷ δυσμενεστάτῃ οὔσῃ πλησιάζειν ἀναγκάζη-
ται τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον: ὃ δὴ μάλιστα ἀνθρώπου
ψυχὴν ἀνιᾶν πέφυκεν. ὥστε ἀμέλει οὐ πολλῷ
ὕστερον ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡ βασιλὶς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων
ἠφάνιστο, ταύτην ἀσμένως ἀπεπέμψατο τὴν
γυναῖκα εὐθύς.
᾿Ετύγχανε δὲ βασιλεῖ τὸν Τερμανὸν ἀνεψιὸν
ὄντα Βοραΐδην ἀδελφὸν ἔχειν. οὗτος οὖν ὁ Bo-
ραΐδης ὁ ὁ Deppavod ἀδελφὸς & ἔναγχος ἐτετελευτήκει,
τῶν Roney τὰ πλεῖστα τῷ τε ἀδελφῷ καὶ
παισὶ τοῖς ἐκείνου ἀπολιπών. οὔσης δὲ αὐτῷ
γυναικός τε καὶ παιδὸς μιᾶς, τοσαῦτα τὴν παῖδα
ἐκέλευεν ἔχειν ὅσα ὁ νόμος ἠνώγκαζε. διὸ δὴ
~
1 5 Gene? Ke: βοηθεῖν) προγχωρῆσαί τε L.
2 ἔγνω K: κατηνάγκασε L.
ὃ εἰργασμένον---πτόσα Haury : εἰργασμένον κι εἰργασμένω
ῥωμαίοις ἔλεγε τόσα 1,, Haury suggests elpyaruéev@ Ῥωμαίους
ἔλεγε τόσα μεταμέλειν ἤδη εἰ.
418
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxi. 13-18
bearing her lot in silence. But when Artabanes had
now become illustrious by his deeds and great by his
good fortune, the woman could no longer bear her
dishonour and came to Byzantium. There, making
herself a suppliant of the empress, she demanded
the right to take back her husband. Whereupon
the empress, whose nature always led her to assist
unfortunate women, decided to force Artabanes to
accept her as his wife, although he rebelled violently,
while John the son of Pompeius and nephew of
Hypatius made Preiecta his wedded wife. This
calamity Artabanes did not bear lightly, but he
became furious and said that one who had served
the Romans so well... was now refused per-
mission to lead in marriage the woman to whom he
was betrothed and who shared with him a common
desire to consummate the marriage, but he was, on
the contrary, compelled for ever to share the couch
of the one woman in the world most hateful to him
—a situation which is bound inevitably to harass a
man’s soul. Consequently, a little later, as soon as
the empress had passed from the world, he, without
further ado, promptly and joyfully sent this wife
away.
Now it happened that Germanus, who was nephew
to the emperor, had a brother named Boraides. This
Boraides, then, brother of Germanus, had recently
died, leaving the most of his property to his brother
and nephews. And though he had a wife and one
daughter, he directed that the daughter should have
only as much as the law required. Because of this,
4 Βοραΐδην--- οὖν L: om. K.
5 παισὶ Maltretus : πᾶσι MSS.
EE 2
PROCORMUS OF CAESAREA
βασιλεὺς τῇ παιδὶ μᾶλλον ἀμύνειν ἠξίου" ὅπερ
ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Ἰερμανὸν ἔδακνε.
XXXII
Βασιλεῖ μὲν οὖν τά τε ἀμφὶ ᾿Αρταβάνῃ καὶ
Γερμανῷ ταύτῃ πη. εἶχεν. ἣν δέ τις ᾿Αρσάκης
ὄνομα ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, ᾿Δρμένιος γένος, ᾿Αρσακίδης
ἀνήρ, τῷ ᾿Αρταβάνῃ κατὰ γένος προσήκων. ὃς
δὴ κακουργῶν ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσ-
θεν ἐφωράθη καὶ προδοσίας διαφανῶς 1 ἑάλω ἅτε
δὴ ἐς Χοσρόην τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα πράγματα
ἐπὶ “Ῥωμαίοις νεώτερα, πράσσων. βασιλεύς τε
αὐτὸν " ἄλλο μὲν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι, ξάνας
δὲ οὐ πολλὰς κατὰ νώτου ἐπόμπευσε καμήλῳ
ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ὀχούμενον, οὐδὲν μέντοι αὐτὸν
οὔτε τοῦ σώματος οὔτε τῆς οὐσίας ἀφείλετο,
οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ φυγῇ ἐζημίωσε. δυσφορούμενος δὲ
ὅμως τοῖς ξυμπεπτωκόσιν ᾿Αρσάκης δολώσεις ὃ
ἐπί τε ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ καὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ ἐπινοεῖν
ἤρξατο. ἐπειδή τε ξυναχθόμενόν οἱ τὸν ᾿Άρτα-
βάνην ἅτε ξυγγενῆ εἶδεν, ett μᾶλλον ἠρέθιζέ
τε καὶ λόγων ἐνέδραις τὸν ἄνθρωπον καταλα-
βὼν ἐκάκιζεν, οὔτε νύκτα οὔτε ἡμέραν τινὰ
ἀνιείς, ἀνδρεῖόν τε καὶ ἀνδρόγυνον ἀπὸ καιροῦ
γεγονότα ὠνείδιζεν. ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ κακοῖς ἀλλο-
τρίοις γενναῖόν τε καὶ τῆς τυραννίδος διαχυτὴν
αὐτὸν γεγονέναι, φίλον τε ὄντα καὶ ἑστιάτορα
Γόνθαριν αὐτοχειρὶ λαβόντα κτεῖναι οὐδενὶ λόγῳ.
1 διαφανῶς Ια : διαφανοῦς L.
2 αὐτὸν K: αὐτῶ L.
3 δολώσεις K: δόλους L.
420
sincere διν νον.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxi. 18-xxxii. 6
the emperor chose to champion the daughter's cause,
an act which irritated Germanus exceedingly.
XXXII
Sucu then were the relations of the emperor to
Artabanes and to Germanus. There was also a
certain Arsaces in Byzantium, an Armenian by birth
and one of the Arsacidae, related to Artabanes by
blood. This man had been detected not long before
this in an attempt to harm the state, and he had
been clearly convicted of treason, since he was
negotiating with Chosroes, the Persian king, to stir
up trouble for the Romans. But the emperor did
him no further harm than to beat his back with not
many blows and parade him through the city mounted
on a camel; however, he did him no injury in either
his person or his property, nor did he even penalize him
by exile. But Arsaces was nevertheless incensed at
what had taken place, and began to devise treacher-
ous plans against both Justinian and the state. And
when he saw that Artabanes, as his kinsman, was
sharing his vexation, he began to stir him up still
more, and, gaining the man’s attention by crafty
speeches, he ceased not day nor night to upbraid
him, rebuking him for having been both courageous
and fine hearted out of season. For he had, on the
one hand, given proof of his nobility of spirit in his
attitude τ τ the misfortunes of others, in that he
had put an end to the tyranny; indeed, though
Gontharis was his friend and his host, he had laid
hold of him with his own hand and slain him
under no compulsion whatever. But at the present
421
10
11
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐν δέ γε τῷ παρόντι ἀποδειλιάσαντα οὕτως
ἀνάνδρως ἐνταῦθα καθῆσθαι, τῆς μὲν πατρίδος οἱ
φρουρουμένης τε ἐνδελεχέστατα καὶ δασμοῖς ἐκτε-
τηκυίας ἀήθεσι, τοῦ δὲ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένου ἐπὶ
ξυνθηκῶν τε καὶ ξυμβάσεως λόγῳ, παντὸς δὲ τοῦ
ξυγγενοῦς δεδουλωμένου τε καὶ σκεδαννυμένου ἀεὶ
πανταχόσε τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. ἀλλὰ τούτων
τοιούτων ὄντων αὐτῷ ᾿Δρταβάνης ἀποχρῆν οἴεται,
εἰ στρατηγός τε Ῥωμαίων εἴη καὶ ὕπατος καλοῖτο
μόνον. “Καὶ σὺ μὲν " ἔφη “ ξυγγενεῖ τέ μοι ὄντι
καὶ πεπονθότι ἀνήκεστα ἔργα οὐδαμῆ συναλγεῖς"
ἐγὼ δέ σε οἰκτείρω τῆς ἐπ᾿ ἀμφοῖν ταῖν γυναικοῖν,
ΤᾺ
ὦ βέλτιστε, τύχης, ἧς τε οὐ δέον ἐστέρησαι καὶ
i} ξυνοικεῖν ἠναγκάσθης. καίτοι οὐδένα εἰκός,
ὅτῳ φρονήματος καὶ κατὰ βραχύ τινος μέτεστι,
τὸν Ιουστινιανοῦ ἀναδύεσθαι φόνον" οὔτε ὀκνήσει
οὔτε ὀρρωδίᾳ τινί, ὃς δὴ (οτος, ἀφύλακτος ἐς
ἀεὶ ἐπὶ λέσχης τινὸς ἀωρὶ νύκτωρ, ὁμοῦ τοῖς τῶν
ἱερέων ἐσχατογέρουσιν ὃ ἀνακυκλεῖν τὰ Χριστια-
νῶν λόγια σπουδὴν ἔχων. ἀλλὰ γὰρ " ἔφη “οὐδέ
τίς σοι ἀντιστήσεται τῶν ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ ξυγγενῶν.
ὁ μέντοι γε πάντων δυνατώτατος Ῥερμανός, οἶμαι,
ξυλλήψεταί σοι προθυμούμενος ξὺν τοῖς παισὶ
τοῖς αὑτοῦ, νεανίαις τε οὖσι καὶ τῇ τε ἡλικίᾳ καὶ
τῷ θυμῷ ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ζέουσιν, οὕς γε καὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν
αὐτοματίσειν ἐλπίδα ἔ ἔχω. ἠδικημένοι, γὰρ πρὸς
ἐκείνου τυγχάνουσιν ἤδη ὅσα οὔτε ἡμεῖς οὔτε τις
ἄλλος ᾿Αρμενίων οὐδείς. τοιούτοις ᾿Αρσάκης ἀεὶ
1 φόνον K: φόβον L.
2 νύκτωρ MSS. : νυκτῶν Editors.
3 ἐσχατογέρουσιν Hoeschel in marg.: ἔσχατον γέρουσιν K,
γέρουσιν ἄσχετον L.
422
ee
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxii. 7-11
juncture, he said, he was utterly cowed, and he con-
tinued to sit there without a spark of manhood,
though his fatherland was kept under strictest guard
and exhausted by unwonted taxes, his father had
been slain on the pretext of a treaty and covenant,
and his whole family had been enslaved and was
kept scattered to every corner of the Roman empire.
But in spite of these facts Artabanes thought it
sufficient for him to be a general of the Romans and
merely bear the name of consul. ‘ And you,” he said,
“do not share my sorrow in the least, though I am
your kinsman and have suffered outrageous treat-
ment, while I, for my part, pity you, my dear fellow,
for the fortune you have suffered in the case of both
those women, not only the one you have been
cheated of wrongfully but also the other with whom
you have been compelled to live. And yet it ill
becomes anyone who has even a little spirit in him
to refuse to undertake the murder of Justinian, nor
should he hesitate nor entertain any fear,—a man
who always sits unguarded in some lobby to a late
hour of the night, eagerly unrolling the Christian
scriptures in company with priests who are at the
extremity of old age. Furthermore,” he continued,
“not one of the kinsmen of Justinian will oppose
you. Indeed the most powerful of them all, Ger-
manus, will, I believe, assist you with all his heart
and his sons as well, seeing that they are young
men and consequently boiling with fury against
him; and I am in hopes that these men will actually
carry through the enterprise of their own accord.
For they have already suffered injustice at his hand
such as neither we nor anyone else among the
Armenians has suffered.” By such speeches Arsaces
423
12
13
14
15
16
17
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
1p \ 9, / > / > \
καταγοητεύων Tov Αρταβάνην, ἐπειδή ποτε αὐτὸν
ἐνδόντα εἶδεν, ἐπί τινα Περσαρμένιον ἕτερον,
Χαναράγγην ὄνομα, τὸ πρᾶγμα ἦγεν. ἦν δὲ
οὗτος ὁ Χαναράγγης νεανίας μέν, καλὸς δὲ τὸ
σῶμα, οὐ μέντοι κατεσπουδασμένος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ
πλεῖστον παιδαριώδης.
3) \ 5 2 > / Yo /
Ἐπεὶ οὖν ᾿Αρσάκης αὐτὸν τε καὶ ᾿Αρταβάνην
2
τά τε ἐς τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἐς τοὺς λόγους
ξυνέμιξεν, ἀπηλλάσσετο ἐπαγγειλάμενος Deppa-
vov τε Kal τοὺς αὐτοῦ παῖδας “ὁμογνώμονας ἐς τὸ
ἔργον θήσεσθαι σφίσι. καὶ ἣν yap ᾿Ιουστῖνος ὁ
πρεσβύτερος τῶν Γερμανοῦ παίδων νεανίας μὲν
καὶ πρῶτον v ὑπηνήτης, δραστήριος δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰς
πράξεις ὀξύτερος" ὥστε καὶ ἐς τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν
δίφρον οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἀναβεβήκει. ἀφικό-
μενός τε παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ᾿Αρσάκης ἔφασκέν οἱ λάθρα
ἐν ἱερῷ τινι ἐντυχεῖν βούλεσθαι. ἐπεί τε ἐν τῷ
ναῷ ἐγενέσθην ἄμφω, ἠξίου πρῶτον ᾿Αρσάκης
τὸν ᾿Ιουστῖνον δι᾽ ὅρκων ἰσχυρίσασθαι μὴ ποτε
τοὺς “λόγους ἔς τινα τῶν πάντων ἀνθρώπων ὅτι
μὴ ἐς τὸν πατέρα μόνον ἐξοίσειν. ταῦτά τε
) ’ lol 2 ὃ \ 3 ] (ὃ > na
ὁμωμοκότι TH ἀνδρὶ 3 ὠνείδιζεν εἰ βασιλεῖ Evy-
/ /
γενὴς TANTLALTATOS ὧν ἀγοραίους μὲν καὶ
ἀγελαίους ἀνθρώπους τινὰς ἔχοντας οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς
προσῆκον ὁρῶν τὰς τῆς πολιτείας ἀρχάς, αὐτὸς
δὲ τηλίκος ὧν ἤδη ὡς αὐτοῦ εἶναι ὁ διοικεῖσθαι τὰ
πράγματα," οὐχ αὑτὸν μόνον περιορῴη,) ἀλλὰ
καὶ τὸν πατέρα," καίπερ ἐπ᾽ ἄκρον ἀρετῆς ἥκοντα,
1 ἐς τοὺς Ἰζ : és om, Τ,.
3 πρῶτον Haury: πρῶτος K, πρῶτα L.
3. τῶ ἀνδρὶ Li: τὴν ἀνδρίαν K
4 ἤδη ὡς αὐτοῦ εἶναι K: are mpos ἰδιωτῶν L.
5 πράγματα K: πράγματα προσετίθει τε ὡς L.
424
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxii, 11-17
ever sought to cast a spell over Artabanes, and as
soon as ever he saw him beginning to yield, he
carried the matter to anot her Persarmenian, Chan-
aranges by name. Now this Chanaranges was a
young man who, though comely of person, was not
a man of serious character, but childish to an extra-
ordinary degree.
So when Arsaces had brought him and Artabanes
into mutual agreement, both in their thinking and
in their speaking, he departed, promising to make
Germanus and his sons of the same mind with them
in regard to the undertaking. Now Justinus, the
elder of the sons of Germanus, was a youth wear-
ing his first beard, but an energetic fellow and un-
usually keen in action; indeed, as a result of these
qualities, he had actually risen to the dignity of
the consular chair not long before. Accordingly,
Arsaces approached him and said that he wished
to speak with him secretly in some sanctuary. When
they had both entered the church, Arsaces first
required Justinus to affirm on oath that he would
never report their conversation to any man in the
whole world, except his father alone. And after
the man had sworn to this effect, he took him to
task, because, on the one hand, he, a very close
relative of the emperor, saw other men holding the
offices of the state, common plebeian fellows with
no claim to such distinction, while he himself, on
the other hand, though he was now of such age that
he was entitled to manage his own affairs, paid no
heed to the fact that not only he himself, but also
his father, and that, too, in spite of his high achieve-
δ περιορῴη Haury: περιορῶν K, περιορῶν βασιλεὺς φαίνεται L.
7 πατέρα Ἰζ : πατέρα τὸν αὐτοῦ L,
425
18
19
20
21
22
23
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Kal τὸν ἀδελφὸν ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν ἐν ἰδιώτου μοίρᾳ
καθημένους τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα. καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦ
θείου τὴν ucla αὐτὸν εἰσιέναι ξυνέβη, ἧς δὴ
κληρονόμος Ta? γε boa" βεβουλῆσθαι Ββοραΐδην
αὐτὸς γεγονώς, εἶτα οὐ δέον ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον
ἀφήρηται. καίτοι πολλῷ ETL μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς
/ > \ » γι \ / >) \
περιοφθήσεσθαι εἰκὸς αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα, ἐπειδὰν
/ / 3 ’ / > [4
τάχιστα Bediodpuos ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας ἀφίκηται.
ἠγγέλλετο γὰρ ὧν ἐν ᾿Ιλλυριοῖς ἤδη που μέσοις.
τοσαῦτα ὑπειπὼν ᾿Αρσάκης ἐς τὴν ἐς βασιλέα
ἐπιβουλὴν τὸν νεανίαν ὥρμα, τά τέ οἱ αὐτῷ καὶ
> ‘ / \ a 4 > \
AptaBavn ξυγκείμενα καὶ τῷ Xavapayyn ἀμφὶ
τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο 3 ἀποκαλύψας. ταῦτα ᾿Ιουστῖνος
ἀκούσας ξυνεταράχθη τε καὶ ἰλιγγιάσας ἄντικρυς
τῷ ᾿Αρσάκῃ ἀπεῖπε μήτ᾽ ἄν οἱ αὐτῷ μήτε
Γερμανῷ τῷ πατρὶ ταῦτά ποτε ποιητέα εἶναι.
Καὶ ὁ μὲν ᾿Αρσάκης τὰ ξυμπεσόντα τῷ
ay 7 > ΄ « Note) a > \
AptaBavyn ἀπήγγειλεν, ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιουστῖνος ἐς τὸν
πατέρα τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀνήνεγκε. καὶ ὃς
Μαρκέλλῳ κοινολογησάμενος, ὃς τῶν ἐν Παλατίῳ
φυλάκων ἦρχεν, ἀμφὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ξυμβουλὴν
ἐποιεῖτο, εἴπερ σφίσι ταῦτα ἐς βασιλέα ἐξε-
νεγκεῖν ξύμφορον εἴη. ἣν δὲ οὗτος ὁ Μάρκελλος
ἐμβριθέστατός τε τὸ ἦθος καὶ (Th σιωπῇ τὰ
πολλὰ νέμων, οὔτε χρημάτων τι ἕνεκα πράσσων
οὔτε λόγων ἢ πράξεων γελωτοποιῶν ἀνεχόμενος
BA mw” > / / , > \ ,
οὔτε ἄλλως ἀνειμένῃ διᾳίτῃ χαίρων, ἀλλὰ βίον
σκληρόν τέ τινα καὶ ἡδονῆς ἀλλότριον ἐς ἀεὶ
lod K: τῷ 1,. 2 ὅσα K: ὅσον L.
3 σὺ ἔργον τοῦτο K: τῶ tpyw τούτω L.
4 τῷ ᾿Αρσάκῃ Haury: πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρσάκην Editors, τὸν
ἀρσάκην MSS.
426
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxii. 17-23
ments, and his brother Justinian had to sit for ever
in the place of private citizens. Nay more, he had
not even been allowed to enter into the property
of his uncle, to which he and no other had been heir
as far as concerned the purpose of Boraides, but
the greater part of it had been unjustly wrested
from him. Still it was probable that they would
be still further humiliated forthwith, as soon as
Belisarius should arrive from Italy; for he was
reported to be already somewhere in the heart of
Illyricum. After such an introduction Arsaces
sought to impel the youth to take part in the plot
against the emperor, disclosing to him the agree-
ment reached between himself, Artabanes and
Chanaranges in regard to this business. Upon
hearing this Justinus was greatly agitated and his
head swam, but he told Arsaces flatly that neither
he himself nor his father Germanus could ever do
these things.
Then, while Arsaces reported to Artabanes what
had happened, Justinus referred the whole matter
to his father. He thereupon conferred with Mar-
cellus, the commander of the palace guards, and
they took the question under consideration whether
it was advisable for them to report this matter to
the emperor. Now this Marcellus was a man of
very great dignity who observed silence in most
matters, neither doing anything for the sake of
money nor tolerating buffoonery in word or deed
ner taking any pleasure in other forms of relaxation,
but always living a kind of austere life to which
pleasure was strange; but at the same time he was
5 τὺ πρᾶγμα K: τῶ πράγματι L.
427
24
27
28
29
30
31
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Μ la) / / 2 Ni > \ \
ἔχων, TOD μέντοι δικαίου ἐπιμελητὴς ἀκριβὴς Kal
τοῦ ἀληθοῦς διαπυρώτατος ἐραστής. ὃς δὴ τότε
οὐκ εἴα τὸν λόγον ἐς βασιλέα φέρεσθαι. “Σὲ
μὲν! γὰρ τούτου ᾿ ἔφη “μηνυτὴν γενέσθαι
ἀξύμφορον. ἢν “γάρ τι λάθρα ἐρεῖν βασιλεῖ
βούλοιο, ὑ ὑποτοπήσουσί τε εὐθὺς οἱ ἀμφὶ ᾽᾿Αρτα-
βάνην αὐτὸ μεμηνύσθαι, καὶ ἤν που ᾿Αρσάκης
\ tal / >? I \
διαφυγὼν λαθεῖν δύνηται, ἀνεξέλεγκτον TO
” -“ 2 \ / \ / 2 /
ἔγκλημα μενεῖ. ἐγὼ δέ τι μὴ λίαν ἀκριβολογησά-
μενος ἢ πιστεύειν αὐτὸς ἢ βασιλεῖ ἐσαγγέλλειν
? n » Lf / x fa) /
οὐδαμῆ εἴωθα. βούλομαι τοίνυν ἢ TOV λόγων
αὐτήκοος γενέσθαι ἢ τῶν μοι ἐπιτηδείων τινὰ ἐκ
παρασκευῆς ὑμετέρας ἀκοῦσαι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου
λέγοντός TL ὑπὲρ τούτων διαφανές."
Ταῦτα ὁ Τερμανὸς ἀκούσας ᾿Ιουστῖνον τὸν
an > f / a i? /
maida ἐκέλευε πράσσειν ὅπως ἡ Μαρκέλλου
> / 3 \ ” «ς δὲ 7A / / 2
ἐπίταξις ἐπιτελὴς εἴη. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρσάκῃ μέν τι
ὑπὲρ τούτου εἰπεῖν οὐκέτι εἶχεν, ἐπεὶ ἄντικρυς
αὐτῷ, ὥσπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, ἀπειπὼν ἔτυχε. τοῦ
NN / 2 / > 2 /
δὲ Χαναράγγου ἀνεπυνθάνετο εἰ ᾿Αρταβάνου
γνώμῃ ἔναγχος ᾿Αρσάκης παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἥκοι.
ae ᾿γὼ, μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ” ἔφη “τῶν τι
ἀπορρήτων ἐθάρσησα ἐπ᾿ ἐκείνῳ τοιῷδε ὄντι
καταλιπεῖν. ἀλλ᾽ εἴ μοι βούλοιό τι αὐτὸς τῶν
προὔργου εἰπεῖν, ἐπὶ κοινῆς βουλευσάμενοι τάχα
ἄν τι καὶ ἀγαθὸν πράξαιμεν." ὑπὲρ τούτων ὁ
Χαναράγγης τῷ ᾿Αρταβάνῃ κοινολογησάμενος
ἅπαντα ἐς τὸν ᾿Ιουστῖνον ἐξήνεγκεν, ὅσα δὴ
πρότερον ᾿Αρσάκης αὐτῷ εἰπὼν ἔτυχεν.
1 Σὲ μὲν L: ἐμὲ K.
2 μέν τι Haury: om. K, μέν τοι L.
428
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxii. 23-31
scrupulous in his observance of justice and a most
ardent lover of truth. So he naturally would not
on that occasion allow the report to be carried to
the emperor. “For as for you,” he said, “it is in-
expedient that you should carry information of this
thing. For if you should wish to say anything to
the emperor in secret, Artabanes and his friends
will straightway become suspicious that the matter
has been denounced, and, if perchance Arsaces is
able to escape unnoticed, the charge will remain
unproved. And I, on the other hand, am not at all
accustomed either to believe myself or to report to
the emperor anything which I have not thoroughly
verified. It is my desire, consequently, either that
I hear the words with my own ears or that one of my
intimates, by your contriving, hear the man saying
something unmistakably clear about these matters.”
When Germanus heard this, he bade his son
Justinus arrange that the requirement of Marcellus
should be carried out. He, however, was no longer
able to say anything about this matter to Arsaces,
since he had, as stated above, given him a flat
refusal, Still he did enquire of Chanaranges
whether Arsaces had recently approached him at
the suggestion of Artabanes. “For I,” he said,
‘should never have had the courage to entrust any
of my secrets to him, seeing he is such a man as he
is. But if you should be willing yourself to tell
me something to the point, we could, by deliberating
in common, perhaps accomplish something really
worth while.” Chanaranges then conferred with
Artabanes about this and reported to Justinus each
ae every thing which Arsaces had previously told
im,
429
SS ee aan
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
2 \ Nae) rn > / [vA > /
Emel δὲ ᾿Ιουστῖνος αὐτός τε ἅπαντα ἐπιτελέ-
σειν' καὶ τὸν πατέρα ὡμολόγει ὁμογνωμονοῦντα
/ nr rn ἊΝ
παρέξεσθαι, ἐδόκει τῷ Γερμανῷ τὸν Χαναράγγην
f lal n
ἐς λόγους ξυμμῖξαι, τακτή τε ἡμέρα τῷ διαλόγῳ
/ a
ξυνέκειτο. ταῦτα ὁ Τερμανὸς Μαρκέλλῳ σημήνας
ἠξίου τῶν τινά οἱ ἐπιτηδείων παρέχεσθαι σφίσιν,
αὐτήκοον τῶν Χαναράγγου λόγων ἐσόμενον. ὁ
δὲ Λεόντιον παρείχετο, τὸν ᾿Αθανασίου γαμβρόν,
li fal /
ἄνδρα λόγου τε τοῦ δικαίου μεταποιούμενον καὶ
5) / 3 ΄ ΄ a \ ε
ἀληθίζεσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενον μάλιστα. ὃν δὴ ὁ
\ 5 \ 5} 5 “ὦ ’ \ 2 /
Teppavos ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐσαγαγὼν ἐν δωματίῳ
ἐκάθισεν, ἵνα δὴ ἀπεκρέματό τις παχεῖα σινδὼν
παραπέτασμα τῆς στιβάδος οὖσα, ἐφ᾽ ἧς
ἑστιᾶσθαι εἰώθει. ταύτης τε τῆς σινδόνος τὸν
\ / > \ ” by AN Ν \
μὲν Λεόντιον ἐντὸς ἔκρυψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν
/ a a nr
᾿Ιουστίνῳ τῷ παιδὶ ἐκτὸς ἔμενεν. ἐνταῦθα τοῦ
7 / ? 4 » Lal c /
Xavapayyou ἀφικομένου ἤκουσε σαφῶς ὁ Λέοντιος
ἅπαντα λέγοντος, ἅπερ αὐτῷ τε καὶ ᾿Αρταβάνῃ
\ fal ΣᾺΣ / ἣν βουλῇ ἐ / > ._ 9 \
καὶ τῷ ᾿Αρσάκῃ é ἢ ἐγεγόνει. ἐν τοῖς " καὶ
/ > \ / 9 e x / /
τόδε ἐς TOV λόγον ἦλθεν, ὡς, ἢν βασιλέα κτείνωσι
Βελισαρίου ἔτι ἐς Βυζάντιον ὁδῷ ἰόντος, οὐδὲν ἂν
τῶν βεβουλευμένων προχωρήσειε σφίσιν: εἴπερ
αὐτοῖς μὲν βασιλέα Τἱερμανὸν καταστήσεσθαι
/ fol n
βουλομένοις εἴη, Βελισάριον δὲ πλῆθος στρατιᾶς
ἀθροίσειν εἰκὸς ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρίων, οὕτω
\ an an
τε σφίσιν ἐπιόντα Tov ἄνθρωπον οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ
ἀπωθεῖσθαι ἱκανοὶ ἔσονται. δεήσει γοῦν ἐς μὲν
Ν / / > la \ a
τὴν Βελισαρίου παρουσίαν ἀποθέσθαι τὴν πρᾶξιν,
5 δὰ \ ς > \ / >? , /
ἐπειδὰν δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ τάχιστα ἐς Βυζάντιόν τε
430
a ὉΨΆΡΨ.Ν
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VIL. xxxii. 32-39
Then, since Justinus agreed both to carry out
‘everything himself and to bring his father to agree-
‘ment with them, it was decided that Chanaranges
‘should meet Germanus in conference, and a definite
day was appointed for the interview. _Germanus re-
' ported this to Marcellus and requested him to provide
them one of his intimates who should hear with his
‘own ears the words of Chanaranges. And he pro-
vided Leontius, the son-in-law of Athanasius, a man
who had strict regard for justice and thoroughly
capable of speaking the truth. This man Germanus
introduced into his house and placed in a room
where a thick curtain had been hung to conceal the
couch on which he was accustomed to dine. And
he hid Leontius inside this curtain, while he himself
with his son Justinus remained outside. When
Chanaranges came there, Leontius clearly heard
him say everything which he, Artabanes, and
Arsaces had planned. Among these things this too
was mentioned, that, if they killed the emperor
while Belisarius was still on the way to Byzantium,
their purpose would not be advanced at all; for,
though they might wish to establish Germanus on
the throne, it was probable that Belisarius would
gather a vast army from the towns of Thrace, and
they would be unable by any device to repulse the
man when he came against them in this way. It
would consequently be necessary to postpone the
execution of the plan until Belisarius should be
present, but as soon as the man should reach
1 ἅπαντα ἐπιτελέσειν Haury: ἅπαν ὑποτελέσειν K, ἅπαντα
ἐπιτελέσαι L.
2 ἐν τοῖς Li: ἐν οἷς Καὶ.
431
40
41
42
43
44
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀφίκηται καὶ παρὰ βασιλέα ἐν ἸΙαλατίῳ ein,
τότε δή, ἑσπέρας βαθείας που οὔσης, ἐγχειρίδια
φέροντας ἀπροσδοκήτους ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι, καὶ
Μαρκελλόν τε καὶ Βελισάριον ξὺν βασιλεῖ κτεῖναι.
οὕτω γὰρ τὸ ἐνθένδε ἀδεέστερον ἣ βούλονται 3
διοικήσονται.
Ταῦτα Μάρκελλος πρὸς Λεοντίου μαθὼν οὐδ᾽
ὡς ἐς βασιλέα τὸν λόγον ἀνενεγκεῖν ἔγνω, ἀλλ᾽
ἔτι ὀκνήσει πολλῇ εἴχετο, τοῦ μὴ τὸν ᾿Αρταβάνην
σπουδῇ πολλῇ κατεργάσασθαι ἀπερισκέπτως.
ὁ μέντοι Ἰξερμανὸὲ ἅπαντα ἔς τε Βούξην καὶ
Κωνσταντιανὸν ἐξήνεγκε, δείσας, ὅπερ ἐγένετο,
μή τινα ἐκ τῆς μελλήσεως ὑποψίαν λάβῃ.
Ἡμέραις δὲ πολλαῖς ὕστερον, ἐπειδὴ παρὼν
Βελισάριος ἄγχιστά που ἤδη ἠγγέλλετο, Μάρ-
κελλος μὲν ἐς βασιλέα τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀνή-
νεγκεν, ὁ δὲ αὐτίκα ἐς τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἀπαχθῆναι
τοὺς ἀμφὶ ᾿Αρταβάνην ἐκέλευε, τῶν τε ἀρχόντων
τισὶ τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπέτρεπε βάσανον. ἐπεὶ δὲ
ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ξύμπασα ἐς φῶς τε ἤδη ἐληλύθει καὶ
διαρρήδην ἐν γράμμασιν ἣν, ἅπαντας βασιλεὺς
τοὺς ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου Βουλῆς ἐν Παλατίῳ
ἐκάθισεν, οὗπερ εἰώθασι τὰς ἀμφὶ τοῖς ἀντιλεγο-
μένοις ποιεῖσθαι γνώσεις. οἵπερ ἀναλεξάμενοι
ἅπαντα ὅσα τοῖς εὐθυνομένοις δεδιηγῆσθαι
τετύχηκεν, οὐδέν TL ἧσσον ἐς Deppavov τε καὶ
᾿Ιουστῖνον τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα τὸ ἔγκλημα ἦγον,
ἕως ὁ Γερμανὸς Μωρκέλλου τε καὶ Λεοντίου τὴν
μαρτυρίαν παρασχόμενος ἐκλύειν τὴν ὑποψίαν
1 ἀπροσδοκήτους K: ἀπροσδοκήτως L.
2 βούλονται K: βούλοιντο τὰ πράγματα L.
8 χάβη K: λάβοι L.
432
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxii. 39-44
Byzantium and should be closeted with the emperor
in the palace, then, at some time late in the evening,
they should go there unexpectedly, armed with
daggers, and kill Marcellus and Belisarius as well as
the emperor. For such a course of action would
enable them thereafter to make such dispositions
as they wished without fear.
Even when Marcellus learned this from Leontius,
he could not as yet make up his mind to report
the matter to the emperor, being, as he was, still
very reluctant to act, lest by excessive haste he
should doom Artabanes on imperfect evidence.
Germanus, however, revealed everything to Bouzes
and Constantianus, fearing, as actually happened,
that some suspicion would attach to him as a result
of the delay.
Many days later, when word came that Belisarius
was now close at hand, Marcellus reported the whole
matter to the emperor, who immediately commanded
Artabanes and his associates to be taken off to prison,
entrusting to some of his officers the duty of tortur-
ing them. And when the whole conspiracy had now
come to light and was clearly set down in writing,
the emperor called a session of all the members of
the senate in the palace, where they are accustomed
to make their decisions regarding matters in dispute.
When they had read over everything which had
been stated by the men under examination, they
nevertheless sought to involve Germanus and _his
son Justinus in the accusation, until Germanus, by
presenting the testimony of Marcellus and Leontius,
succeeded in clearing himself of the suspicion. For
1 ἢ, e. in order to obtain their testimony.
433
VOL. IV. FF
46
47
48
49
50
51
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἔσχεν. αὐτοί te yap καὶ Κωνσταντιανὸς καὶ
Βούζης διώμοτοι ἰσχυρίσαντο μηδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν σφᾶς
τούτων δὴ ἕνεκα τὸν Γερμανὸν ἀποκρύψασθαι,"
ἀλλὰ ταύτῃ πάντα ξυνενεχθῆναι ἡἧἡπέρ μοι
ἔναγχος δεδυήγηται., οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου
εὐθὺς αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀπεψηφίσαντο
ἅπαντες ἅτε οὐδὲν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν ἡμαρτη-
κότων.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ εἴσω πάντες ἐν βασιλέως ἐγένοντο,
αὐτὸς μὲν ὀξὺ θυμωθεὶς βασιλεὺς ἠγανάκτει τε
καὶ ὑπερφυῶς ἐπὶ τὸν Γερμανὸν ἠγριαίνετο τὴν
βραδυτῆτα τῆς δηλώσεως αἰτιώμενος, τῶν τε
ἀρχόντων δύο μέν τινες θεραπεύοντες αὐτὸν
ὡμολόγουν τὴν γνώμην, καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ δυσφορου-
μένοις ἐῴκεσαν: ταύτῃ τε τὸν βασιλέως θυμὸν
ἐπὶ μέγα ἐξῆρον, ἀλλοτρίας αὐτῷ χαριεῖσθαι
συμφορὰς" ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες. οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι
κατεπτηχότες σιωπῇ εἴχοντο, τῷ μὴ ἀντιστατεῖν
ἃ ,βούλχοιτο ἐγχωροῦντες αὐτῷ: Μάρκελλος δὲ
μόνος ὀρθοστομήσας διασώσασθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον
ἴσχυσε. τὴν γὰρ αἰτίαν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἕλκων τε καὶ
βιαζόμενος δυνώμει τῇ πάσῃ Τερμανὸν μὲν οἱ
ἐπικαιρότατα ἔφη τὰ πρασσόμενα ἐξειπεῖν, αὐτὸν
δὲ περιέργως ἀκριβολογούμενον σχολαιότερον
αὐτὰ μεμηνυκέναι. καὶ τὴν βασιλέως ὀργὴν
οὕτω κατέπαυσε. μέγα τε ἀπ᾽’ αὐτοῦ κλέος
οὗτος ὁ Μάρκελλος περιεβάλετο ἐς πάντας
ἀνθρώπους ἅτε ἀρετῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις
μεταποιούμενος. βασιλεὺς δὲ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς
1 ἀποκρύψασθαι Maltretus: ἀποκρούσασθαι K, ἀποκρύψεσθαι L.
2 ἀλλοτρίας---συμφορὰς K: ἀλλοτρίαις αὐτὸν χαριεῖσθαι
ξυμφοραῖς L.
434
ay a ον ὦ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxii. 44-51
these men, as well as Constantianus and Bouzes,
declared under oath that Germanus had concealed
from them nothing whatever as far as concerned
these matters, but that everything had happened as
I have just related. The senators, consequently,
straightway acquitted both him and his son unani-
mously as having committed no offence against the
state.
But when all had gone within to the emperor's
apartment, the emperor himself, who had become
violently angry, began to complain and to speak with
the greatest bitterness against Germanus, blaming
him for the tardiness of his disclosure, and two of
the officials, courting his favour, agreed with his
opinion and seemed to share his displeasure. In this
way they greatly increased the emperor's anger, eager
as they were to be complacent to him in matters
involving other men’s misfortunes. But the others,
cowed by fear, remained silent, yielding to him by
not opposing his wish; Marcellus alone, however, by
speaking with plain directness succeeded in saving
the man. For taking the blame upon himself and
speaking with all the emphasis in his power, he
said that Germanus, for his part, had told him most
seasonably what was going on, but that he himself,
making a very careful and detailed investigation,
had reported the matter more deliberately. And in
this way he allayed the emperor’s anger. So Mar-
cellus won for himself great renown from this inci-
dent among all men, as one who in a moment of the
gravest peril shewed his sterling quality. And the
435
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
παρέλυσε τὸν ᾿Αρταβάνην ἧς εἶχεν ἀρχῆς, ἄλλο
δὲ αὐτὸν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν a αρι, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ
τῶν ἄλλων οὐδένα, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἅπαντας οὐ
ξὺν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐν φυλακῇ ἔσχεν, ἐν Παλατίῳ μέντοι,
οὐκ ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ οἰκήματι.
XXXII
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦ πολέμου τόνδε" κύριοι
τῆς ἑσπερίας οἱ βάρβαροι διαρρήδην ἐγένοντο
πάσης. τοῖς τε Ῥωμαίοις ὁ Τοτθικὸς πόλεμος,
καίπερ τὰ πρῶτα κατὰ κράτος νενικηκύσιν,
ὥσπερ μοι ὃ ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, ἐς τοῦτο ἀπεκρίθη,
ὥστε οὐχ ὅσον σφίσι χρήματα καὶ σώματα ἐπ᾽
οὐδεμιᾷ ὀνήσει διεφθάρθαι πολλά, ἀλλὰ καὶ
᾿Ιταλίαν προσαπολέσθαι, καὶ Ἰλλυριούς τε καὶ
Θρᾷκας σχεδόν τι ,δὐμπαντας ἐπιδεῖν * πρὸς τῶν
βαρβάρων ἅτε ὁμόρων " γεγενημένων δηιουμένους
τε καὶ διαφθειρομένους οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ. ἐγένετο
δὲ ὧδε.
Γαλλίας μὲν ὅλας τὰς σφίσι κατηκόους κατ᾽
ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου Τερμανοῖς ἔδοσαν
Γότθοι, οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι πρὸς ἑκατέρους ἀντιτά-
ξασθαι οἷοί τε εἶναι, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν
λόγοις ἐρρήθη. ταύτην τε τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐχ ὅπως
οὐ διακωλύειν Ῥωμαῖοι ἔσχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ βασι-
λεὺς ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἐπέρρωσε σφίσι, τοῦ μή τί οἱ
ἐναντίωμα τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐκπεπο-
λεμωμένων ὑπαντιάσαι. οὐ γάρ ποτε ᾧοντο
1 αὐτὸν Maltretus: αὐτῶ MSS.
2 τόνδε L, Christ: τοῦδε K.
5 wor K: μοι ἐν τοῖς L.
436
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxii. 51—xxxiii. 4
Emperor Justinian removed Artabanes from the office
he held, but he did him no harm, nor in fact any
one of the others, beyond keeping them all under
guard without dishonour—in the palace, however,
not in the public prison.
XXXIII
Ar about this point in the war, the barbarians
became unquestionably masters of the whole West.
Thus, though the Romans had been at first decisively
victorious in the Gothic war, as I have previously
said, the final result for them was that not only had
they consumed money and lives in prodigal fashion
to no advantage, but they had also lost Italy besides,
and had to look on while practically all the Illyrians
and Thracians were being ravaged and destroyed in
a pitiable manner by the barbarians, seeing they had
now become their neighbours. And it came about
as follows.
The Goths had at the beginning of this war given
to the Germans all of Gaul which was subject to
them, believing that they could never be able to
array themselves against both nations, as has been
said by me in the previous narrative.t This act the
Romans were not only unable to prevent, but the
Emperor Justinian even encouraged it, in order
that no obstacle might confront him through having
these particular barbarians roused to war (for the
1 Book V. xiii. 15 ff.
4 ἐπιδεῖν K: om. L. 5 ὁμόρων K: ὁμόρων ἤδη L.
437
οι
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PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
Γαλλίας ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ κεκτῆσθαι Φράγγοι,
μὴ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὸ “ἔργον ἐπισφραγίσαντος
τοῦτό γε. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ οἱ Τερμανῶν ἄρχοντες
Μασαλίαν τε τὴν] Φωκαέων ἀποικίαν καὶ
ξύμπαντα τὰ ἐπιθαλάσσια χωρία ἔσχον, θαλάσσης
τε τῆς ἐκείνῃ ἐκράτησαν. καὶ" κάθηνται μὲν ἐν
τῇ ᾿Αρελάτῳ τὸν ἱππικὸν ἀγῶνα θεώμενοι,
νόμισμα δὲ χρυσοῦν ἐκ τῶν ἐν Ράλλοις μετάλλων
πεποίηνται, οὐ τοῦ Ρωμαίων αὐτοκράτορος, ἧπερ
εἴθισται, χαρακτῆρα ἐνθέμενοι τῷ στατῆρι τούτῳ,
ἀλλὰ τὴν σφετέραν αὐτῶν εἰκόνα. καίτοι
νόμισμα μὲν ἀργυροῦν ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ἧ
βούλοιτο ποιεῖν εἴωθε, χαρακτῆρα δὲ ἴδιον
ἐμβαλέσθαι στατῆρι χρυσῷ οὔτε αὐτὸν ὃ θέμις
οὔτε δὲ ἄλλον ὁντιναοῦν βασιλέα τῶν πάντων
βαρβάρων, καὶ ταῦτα μᾶλλον ὄντα χρυσοῦ
κύριον, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς ξυμβάλλουσι προΐεσθαι
τὸ νόμισμα τοῦτο οἷοί τέ εἰσιν, εἰ καὶ βαρβάρους
τοὺς ξυμβάλλοντας εἶναι ξυμβαίνει. ταῦτα μὲν
οὖν τῇδε Φράγγοις ἐχώρησεν.
/Erret δὲ τὰ Γότθων τε καὶ Τουτίλα καθυ-
πέρτερα τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγένετο, Φράγγοι Βενετίων
τὰ πλεῖστα σφίσι προσεποιήσαντο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ, ἡ
οὔτε Ῥωμαίων δυναμένων ἔτι ἀμύνεσθαι οὔτε
Γότθων οἵων τε ὄντων τὸν πόλεμον πρὸς ἑκατέ-
ρους διενεγκεῖν. Τήπαιδες δὲ πόλιν τε Σίρμιον
καὶ Δακίας ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἁπάσας κατα-
λαβόντες ἐ ἔσχον, ἐπειδὴ τώχιστα βασιλεὺς αὐτὰς
᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἀφείλετο Τ᾽ότθους" ἐξηνδραπόδισάν
τε τὴν Hoeschel: τε καὶ τὴν MSS.
καὶ Ια : καὶ νῦν L.
αὐτὸν Καὶ : τὸν αὐτῶν ἄρχοντα 1).
ω τ =
438
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiii. 4-8
Franks! never considered that their possession of
Gaul was secure except when the emperor had put
the seal of his approval upon their title). And
consequently the rulers of the Germans occupied
Massilia,? the colony of Phocaea, and all the sea-
coast towns and gained control of that part of the
sea. Soas gentlemen of leisure they view the horse
races at Arelatum,? and also make a golden coin
from the product of the mines in Gaul, not stamping
the likeness of the Roman emperor on this stater,
as is customary, but their own likeness. And yet,
while the Persian king is accustomed to make silver
coinage as he likes, still it is not considered right
either for him or for any other sovereign in the whole
barbarian world to imprint his own likeness on a
gold stater, and that, too, though he has gold in his
own kingdom; for they are unable to tender such
a coin to those with whom they transact business,
even though the parties concerned in the transaction
happen to be barbarians. Thus, then, had matters
proceeded as regards the Franks.
When the arms of the Goths and Totila had gained
the upper hand in the war, the Franks assumed
control of the largest part of Venetia with no right
at all, the Romans, for their part, being unable to
ward them off any longer, and the Goths being
unable to carry on the war against the two peoples.
Meanwhile the Gepaedes held the city of Sirmium *
and practically all the cities of Dacia, having taken
possession of them at the moment the Emperor
Justinian took them away from the Goths; and they
1 7. 6, the Germans. 2 Modern Marseille.
8 Modern Arles. 4 Modern Mitrovitza.
4 λόγω Ki: mivw L,
439
10
11
12
13
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
τε τοὺς ταύτῃ Ῥωμαίους, ἔτι μέντοι ἐπίπροσθεν
ἀεὶ ὁδῷ ἰόντες ἐληΐζοντο βιαζόμενοι τὴν Ῥωμαίων
ἀρχήν. διὸ δὴ βασιλεὺς αὐτοῖς τὰς συντάξεις
οὐκέτι ἐδίδου, ἅσπερ εἴθιστο σφᾶς ἀνέκαθεν πρὸς
“Ῥωμαίων κομίζεσθαι. Λαγγοβάρδας δὲ βασιλεὺς
᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἐδωρήσατο Νωρικῷ τε πόλει καὶ
τοῖς ἐπὶ Ἰ]Παννονίας ᾿ὀχυρώμασί τε καὶ ἄλλοις
χωρίοις πολλοῖς καὶ χρήμασι, μεγάλοις ἄγαν.
διά τοι τοῦτο ἐξ ἠθῶν τῶν πατρίων Λαγγοβάρδαι
ἐξαναστάντες ἐνθένδε ποταμοῦ Ἴστρου ἱδρύσαντο,
Τηπαίδων οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν. καὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν
Δαλμάτας τε καὶ ᾿Γλλυριοὺς μέχρι τῶν ᾿Ενπι-
δάμνου ὁρίων ληϊσάμενοι ἠνδραπόδισαν, ἐπειδή
τε τῶν τινες αἰχμαλώτων ἐνθένδε φυγόντες οἴκαδε
ἀποκομίξεσθαι i ἰσχυσαν, περιιόντες τὴν Ρωμαίων
ἀρχὴν. οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἅτε Ῥωμαίοις ἔνσπονδοι
ὄντες ἤν τινας τῶν ἀποδράντων ἐ ἐπιγνοῖεν ἐνταῦθα,
ὥσπερ ἀνδραπόδων οἰκείων δεδραπετευκότων
ἐπελαμβάνοντο, τῶν τε γειναμένων ἀφέλκοντες
ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξὺν αὑτοῖς ἐκομίζοντο, οὐδενὸς
σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος. καὶ ἄλλα μέντοι Δακίας
χωρία δόντος βασιλέως "ρουλοι ἔσχον ἀμφὶ
πόλιν Yuyydovov, οὗ δὴ ἵδρυνται νῦν, ᾿Ιλλυριούς
τε καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία καταθέοντες καὶ
ληϊζόμενοι ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν
καὶ Ρωμαίων στρατιῶται 3 γεγένηνται ἐν τοῖς
1 μὲν Δαλμάτας Haury: μέντοι δαλματίας V, ἐς δαλματίας
μὲν L
2 στρατιῶται : στρατιωτῶν L.
1 Probably Noreia in the province of Noricum : modern
Neumarkt.
440
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiii. 8-13
not only enslaved the Romans of that region, but
they were also constantly moving forward, plunder-
ing and doing violence to the Roman territory.
Consequently the emperor was no longer giving them
the contributions which it had long been customary
for them to receive from the Romans. Now the
Emperor Justinian had bestowed upon the Lombards
the city of Noricum? and the strongholds of Pan-
nonia, as well as many other towns and a very great
amount of money. It was because of this that the
Lombards departed from their ancestral homes and
settled on the south side of the Ister River, not
far from the Gepaedes. They then, in their turn,
plundered the population of Dalmatia and Illyricum
as far as the boundaries of Epidamnus, taking
captives; and since some of the captives escaped
and succeeded in getting back to their homes,
these barbarians, on the ground that they were at
peace with the Romans, went about through the
Roman domain, and whenever they recognized any
of the escaped captives there, they laid hold of them
as if they were their own slaves who had run
away, and, dragging them from their parents, carried
them off with them to their own homes, no one
opposing them. Other towns of Dacia also, about
the city of Singidunum,? had been taken over by
the Eruli as a gift from the emperor, and here they
are settled at the present time, overrunning and
plundering Illyricum and the Thracian towns very
generally. Some of them have even become Roman
soldiers serving among the foederati,? as they are
2 Modern Belgrade.
3 Cf. chap. xxxi. 10, note; Book III. xi. 2, note.
441
ἰ4
σι
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
φοιδεράτοις καλουμένοις ταττόμενοι. ἡνίκα οὖν
? 4 > 7 ͵ὕ tal ΄
Epovhov ἐς Βυξάντιον πρέσβεις σταλεῖεν, τούτων
51 τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἱ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων κατηκόους ληΐ-
ζονται, τὰς συντάξεις ἁπάσας πρὸς βασιλέως
κεκομισμένοι πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἀπαλλάσσονται.
XXXIV
Οὕτω μὲν οἱ βάρβαροι διεδάσαντο τὴν “Po-
μαίων ἀρχήν. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Τ᾿ ἡπαιδές τε
καὶ Λαγγοβάρδαι ἅτε δὴ ἐν γειτόνων πὴ ὠκημένοι
ἀλλήλοις διάφοροι γεγένηνται ἐς τὰ μάλιστα.
πολεμησείοντές Te} προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ ἐς ἀλλή-
λους ἑκάτεροι ὥργων τοῖς πολεμίοις διὰ μάχης
ἰέναι,32 χρόνος τε τῇ ξυμβολῇ τακτὸς ὥριστο.
Λαγγοβάρδαι δὲ οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι Γήπαισιν ἀξιό-
μαχοι κατὰ μόνας αὐτοὶ ἔσεσθαι (πλήθει γὰρ
αὐτοὺς ἐλασσοῦσθαι τῶν πολεμίων ξυνέβαινε)
Ῥωμαίους ἔγνωσαν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπαγαγέσθαι.
πέμψαντες οὖν παρὰ βασιλέα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν
πρέσβεις στράτευμα σφίσιν ἐδέοντο πέμψαι.
ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Τήπαιδες ἔγνωσαν, πέμπουσι καὶ αὐτοὶ
ἐς aber πρέσβεις ὑπὲρ τῶν αὐτῶν δεησο-
μένους ἃ ἦρχε δὲ τότε Γηπαίδων μὲν Θορισὶν
ὄνομα, τῶν δὲ ἑτέρων Αὐδουίν. βασιλεὺς δὲ
᾿Ιουστινιανὸς λόγους μὲν τοὺς πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων
ἀκούειν ἔγνω, οὐχ ἅμα μέντοι ξυνιόντων, ἀλλὰ
1 re L: om. V, οὖν W.
2 τοῖς πολεμίοις---ἰέναι LW: om. V.
3 After ἐπαγαγέσθαι L reads: γήπαιδές τε ws ἔνσπονδοι ἢ
ξυνάρασθαι ῥωμαίους τοῦ ἀγῶνος αὐτοῖς δέον ἔγνωσαν δεηθῆναι καὶ
442
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiii. 13-xxxiv. 5
called. So whenever envoys of the Eruli are sent
to Byzantium, representing the very men who are
plundering Roman subjects, they collect all their
contributions from the emperor without the least
difficulty and carry them off home.
XXXIV
Tuus had the barbarians apportioned the Roman
empire among themselves. But later on the Gepaedes
and the Lombards, having come to be neighbours,
became exceedingly hostile toward one another.
And they were extremely enthusiastic in their desire
to fight each other, so that each nation was eager to
do battle with the enemy, and a fixed time had
been determined upon for the encounter. But the
Lombards, thinking that they alone by their own
strength would never be a match for the Gepaedes
in battle (for they were, in fact, outnumbered by
their enemy), decided to invite the Romans to an
alliance. Accordingly they sent envoys to the
Emperor Justinian begging him to send them an
army. And when the Gepaedes learned this, they
too sent envoys to Byzantium to present the same
request. Now the Gepaedes were ruled at that
time by Thorisin, and the others by Adouin. So
the Emperor Justinian decided indeed to hear the
statement of each of them, but he did not wish them
τὸν πόλεμον ξυνδιενεγκεῖν ἀξιῶσαι, ἢ ἀμφοτέροις ἐκποδὼν στῆναι
καὶ μηδετέρω ἔθνει προσβοηθεῖν.
4 ἢ ῃ ΠΣ ἃ a stan ͵ τ
στράτευμα---δεησομένους W : ὑπὲρ τῶν αὐτῶν δεησομένους V,
ἑκάτεροι τὴν ἐκεῖθεν ἐκαραδόκουν βοήθειαν L,
443
6
10
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
1 ψινομένων. ἐν τοῖς
καὶ χωρὶς παρ᾽ αὐτὸν
πρῶτοι οὖν Λαγγοβώρδαι βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν
ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε:
« “Hiv μέν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καταπεπλῆχθαι τῇ
Τηπαίδων ἀτοπίᾳ ξυμβαίνει, οἵ γε τοσαῦτά τε
τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τοιαῦτα τὸ μέγεθος ἐς τὴν
ὑμετέραν παρανενομηκότες ἀρχὴν νῦν καὶ τὴν
μεγίστην τῶν ὕβρεων ὑμῖν κομιοῦντες ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς "
ἥκουσιν. οὗτοι γὰρ ἂν μόνοι τὰ ἔσχατα ἐς τοὺς
πέλας ὑβρίζοιεν, οἱ λίαν αὐτοὺς εὐπετεῖς εἰς τὸ
ἐξαπατᾶσθαι οἰόμενοι τῆς τῶν ἠδικημένων ἀπο-
λαύσοντες εὐηθείας παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἥκοιεν. ὑμᾶς
δὲ διασκοπεῖσθαι τοσοῦτον αἰτοῦμεν, ὅπη ποτὲ
γνώμης τὰ ἐς φιλίαν Τήπαισιν ἔχει. οὕτω γὰρ
ἂν τὰ ξυνοίσοντα ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα ἐξεργάσαισθε 3
τῇ Ρωμαίων ἀρχῇ, ἐπεὶ τοῖς ἀεὶ προγεγενημένοις
τεκμηριοῦσθαι τὰ ἐσόμενα ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ
δύνανται ἄνθρωποι. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐς ἑτέρους τινὰς
τὴν ἀγνωμοσύνην ἐπιδεδεῖχθαι μόνον τὸ Γηπαίδων
ἔθνος ξυνέβαινε, πολλοῦ λόγου τε ἂν ἡμῖν καὶ
χρόνου καὶ τῆς ἔξωθεν “μαρτυρίας ἐδέησε, διε-
λέγχειν ἐφιεμένοις τὸν τῶν ἀνδρῶν πρόπον" νῦν
δὲ τὸ παράδειγμα ἐγγύθεν παρ᾽ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν
λαβεῖν πάρεστι.
τ Σκέψασθε yap" DorAov μὲν τὴν Δακῶν χώραν
ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν τὰ πρότερα εἶχον, ἢήπαιδες
δὲ τοῦ Ἴστρου ἐπὶ θάτερα τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ῴκηντο
ἅπαντες, Τότθων μὲν οὕτω κατεπτηχότες τὴν
1 αὐτὸν Maltretus: αὐτῶν MSS.
2 ὑμᾶς Maltretus: ἡμᾶς MSS.
3 ἐξεργάσαισθε Haury: ἐξεργάσησθε VW, ἐργάσησθε L,
ἐργάσαισθε Dindort.
444
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiv. 5-10
to come at the same time, but to appear before
him separately. First the Lombards came into the
emperor's presence and spoke as follows.
** We, for our part, O Emperor, have been astounded
at the outrageous conduct of the Gepaedes, seeing
that, although they have already perpetrated crimes
both many and great against your realm, as we all
know, they have now come before you to offer you,
in fact, the greatest possible insult. For they, and
they only, can be said to put the utmost insult upon
their neighbours, who imagine that these are so very
easily deceived that they come to them with the
intention of profiting by the simplicity of those very
men whom they have already wronged. Now we ask
you to give careful consideration to one matter only,
the question namely as to what attitude the Gepaedes
assume toward their friends. For thus you could
with the greatest certainty assure the welfare of the
Roman empire, since men are always able to infer
safely from previous events what the future will-bring
forth. If, now, it were true that the nation of the
Gepaedes had displayed their ingratitude only to
some other people, it would have been necessary for
us to occupy much time with a long speech and to
bring in testimony from outside, in striving to
demonstrate the base character of the men; but as
it is, we are enabled to choose an example near at
hand from your own experience.
“This is what we would have you consider: the
Goths formerly held the land of Dacia as a tributary
province, while all the Gepaedes dwelt originally on
the other side of the Ister, being in such mortal
terror of the Gothic power, on the one hand, that
445
11
12
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14
15
16
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
δύναμιν ἁ ὥστε τὸν ποταμὸν διαπορθμεύεσθαι οὐδὲ
ὅσον ἀποπειράσασθαι πώποτε ἴσχυσαν, ἔνσπονδοι
δὲ καὶ φίλοι Ῥωμαίοις τὰ “μάλιστα ὄντες καὶ
δῶρα πολλὰ τῷ τῆς φιλίας ὀνόματι. κομιζόμενοι
ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος πρός τε τῶν ἔμπροσθεν. βεβασιλευκό-
τῶν, καὶ παρὰ σοῦ evo οὐδέν τι ἧσσον. ἡδέως
ἂν οὖν πυθοίμεθα * τούτων δὴ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τί
ποτε ὑπὲρ τούτων αὐτοῖς ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἀγαθὸν
εἴργασται. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἔχοιεν οὐ μικρὸν ἢ
μέγα εἰπεῖν: ἕως μὲν οὖν οὐκ εἶχον ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ ἂν
ὑμᾶς ἀδικοῖεν, οὐ γνώμῃ τινί, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπορίᾳ
ναγκασμένοι ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον. τοῦ μὲν γὰρ
Ἴστρου ἐπέκεινα προσποιεῖσθαι * ὑμεῖς οὐδὲν
ἠξιοῦτε, τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε τὸ ἐκ ΤΓότθων αὐτοὺς
ἀνεσόβει δέος. τίς δ᾽ ἂν εὐγνωμοσύνην ποτὲ τὴν
ἀδυναμίαν καλοίη; ποία δὲ φιλίας βεβαίωσις ἐν
τῇ τοῦ , ἐξαμαρτάνειν. ἀμηχανίᾳ γενήσεται; οὐκ
ἔστιν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ταῦτα, οὐκ ἔστι. δύναμις γὰρ
ἀνθρώπου φύσιν 3 ἐνδείκνυται μόνη, ἐξάγουσα
πᾶσιν ἐν δημοσίῳ τῇ τοῦ δρᾶν" ἐξουσίᾳ τὸν
τρόπον. ἰδοὺ γάρ, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα Γήπαιδες
εἶδον DorGous μὲν ἐκ Δακίας ἀπεληλαμένους
ἁπάσης, ὑμᾶς δὲ ἀσχολίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τοὺς πολε-
μίους ἐχομένους, πανταχόϑι τῆς γῆς ἐπιβατεῦσαι
τῆς ὑμετέρας οἱ μιαρώτατοι τετολμήκασι.
“Tas a ἄν τις ἐφικέσθαι δύναιτο λόγῳ τῆς τοῦ
πράγματος ἀτοπίας ; ; οὐ κατεφρόνησαν τῆς Ῥω-
μαίων ἀρχῆς; οὐκ ἔλυσαν σπονδῶν τε καὶ
1 πυθοίμεθα Hoeschel : πυθόμεθα MSS.
a προσποιεῖσθαι VL: προσίεσθαι W.
8 φύσιν VW: φύσιν ἥτοι “προαίρεσιν σπουδαίαν ἢ φαύλην L.
4 πᾶσιν W: πᾶσαν V, πάντων L.
446
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiv. 10-16
they never succeeded in crossing the stream, or
even attempting it, while they were, on the other
hand, on terms of close alliance and friendship with
the Romans, and every year they received from the
former emperors many gifts in the name of friend-
ship, and indeed they have received them from thee
in no less generous measure. We should be glad
then to ask these gentlemen what good thing they
have done for the Romans in return for these benefits.
But they would not be able to mention one such
thing, great or small. Now as long as they had no
means of doing you wrong, they remained quiet, not
because of any conviction on their part, but because
they were compelled by lack of opportunity to do
so. For you, on your part, did not seek to lay any
claim to the country beyond the Ister, while the fear
inspired by the Goths always frightened them from
the land on this side. But who indeed would call
impotence gratitude? And what assurance of friend-
ship could be based on inability to commit an offence?
None, O Emperor, none ; these things cannot be. For
opportunity alone reveals the nature of a man, bring-
ing out his character to the common gaze of all
because of his freedom to act. For behold, at the
very moment the Gepaedes saw that the Goths had
been driven from all Dacia, while you, on your part,
were busily engaged in fighting your enemies, the
cursed wretches have dared to trespass upon your
land in every part.
“ How could anyone adequately depict in words
the outrageous nature of their action? Did they
not heap contempt upon the Roman empire? Did
they not break the bonds of both treaty and
5 δρᾶν VW: ἀνδρὺς L.
447
17
18
19
20
21
22
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
συμμάχων. θεσμούς ; οὐχ ὕβρισαν εἰς ovs ἥκιστα
ἐχρῆν ; οὐκ ἐβιάσαντο βασιλείαν ἧς δοῦλοι ἂν
εὔξαιντο εἶναι, ἤν τις σχολὴ ὑμῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς
γένηται; [Γήπαιδες, ὦ βασιλεῦ, Σίρμιον ἔχουσι
καὶ Ρωμαίους ἀνδραποδίζουσιν, ὅλην τε προσ-
ποιεῖσθαι Δακίαν αὐχοῦσι' τίνα πόλεμον ὑπὲρ
ὑμῶν ποτε ἢ ξὺν ὑμῖν ἢ πρὸς ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς νενικη-
κότες ; ἢ τίνος ἀγωνίας ἄθλα τὴν χώραν ταύτην
πεποιημένοι ; καὶ ταῦτα ἔμμισθοι πρὸς ὑμῶν
γεγονότες πολλάκις καὶ τὰ χρήματα, ὥσπερ
εἴρηται, κεκομισμένοι χρόνον οὐκ ἴσμεν ὁπόσον
ἄνω. καίτοι τῆς παρούσης αὐτῶν πρεσβείας οὐ
γέγονε πρᾶξις μιαρωτέρα ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου.
ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡμᾶς πολεμησείοντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς εἶδον,
ἐς Βυζαντιόν τε θαρσοῦσιν ἀφῖχθαι καὶ βασιλεῖ
ἐς τοσόνδε περιυβρισμένῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκειν. ἴσως
που καὶ ἀναιδείας περιουσίᾳ ἐς ξυμμαχίαν 3
παρακαλέσουσιν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῖς οὕτω κατεσπου-
δασμένοις ὑ ὑμῖν. καὶ μὴν εἰ μὲν ἀποδωσείοντες
ἥκουσιν ὧνπερ ἐπεβάτευσαν οὐδὲν σφίσι προσῆ-
κον, Λαγγοβάρδας αἰτιωτάτους τῆς ἐνθένδε
ὠφελείας > λογιστέον Ῥωμαίοις," ὧνπερ, τῷ δέει
ἀναγκασθέντες τὴν ἀκούσιον εὐγνωμοσύνην ὀψὲ
τοῦ καιροῦ μεταμπίσχονται. τῷ γὰρ τὴν ἀνάγκην
πεποιημένῳ τὴν χάριν εἰκότως ὁ τῆς εὐεργεσίας
τυχὼν εἴσεται. εἰ δέ γε μηδὲ νῦν ἐκστῆναι τῶν
οὐ προσηκόντων βεβούληνται, τίς ἂν εἴη ταύτης
δὴ τῆς κακοτροπίας ὑπερβολή ;
ἥκειν VW: ἐλθεῖν L.
ἐς ξυμμαχίαν VW: καὶ περὶ ξυμμαχίας L.
ὠφελείας W: ἀμελείας V, μεταμελείας L
Ῥωμαίοις Haury: ῥωμαίους MSS.
Ῥ ὦ 8 μ᾽
448
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiv. 16-22
alliance? Did they not insult those whom they
should never have treated thus? Did they not do
violence to an empire whose slaves they would crave
the privilege of being should you find any leisure to
deal with them? The Gepaedes, O Emperor, are
holding Sirmium and enslaving Romans, and they
make the boast that they are in possession of all
Dacia. Yet what war have they ever won fighting
in your behalf, or with you, or against you? Or
what struggle do they consider has brought them
this land as a prize? And in spite of all this, they
have often been in your pay and have been receiving
their payments, as previously stated, for we know
not how long a time. And yet there has never
been in all time an act more despicable than this
present embassy of theirs. For as soon as they saw
that we were eager to make war on them, they had
the hardihood to come to Byzantium and appear
before the emperor who has been so grievously
insulted by them. In sooth they will, perhaps, in
their excess of shamelessness, invite you to form an
alliance of arms against us who have been so favoured
by you. And verily if they have come with the
purpose of giving back what they have usurped
without any right, the Lombards should be counted
by the Romans most responsible for that benefit, if
they are really constrained through fear of them
unwillingly to change their course and manifest
gratitude late in the day. For naturally he who
creates the constraint will be thanked by him who
receives the benefit. But if indeed they have
decided even now to retreat from none of their
usurped holdings, what could surpass such _base-
ness?
449
VOL, IV. Ga
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
a lal / “
“Tatra μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν ἀφελείᾳ βαρβαρικῇ, λόγων
/ nr > nr /
σπανιζούσῃ, τῶν πραγμάτων οὐδαμῆ ἐπαξίως
δ. δ \ , & a ΄ “
εἰρήσθω. σὺ δέ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, διασκοπούμενος ὅσα
ἡ \ \ a \
ἐνδεεστέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν ἡμῖν εἴρηται, τὰ
¢ an “
Ρωμαίοις τε καὶ Λαγγοβάρδαις τοῖς σοῖς
-“ lal ἊΝ cr
ξυνοίσοντα πρᾶσσε, τοῦτο πρὸς Tots ἄλλοις
rm a \ an me
ἅπασιν ἐννοῶν, WS ἡμῖν μὲν ἀμφὶ TO θεῷ ὁμογνω-
μονοῦσι τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς συντετάξονται “Ῥωμαῖοι
7 a \ ᾽ o 3 \ ’ ΘΝ
δικαίως, τοῖς δὲ ᾿Αρειανοῖς οὖσι καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ
“ ᾽ /
τοῦτο ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας χωρήσουσι.᾽"
/ \ a 3 / \
Λαγγοβάρδαι μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπον. γενόμενοι δὲ
a e / \ ΄ ‘ e / ᾷ
τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ παρὰ βασιλέα καὶ οἱ Τηπαίδων
πρέσβεις ἔλεξαν ὧδε" “Δίκαιον, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τοὺς
\ ΄
ἐπὶ ξυμμαχίας αἰτήσει παρὰ τοὺς πέλας ἀφικο-
fal , ,
μένους ἀναδιδάξαι πρῶτον, ὡς δίκαιά τε δεησό-
Α i
poevor! πάρεισι καὶ ξύμφορα τοῖς ξυμμαχήσουσιν,
οὕτω τε τοὺς λόγους ὧνπερ ἕνεκα πρεσβεύουσι
A e \ = ᾽ 2 \
ποιεῖσθαι. ws μὲν οὖν ἠδικήμεθα πρὸς Aayyo-
n ? , a / Ν᾽
βαρδῶν, αὐτόθεν δῆλον" δίκῃ γὰρ διαλύειν τὰ
διάφορα ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχομεν, δικάζεσθαι δὲ οἷς ἂν
7 / ’ n , ig
σπουδάζηται βιάζεσθαι οὐδαμῆ πρόσεστιν. ὡς
\ / \ 5] a / X
δὲ ΤΟΝ aue ΡΟστία τε Καὶ; ἀρετῇ Γήπαιδες παρὰ
a / Mv
πολὺ Λαγγοβαρδῶν κρείσσους τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες,
ΕΝ, > ’ / / \ \ \ cr
τί av τις ἐν εἰδόσι μακρολογοίη ; τὸ δὲ ξὺν τοῖς
/
καταδεεστέροις ἐς τὴν ἀγωνίαν 5 καθισταμένους ἐς
1 δεησόμενοι VW: ἀναδεξόμενοι L.
2 τὴν ayovlay Vi: τὸν ἀγῶνα L, τὴν ἀγώνισιν W.
450
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiv. 23-29
“This then shall be our plea, expressed with
\barbarian simplicity, with scant words, and in no
‘way worthily of the situation. But we beg that
ithou, Ὁ Emperor, after carefully weighing what we
ihave said less adequately than the facts deserve,
i'take that course of action which will redound to
ithe benefit both of the Romans and of the Lombards,
ithy people, calling to mind this, in addition to all
‘other considerations, that while the Romans will
justly take sides with us, seeing that we have been
‘in agreement from the first as regards religion, they
will stand in opposition to our opponents for the
‘simple reason that they are Arians.”
Thus spoke the Lombards. On the following day
ithe envoys of the Gepaedes in turn came before the
‘emperor and spoke as follows: “It may fairly be
‘expected, O Emperor, that those who approach a
meighbouring state with a request to form an alliance
‘of arms, should first demonstrate that they have
‘come with a just request and with proposals of
‘advantage to those who are to form the alliance,
and then speak on the matters of which they
have come to treat. In the first place, then, that
να have been wronged by the Lombards is evident
‘from the facts themselves; for we are eager to
‘settle our difficulties by arbitration, and those who
‘are bent on arbitration can have nothing to do with
violence. In the second place, why should one, in
‘order to prove that the Gepaedes are far superior
‘to the Lombards both in multitude and in valour,
address long speeches to those who know? Now
‘the policy of entering a conflict on the side of
‘the weaker contestant and thus getting into an
‘evil plight which has been foreseen, though the
491
αο2
30
31
32
33
34
35
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
κακόν τι προῦπτον ἰέναι, παρὸν τὴν νίκην ξὺν
τοῖς δυνατωτέροις ταττομένους ᾿ ἀκίνδυνον ἔχειν,
οὐκ ἄν τινας οἰόμεθα τῶν καὶ κατὰ βραχὺ
σωφρονούντων ἑλέσθαι. ὥστε καὶ ὑμῖν ἐφ᾽
ἑτέρους τινὰς ἰοῦσι ξυντετάξονται τὸ λοιπὸν
Γήπαιδες, χάριν μὲν τῶν πεπραγμένων ὀφείλοντες,
δυνάμεως δὲ περιουσίᾳ ξυμποριξόμενοι τὴν τῶν
πολεμίων, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, € ἐπικράτησιν. καὶ μὴν καὶ
τοῦτο λογίζεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἂν πρέποι, ὡς Λαγγοβάρδαι
μὲν ἐξ ὑπογυίου “Ῥωμαίοις γεγένηνται φίλοι,
Γήπαιδας δὲ ὑμῖν ἐνσπόνδους τε τὸ ἀνέκαθεν καὶ
γνωρίμους γεγονέναι ξυμβαΐνει. φιλία δὲ χρόνου
μήκει ξυμπλεκομένη ΤΩΣ διάλυσιν οὐκ εὐπετῇ
ἔχει. ὥστε ξυμμάχους " οὐ δυνατοὺς μόνον, ἀλλὰ
καὶ βεβαίους κεκτήσεσθε. 5 δικαιώματα μὲν οὖν
πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν ἐπαγωγὰ ταῦτά
ays
ἐστιν ἡμῖν.
“Θεάσασθε δὲ ὁποῖοι Λαγγοβάρδαι τοὺς τρό-
πους εἰσί. δίκῃ μὲν τὰ διάφορα διαλῦσαι, καΐπερ
πολλὰ προκαλουμένων ἡμῶν, οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν,
θράσει ἀλογίστῳ ἐχόμενοι" ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ πόλεμος ἤδη
που ἐν χερσὶ γέγονεν, οἱ δὲ ὀπίσω τῶν πραγμάτων
ἀναποδίζοντες τῷ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀσθένειαν ἕυνε-
πίστασθαι παρ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἥκουσιν, ἀξιοῦντες “Po-
μαίους ἀνελέσθαι τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν οὐ δέον
ἀγῶνα. πάντως δὲ οἱ κλῶπες οὗτοι TO τε
SA νιν 3 \ / » / ig ,
Σίρμιον καὶ ἄλλα ἐπὶ Δακίας atta χωρία ὑπο-
θεσιν ὑμῖνδ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦδε προΐσχονται
1 ταττομένους : ταττόμενον L, ταττομένοις W.
2 ξυμμάχους VW: ξυμμάχους ἡμᾶς L.
3 κεκτήσεσθε Wi: κεκτῆσθαι V, προσῆκον κεκτῆσθαι L.
4 ἡμῖν LW: ὑμῖν V.
452
Δ a οὦ..» ὦ
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiv. 29-35
opportunity is offered of having the victory without
danger by arraying oneself with the more powerful
contestant, is not one, we think, which any men
gifted with even a little discretion would choose.
Consequently you also will find, when you go forth
against another enemy, that the Gepaedes hereafter
will array themselves with you, thus paying a debt
of gratitude for what you have done, and by their
overwhelming power helping you in all probability
to achieve the overmastery of your foes. Further-
more, it would be in point for you to consider this
fact also, that while the Lombards have become
friends of the Romans on the spur of the moment,
the Gepaedes have been in alliance with you and
well known to you from ancient times. And friend-
ship cemented by long continuance is not easily
dissolved. Consequently you will acquire not only
powerful, but also steadfast, allies. These, then,
are the just grounds on the basis of which we invite
you to form this alliance.
« Now observe what manner of men the Lombards
are. At first they absolutely refused to settle our
differences by arbitration, though we invited them
‘repeatedly to do so, overcome, as they were, by
‘unreasoning boldness. But now that the war has
‘come almost to an actual engagement, they, making
a tardy retreat from their position because they
irealize fully their own weakness, have come to you,
‘asking the Romans to take up the unjust struggle in
‘their behalf. Doubtless these thieves bring up the
ease of Sirmium and a few other towns in Dacia, and
put this forward as a pretext on which you may
5 οὐ δέον V: ὡς ov δέον L, om. W.
8 ὑμῖν Wi: μὲν ὑμῖν V, ἡμῖν L.
453
36
37
38
39
40
41
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
/ “
εἶναι. καίτοι πόλεών τε καὶ χώρας τοσοῦτον τῇ
σῇ βασιλείᾳ περίεστιν ὥστε καὶ διερευνᾶσθαι
τῶν ἀνθρώπων τινάς, οἷς ἂν καὶ δοίης μοῖράν
τινα πρὸς ἐνοίκησιν. Φράγγους ἀμέλει καὶ τὸ
> / Μ \ ͵ / 7,
Βρούλων ἔθνος καὶ τούτους Λαγγοβάρδας τοσού-
τοις ἐδωρήσω πόλεώς τε καὶ χώρας, ὦ βασιλεῦ,
μέτροις, ὁπόσα οὐκ ἂν τις διαριθμήσαιτο. ἡμεῖς͵
δὲ τῇ φιλίᾳ τῇ σῇ τὸ θαρσεῖν ἔχοντες, τοῦτο,
ὅπερ ἐβούλου, διαπεπράγμεθα' ὁ δέ τι προΐεσθαι
τῶν ὑπαρχόντων βεβουλευμένος * κρείσσω παρὰ
πολὺ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτοῦ τετυχηκότος τῆς χάριτος,
τὸν προτερήσαντά τε καὶ γνώμῃ τὸ δῶρον,
αὐτονόμῳ = ἑλόμενον οἴεται εἶναι, ἢν μὴ ἐς τὸν
κεκτημένον ὑβρίζων, ἀλλὰ τῷ φίλος οἱ ἐς τὰ
μάλιστα εἶναι θαρσῶν, τὴν τοῦ πράγματος
» lA a tal ef \ ΄ 5
ἀξίωσιν πεποιῆσθαι δοκεῖ, ὅπερ Kal Τήπαισιν ἐς
Ῥωμαίους τετύχηκεν εἶναι. ὧν ἐνθυμουμένους
ὑμᾶς μάλιστα μὲν κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν αἰτοῦμεν
σὺν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ Λαγγοβάρδας ἰέναι δυνάμει τῇ
πάσῃ" εἰ δὲ μή, ἐκποδὼν ἀμφοτέροις στῆναι.
ταῦτα γὰρ βουλευόμενοι δίκαιά τε ποιεῖτε 3 καὶ
λίαν ἐπιτηδείως τῇ Ρωμαίων ἀρχῇ.
\ / \ lo) ὩΣ /
Kal Γήπαιδες μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπον. βουλευσά-
\ \ > \ \ > \
μενος δὲ πολλὰ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς αὐτοὺς
μὲν ἀποπέμψασθαι ἀπράκτους ἔγνω, ὁμαιχμίαν
δὲ πρὸς Λαγγοβάρδας διώμοτον πεποιημένος
πλέον αὐτοῖς ἢ ἐς μυρίους ἱππεῖς ἔπεμψεν, ὧν δὴ
ἹΚΚωνσταντιανὸς καὶ Βούζης καὶ ᾿Αράτιος ἦρχον.
ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης, ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ
1 βεβουλευμένος VL: βεβουλημένος W.
2 αὐτονόμω Li: αὐτὸν ὅμως V, αὐτῷ μόνῳ W.
3 ποιεῖτε MSS: ποιήσετε Scaliger.
454
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiv. 35-41
enter this war. And yet thy empire comprises
such an overabundance both of cities and of lands.
that thou art actually searching for men upon whom
thou couldst confer some part of it for their habita-
tion. Indeed thou hast bestowed upon the Franks
and the nation of the Eruli and these Lombards
such generous gifts of both cities and lands, O
Emperor, that no one could enumerate them all.
But we, emboldened by thy friendship, have ac-
complished that which thou didst wish; and truly,
when a man has formed the purpose of parting with
some one of his possessions, he thinks far less highly
of one who waits to receive his gift than of one who
anticipates his purpose and takes the gift by his own
decision, provided such an one does not appear to
have claimed the right to take this course in a spirit
of insolence toward the possessor, but in a spirit of
confidence in the strong friendship he feels toward
him ; and this is exactly the attitude of the Gepaedes
toward the Romans. We ask you, then, to recall
these things and, preferably, to observe the terms
of our alliance by throwing all your strength into
the conflict on our side against the Lombards; other-
wise, to stand aside for both. For in reaching such
a decision you are acting with justice and greatly to
the advantage of the Roman empire.”
Such was the speech of the Gepaedes, whom the
Emperor Justinian, after long deliberation, decided
to send away with their mission unaccomplished ;
but he made a sworn alliance of arms with the
Lombards, and then sent them more than ten
thousand horsemen commanded by Constantianus,
Bouzes, and Aratius. Associated with them also
was John the nephew of Vitalian, who had received
455
42
43
44
45
46
47
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἀδελφιδοῦς, προρρηθὲν αὐτῷ ἐκ βασιλέως, ἐπειδὰν
τάχιστα διαμαχήσωνται πρὸς τὸ Γηπαίδων ἔθνος,
ἐνθένδε σπουδῇ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ξὺν τοῖς ἑπο-
μένοις ἰέναι. ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας καὶ
αὐτὸς ἥκων. ξύμμαχοι δὲ αὐτοῖς "Ἔρουλοι
πεντακόσιοί τε καὶ χίλιοι εἵποντο, ὧν ἄλλοι τε
καὶ Φιλημοὺθ ἦρχον. οἱ γὰρ ἄλλοι ξύμπαντες
"Epovaoe ἐς τρισχιλίους ὄντες ξὺν τοῖς Γήπαισιν
ἐτετάχατο, ἐπεὶ Ρωμαίων ἀποστάντες οὐ πολλῷ
ἔμπροσθεν ἔτυχον ἐξ αἰτίας ἥ μοι ἐν τοῖς
ἔμπροσθεν ἐρρήθη.
Μοῖρα δὲ Ῥωμαίων τῶν παρὰ Λαγγοβάρδας
ἐπὶ ξυμμαχίᾳ ἰ ἰόντων ᾿ρούλων τισὶ ξὺν ᾿Αόρδῳ
τῷ τοῦ ἄρχοντος ἀδελφῷ ἐξαπιναίως ἐπιτυγχά-
νουσι. μάχης τε καρτερᾶς γενομένης νικῶσι
Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τόν τε "A opoov τῶν TE ᾿Ερούλων
πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν. γνόντες δὲ Γήπαιδες ἄγχιστά
πη εἶναι τὸν Ρωμαίων στρατόν, τὰ διάφορα εὐθὺς
Λαγγοβάρδαις διέλυσαν, ἔς τε σπονδὰς οἱ βάρ-
βαροι οὗτοι ξυνέβησαν ἀλλήλοις, ἀκόντων “Pw-
μαίων. ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ὁ “Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἔμαθον,3
ἐν πολλῇ ἀμηχανίᾳ ἐγένοντο ἡ οὔτε γὰρ ἔτι
ἐδύναντο πρόσω ἰέναι οὔτε ἀναστρέφειν ὀπίσω
εἶχον δειμαίνοντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ μὴ Γήπαιδές τε
καὶ "Epovnor καταθέοντες τὴν ᾿Ιλλυριῶν ληΐ-
σωνται Ρ χώραν. αὐτοῦ γοῦν μείναντες ἐς βασιλέα
τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ἀνήνεγκαν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν
ἐπράσσετο τῇδε. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθεν τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ
λόγου ἐποιησάμην ἐπάνειμι.
1 ἐτύγχανε-- -ἥκων VL: om. W.
2 ἐπιτυγχάνουσι V: ἐντυγχάνουσι L.
3 ἔμαθον Haury: ἔμαθεν MSS. 4 ἐγένοντο L: ἐγένετο V.
5 ληίσωνται Editors: ληίσονται V, δηλήσωνται L.
456
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxiv. 41-47
previous instructions from the emperor that, as soon
as they should fight a decisive battle with the nation
of the Gepaedes, he should hasten thence to Italy
with his troops. For he, too, as it happened, had
returned from Italy. They also took with them as
allies fifteen hundred Eruli, commanded by Phile-
muth and others. For, except for these, the whole
nation of the Eruli, to the number of three thousand,
were arrayed with the Gepaedes, since they had
revolted from the Romans not long before for a
cause which I have set forth above.
Now a detachment of the Romans who were
marching to join the Lombards as allies unex-
pectedly chanced upon some of the Eruli with
Aordus, the brother of their ruler. And a fierce
battle ensued in which the Romans were victorious,
and they slew both Aordus and many of the Eruli.
Then the Gepaedes, upon learning that the Roman
army was close at hand, straightway settled their
disagreement with the Lombards, and so these
barbarians made a treaty of peace with each other,
contrary to the will of the Romans. When the
Roman army learned this, they found themselves
involved in a very perplexing situation. For neither
were they able to continue their advance nor could
they retrace their steps, because the generals feared
lest both Gepaedes and Eruli would overrun and
plunder the land of Ilyricum. At any rate, they
remained there and reported their situation to the
emperor. Such was the course of these events.
But I shall return to the point in my narrative om
which I strayed.”
1 Cf. Book VI. xiv. 37.
? The digression begins with chap. xxxi.
457 -
σι
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
XXXV
Βελισάριος μὲν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον οὐδενὶ
κόσμῳ ἤει, γῆς μὲν τῆς ᾿Ιταλῶν πενταετὲς ὙσΠΩΣ
2 / > / τῷ α bed > rn > 1
ἀποβάς, οὐδέ! πη ὁδῷ ἰέναι ἐνταῦθα ἰσχύσας,"
ἀλλὰ φυγῇ κεκρυμμένῃ ἐχόμενος πάντα τοῦτον
τὸν χρόνον, ἔκ τε ὀχυρώματος ἀεὶ ἐπιθαλασσίου
τινὸς ἐς ἄλλο ἐπὶ τῆς παραλίας ὀχύρωμα διηνεκὲς
ναυτιλλόμενος. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀδεέστερον τοὺς
πολεμίους τετύχηκε “Ῥώμην te® ἀνδραποδίσαι
καὶ τἄλλα ὡς εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα. τότε δὲ καὶ
ΠΠερυσίαν πόλιν, ἣ πρώτη ἐν Τούσκοις οὖσα
ἐτύγχανε, πικρότατα πολιορκουμένην ἀπέλιπεν,
nr e a
ἥπερ αὐτοῦ ἔτι ὁδῷ ἰόντος κατ᾽ ἄκρας ἑάλω.
ἐς Βυζάντιον δὲ ἀφικόμενος διατριβὴν τὸ λοιπὸν
ἐνταῦθα εἶχε, πλούτου μὲν ἐξουσίαν περιβεβλη-
μένος πολλήν, εὐτυχήμασι δὲ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν
> lal / > / ” “ ε
αὐτῷ ξυμβεβηκόσιν ἀπόβλεπτος ὦν, ἅπερ οἱ
, Bl 2 / > 4 4 ,
πρότερον ἢ ἐς Λιβύην ἐστράτευσε ξυμβόλῳ
προὔλεγέ τινι οὐκ ἀφανεῖ τὸ δαιμόνιον.
€ \ ΄ 4} 8 Φ ἂν ,,
O δὲ ξύμβολος ἐγένετο ὧδε. ἣν τις Βελισαρίῳ
fal > / lal / a \ ,
κλῆρος ἐν Βυζαντίων τῷ προαστείῳ ὃ δὴ Ilavtet-
χίον μὲν ὀνομάζεται, κεῖται δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀντιπέρας
᾽ / 2 “Ὁ Ὶ , » ss a ”
ἡπείρῳ. ἐνταῦθα ὀλύγῳ ἔμπροσθεν ἢ ἐμελλε
Βελισάριος ἐπί τε Dedtuepa καὶ Λιβύην ἐξηγήσα-
σθαι τῷ “Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ, ἐνδελεχέστατα
πλήθειν οἱ τὰς ἀμπέλους ξυνέβη. οἴνου τε ὃς
1 οὐδέν᾽ : οὐδὲ γάρ L.
5 ἰσχύσας V: ἴσχυσεν L.
3 re V: τε αὐτὴν L.
4
ἐστράτευσε V; ἐκστρατεῦσαι L.
458
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxv. 1-5
XXXV
Tue journey of Belisarius to Byzantium was an
inglorious one ; for five years he had not disembarked
anywhere on the soil of Italy, nor had he succeeded
in making a single march there by land, but he had
been obliged to conceal himself by flight during this
whole time, always sailing without interruption from
one fortified coast-town to some other stronghold
along the shore. As a result of this the enemy,
having now little to fear, had enslaved Rome and
everything else, practically speaking. It was on this
occasion also that he abandoned Perusia, the leading
city of Tuscany, though it was very closely besieged ;
indeed it was captured by storm while he was still
on his way. After reaching Byzantium he took up
a permanent residence there, having now amassed a
great fortune and being greatly admired because of
his earlier successes, just as the Deity had foretold
to him by an unmistakable sign before he made the
expedition to Libya.
Now the sign was as follows. Belisarius had an
inherited property in the suburb of Byzantium which
is called Panteichion,! and is situated on the opposite
mainland. On this property, shortly before the
time when Belisarius was about to lead the Roman
army against Gelimer and Libya, it so happened
that his vines bore a great abundance of grapes.
1 Modern Pendik, on the Asiatic shore.
5 dyévero V: ἐλέγετο L.
8 ἐξηγήσασθαι V: ἐξηγήσεσθαι L.
459
10
1
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
ἐνθένδε γεγονὼς ἔτυχε πίθων οἱ θεράποντες
ἐμπλησάμενοι μέγα τι χρῆμα, καὶ αὐτῶν τὰ μὲν
ἔνερθεν κατορύξαντες, τὰ δὲ ὕπερθεν πηλῷ ἐς τὸ
ἀκριβὲς ἐπιβύσαντες, ἐν τῷ οἰνῶνι κατέθεντο.
μησὶ δὲ ὀκτὼ ὕστερον ἐν πίθοις τισὶν ἀναβράσσων
ὁ οἶνος διεσπάσατο μὲν τὸν πηλὸν ᾧπερ ἐπέφρακτο
αὐτῶν ἕκαστος, ὑπερβλύσας δὲ καὶ ῥεύσας πολὺς
ἐς τοσόνδε γῆν τὴν ἐχομένην ἐπέκλυσεν ὥστε καὶ
τέλμα ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἐδάφει ἐργάσασθαι μέγα.
ὅπερ ἐπεὶ οἱ θεράποντες εἶδον, ἐν θάμβει μεγάλῳ
γενόμενοι πολλοὺς μὲν ἐνθένδε ἀμφορέας ἐμπλή-
σασθαι ἔσχον, αὖθις δὲ τούτους δὴ τοὺς πίθους
τῷ πηλῷ ἀποφράξαντες τὰ παρόντα ἐν σιωπῇ
εἶχον. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο πολλάκις ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν
χρόνον γεγονὸς εἶδον, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν κεκτη-
μένον τὸ πρᾶγμα. ἦγον, ὁ δὲ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων
πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἀγείρας ἐπέδειξε τὰ ποιούμενα"
οἵπερ τῷ ξυμβόλῳ τεκμηριούμενοι ἐ ἐς ταύτην δὴ
τὴν οἰκίαν 1 μεγάλα προὔλεγον ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι.
Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ᾿Βελισαρίῳ ἐχώρησε.
Βιγίλιος δέ, ὁ τῆς Ρώμης ἀρχιερεύς, ξὺν ᾿Ιταλοῖς
τοῖς ἐνταῦθα τηνικάδε παροῦσι, πολλοῖς τε καὶ
λογιμωτάτοις ἐσώγαν οὗσιν, οὐκέτι ἀνίει, ἀλλ᾽
ἔχρῃζε βασιλέως ᾿Ιταλίας μεταποιεῖσθαι δυνάμει
τῇ πάσῃ. μάλιστα δὲ πάντων αὐτὸν Τ᾽ όθιυγος 5
ἐνῆγε, πατρίκιος ἀνήρ, ἐς τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν δίφρον
ἀναβεβηκὼς πολλῷ πρότερον: ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς
τούτων δὴ ἕνεκεν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικόμενος ἔτυχεν
ἔναγχος. βασιλεὺς δὲ ᾿Ιταλίας μὲν ἐπηγγέλλετο
1 ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν οἰκίαν V: καὶ ταύτη τῇ οἰκία L, ταύτῃ τῇ
οἰκίᾳ Dindorf from an inferior MS.
460
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxv. 5-11
And with the wine thus produced his servants had
filled a great quantity of jars, which they placed in
the wine-cellar, burying the lower part of them in
the earth and smearing the upper part carefully with
clay. But eight months later the wine in some jars,
as it began to ferment, burst the clay with which
each of them had been sealed; then it ran over the
tops of the jars and, flowing copiously, covered the
ground around with such a flood that it actually
formed a great pool on the floor there. When the
servants saw this, they were filled with amazement ;
and they were able to fill many amphoras from it,
after which they again stopped up those same jars
with clay and remained silent about the matter.
But when they had seen this happen many times at
about the same date, they did report the matter to
their master, and he, for his part, gathered many of
his friends there and displayed the phenomenon;
whereupon they foretold that many blessings would
fall upon that house, basing their conclusion upon
this sign.
Such was the fortune of Belisarius. But Vigilius,
the chief priest of Rome, together with the Italians
who were in the city at that time (and there were
many very notable men there), was giving the
emperor no respite from his entreaty to stand forth
with all his power as champion of Italy. But
Justinian was influenced most of all by Gothigus, a
man of patrician rank who had long before this time
risen to the dignity of the consular office ; for he, too,
had recently come to Byzantium for this very purpose.
Now although the emperor did promise to concern
2 yd8yos V : Haury believes this an error for Κέθηγος, cf.
VII. xiii. 12, καὶ γοθίγος L.
461
12
13
14
16
17
18
19
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
προνοήσειν αὐτός, ἀμφὶ δὲ τὰ Χριστιανῶν δόγματα
ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διατριβὴν εἶχεν, εὖ διαθέσθαι
τὰ ἐν σφίσιν ἀντιλεγόμενα σπουδάξων τε καὶ
διατεινόμενος μάλιστα.
Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐπράσσετο. ἐτύγχανε
δὲ Λαγγοβάρδης ἀνὴρ ἐς Γήπαιδας φεύγων ἐξ
αἰτίας ποιᾶσδε. ἡνίκα Λαγγοβαρδῶν Οὐάκης
ἦρχεν, ἣν τίς οἱ ἀνεψιὸς Ῥισιοῦλφος ὁ ὄνομα, ὃν δὴ
ὁ νόμος, ἐπειδὰν Οὐάκης “τελευτήσειεν, ἐπὶ τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν ἐκάλει. προνοήσας οὗν Οὐάκης ὅπως
εἰς τὸν παῖδα τὸν αὑτοῦ ἡ ἀρχὴ ἄγοιτο, ἔγκλημα
ισιούλφῳ ἐπενεγκὼν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἔχον φυγῇ τὸν
ἄνθρωπον ἐζημίωσεν. ὃς δὴ ἐξ ἠθῶν ἀναστὰς
τῶν πατρίων ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς τοὺς Οὐάρνους
αὐτίκα φεύγει, παίδων οἱ ἀπολελειμμένων ἐνταῦθα
δυοῖν. χρήμασι. δὲ Οὐάκης τοὺς eS τού-
τους ἀνέπεισε τὸν Ῥισιοῦλφον κτεῖναι. τῶν δὲ
We Lovovhpou παίδων ὁ μὲν εἷς ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, ὁ
δὲ δὴ ἕτερος, Ἰλδίγης 6 ὄνομα, ἐς Σκλαβηνοὺς φεύγει.
Οὐ πολλῷ μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ὁ μὲν Οὐάκης
νοσήσας ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο, ἐς δὲ Οὐάλδαρον,
τὸν Οὐάκου υἱόν, ἡ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἦλθεν ἀρχή.
ᾧ δὴ παιδὶ κομιδῆ ὄντε ἐπίτροπος καταστὰς
Αὐδουὴν τὴν ἀρχὴν διῳκεῖτο. δυνάμει τε πολλῇ
ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρώμενος αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἐς
μακρὰν ἔσχε, τοῦ παιδὸς τούτου νόσῳ αὐτίκα ἐξ
ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος. ἡνίκα τοίνυν Γήπαισί
τε καὶ Λαγγοβάρδαις ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη, ὥσπερ
μοι εἴρηται, ᾿Ιλδίγης εὐθὺς Λαγγοβαρδῶν τε τούς
οἱ ἐπισπομένους καὶ Σκλαβηνῶν πολλοὺς ἐπαγα-
1 τὸν Ῥισιοῦλφον κτεῖναι Maltretus: om. MSS.; L has
a lacuna of about six words.
462
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII. xxxv. 11-19
himself personally with Italy, still he was devoting
his time for the most part to the doctrines of the
Christians, seeking eagerly and with great deter-
mination to make a satisfactory settlement of the
questions disputed among them.
Such was the situation in Byzantium. Meanwhile
one of the Lombards had fled to the Gepaedes for
the following reason. When Vaces was ruler of the
Lombards, he had a nephew named Risiulfus, who,
according to the law, would be called to the royal
power whenever Vaces should die. So Vaces, seek-
ing to make provision that the kingdom should be
conferred upon his own son, brought an unjustified
accusation against Risiulfus and penalized the man
with banishment. He then departed from his home
with a few friends and fled immediately to the
Varni, leaving behind him two children. But Vaces
bribed these barbarians to kill Risiulfus. As for the
children of Risiulfus, one of them died of disease,
while the other, Ildiges by name, fled to the
Sclaveni.
Now not long after this Vaces fell sick and passed
from the world, and the rule of the Lombards fell to
Valdarus, the son of Vaces. But since he was very
young, Audouin was appointed regent over him
and administered the government. And since he
possessed great power as a result of this, he himself
seized the rule after no long time, the child having
immediately passed from the world by a natural
death. Now when the war arose between the
Gepaedes and the Lombards, as already told, Ildiges
went straight to the Gepaedes taking with him not
only those of the Lombards who had followed him,
463
20
21
22
23
24
26
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
γόμενος 1 ἐς Γήπαιδας ἦλθε, καὶ αὐτὸν Γήπαιδες
κατάξειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐλπίδα εἶχον. γενομένων
δὲ τῶν ἐν τῷ παρόντι πρὸς Δαγγοβάρδας σπονδῶν
ἕνεκα " ὁ μὲν Αὐδουὶν τὸν ᾿Ιλδίγην εὐθὺς ἅτε πρὸς
φίλων ἐξῃτεῖτο ᾿ηπαίδων, οἱ δὲ τὸν μὲν ἄνθρωπον
ἐκδοῦναι οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν, ἐκέλευον δὲ αὐτὸν
ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλαγέντα ὅπῃ βούλοιτο διασώσασθαι.
καὶ ὃς μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ
Ρηπαίδων τισὶν ἐθελουσίοις ἐ ἐς Σκλαβηνοὺς αὖθις
ἀφίκετο. ἔνθεν τε ἀναστὰς παρὰ Τουτίλαν τε
καὶ Lordous ἤει, στράτευμα οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ ἐς
ἑξακισχιλίους ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων, ἔς τε Βενετίας
ἀφικόμενος “Ῥωμαίοις, τισὶν ὑπαντήσας ὃ ὧν
Λάζαρος ἡγεῖτο, ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθε, τρεψάμενύς τε
αὐτοὺς πολλοὺς ἔκτεινεν. οὐ μέντοι Γότθοις
ξυνέμιξεν, ἀλλ᾽ Ἴστρον ποταμὸν διαβὰς αὖθις ἐς
Σκλαβηνοὺς ἀπεχώρησεν.
Ἔν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο THOE ἡἧπέρ μοι
εἴρηται, ἐν τούτῳ τῶν τις Βελισαρίου δορυφόρων,
᾿Ινδοὺλῴ ὄνομα, βάρβαρος γένος, θυμοειδής τε
καὶ δραστήριος, ὃ ὃς δὴ ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ λειφθεὶς ἔτυχε,
Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Πότθοις προσεχώρησεν οὐδενὶ
λόγῳ. καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Τουτίλας εὐθὺς ξὺν στρατῷ
πολλῷ καὶ ναυσὶν ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Δαλματίας
χωρία. ὃς “δὴ ἐν χωρίῳ Μουικούρῳ καλουμένῳ
γενόμενος, ὅπερ ἐπιθαλάσσιον ἄγχιστά, πη Σα-
λώνων ἐστί, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ξυνέμισγε τοῖς ταύτῃ
ἀνθρώποις ἅτε Ῥωμαῖός͵ τε ὧν καὶ Βελισαρίῳ
προσήκων, ἔπειτα δὲ αὐτός τε τὸ ξίφος ἀράμενος
καὶ τοῖς ἐπισπομένοις ἐγκελευσάμενος ἐξαπιναίως
ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε. ληϊσάμενός τε τὰ χρήματα
1 ἐπαγαγόμενος : ἐπαγόμενος L.
464
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VLI. xxxv. 19-26
but also many of the Sclaveni, and the Gepaedes were
in hopes of restoring him to the kingdom. But on
account of the treaty which had now been made
with the Lombards, Audouin straightway requested
the Gepaedes, as friends, to surrender IJ]diges ; they,
however, refused absolutely to give up the man, but
they did order him to depart from their country and
save himself wherever he wished. He, then, with-
out delay, took with him his followers and some
volunteers of the Gepaedes and came back to the
Sclaveni. And departing from there, he went to
join Totila and the Goths, having with him an army
of not less than six thousand men. Upon his arrival
in Venetia, he encountered some Romans commanded
by Lazarus, and engaging with them he routed the
force and killed many. He did not, however, unite
with the Goths, but recrossed the Ister River and
withdrew once more to the Sclaveni.
While these events were taking place in the
manner described, one of the guardsmen of Beli-
sarius, Indulf by name and of barbarian birth, a
passionate and energetic fellow, who had been left
in Italy, went over to Totila and the Goths for no
good reason, And Totila straightway sent him with
a large army and a fleet to Dalmatia. So he came
to the place called Mouicurum, which is a coast town
situated very near Salones, and at first, being a
Roman and a member of Belisarius’ suite, he
mingled with the people of the town; then however
he raised his own sword, urged his followers to do
the same, and suddenly killed them all. Then,
taking all the valuables as plunder, he departed from
2 ἐνεκα V: om. L.
3 ὑπαντήσας: Vi: ὑπαντήσασιν L.
465
VOL. IV. H H
27
28
29
30
466
PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
πάντα ἐνθένδε! ἀπιὼν ᾧχετο, ἐπέσκηψε δὲ ἄλλῳ
ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ κειμένῳ φρουρίῳ, ὅπερ Λαυρεάτην
καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. οὗ δὴ ἐπιβὰς " τοὺς παραπε-
πτωκότας ἀνῇρει.
ἽΑπερ ἐπεὶ Κλαυδιανὸς ἔγνω, ὅσπερ τότε
Σαλώνων ἦρχε, στράτευμα ἐπὶ τῶν καλουμένων
δρομώνων ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν. οἱ δὴ ἐπεὶ ἐν
Λαυρεάτῃ ἐγένοντο, τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας
ἦλθον. “παρὰ πολύ τε ἡσσηθέντες τῇ μάχῃ
ἔφυγον ὅ ὅπη ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονε, τοὺς δρόμωνας
ἐν τῷ λιμένι ἀπολιπόντες. οὗ δὴ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα
πλοῖα ἔμπλεα σίτου τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων
ὄντα ἐτύγχανεν. ἅπερ ἅπαντα ᾿Ινδούλφ τε καὶ
Γότθοι ἑλόντες κτείναντές τε τοὺς ἐν ποσὶν
ἅπαντας καὶ τὰ χρήματα ληϊσάμενοι παρὰ
Τουτίλαν ἦλθον. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ
τέταρτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ
τῷδε, ὃν ἹΙροκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.
1 ἐνθένδε V: ἐνθένδε μὲν L.
2 ἐπιβὰς L: ἀποβὰς V.
HISTORY OF THE WARS, VII, xxxv. 26-30
there and descended upon another fortress situated
on the coast, which the Romans call Laureate.
Here he entered the town and slew those who fell
in his way.
When Claudian, who was commander of Salones
at that time, learned this, he sent an army against
him on dromones,t as they are called. And when
this force reached Laureate, they engaged with the
enemy. But they were overwhelmingly defeated in
the battle and took to flight, wherever each man
could, abandoning their ships in the harbour, And
it so happened that the other boats were there laden
with grain and other provisions, All these Indulf
and the Goths captured, and, after killing all whom
they met and making plunder of the valuables, they
returned to Totila. And the winter drew to a close
and the fourteenth year ended in this war, the history
of which Procopius has written. 549 A.D,
1 Swift ships.
ed by Totila, VII. xxiii. 18
isthus, name given to an infant
ared by a goat, VI. xvii. 9, 11
t, suffers greatly from persistent
looding of the Nile, vi1. xxix. 6-8
ia, district in northern Italy,
VI. xviii. 25, xix. 8; recovered for
the Romans by John, VI. xix. 22,
xxi. 14;-famine in, vi. xx. 17 ff.;
V invaded by a
Roman ‘army, Vu. xi. 11; by the
G xiii. 8; its cities,
Wis Ἐπ Χ ΙΧ. 40; Fayentia,
22; and Placentia, VII.
ation by the Goths, VII. xiii. 6
aric, destroyed Urvisalia, VI. xvi. 24
Albilas, commander of the Gothic
garrison in Urviventus, VI. xx. 14
nder, logothete in Byzantium,
28; his
1 taly, vi. i. 31; offends both Goths
and Italians by his administration,
Vit. i. 32, 33, ix. 13; in Ravenna,
VII. iii. 2: shares chief command
with Constantianus, Vu. iii. 4
Algedon, place 120 stades west of
Rome, vit. xxii. 18; Goths camp
Franks, VI. xxv.
Gothic queen; the
benefits of her reign, ΥἹΙ. ix. 10
Nastasius, Roman Emperor; bless-
gs of his reign, VII. xxi. 23
heon, city in Picenum, VII. xxx. 17;
INDEX
Antae, a barbarian nation; formerly
called Spori, Vil. xiv. 29; hold
extensive territory, VII. xiv. 30;
their democratic government, VII.
xiv. 22; religious beliefs, customs,
language, etc., VII. xiv. 23-28;
force Chilbudius to declare himself
the Roman general of the same
name, VII. xiv. 21, 31; treat with
envoys from Justinian, VII. xiv.
32-34; frequent invasions of, VII.
xiv. 2; defeated by the Sclaveni,
vil. xiv. 7; invade Thrace, VII. xiv.
11; in the Roman army, VII. xxii.
8, 5, 21; good fighters on rough
ground, VI. xxii. 8, 5
Antonina, wife of Belisarius; left by
him in Portus, vil. xix. 7; he fears
for her safety, VI. xix. 30; with
him at Croton, VII. xxviii. 4; at
Dryus, VII. xxx. 2; goes to Byzan-
tium, VII. xxx, 3, 25
Aordus, brother of the ruler of the
Truli, vit. xxxiv. 44; killed in
battle, VII. xxxiv. 45
Apulia, gained by Totila, VJ. vi. 5;
its town Canusium, VII. xviii. 18;
Mt. Garganon in, VII. xxii. 24;
mentioned, VII. xviii. 29
Aratius, brother of Isaac and Narses,
VI. xvi. 21; vil. xiii. 20; com-
mander of Armenians, VI. xxvii. 16;
holds Auximus in check, VI. xvi. 18;
sides with Narses against Belisarius,
VI. xviii. 6; stationed at Firmum,
VI. xx. 3; sent away from Ravenna,
VI. xxix. 29; sent to help the
Lombards, VII. xxxiy. 40
Arelatum, city in Gaul, vil. xxxiii. 5
Areobindus, husband of Preiecta;
slain by Gontharis, VII. xxxi. 3
Arians, holders of the Arian doctrine,
including the Goths, vil. xviii. 21;
and the Gepaedes, vil. xxxiv. 24;
469
INDEX
Arian priests expelled from Rome,
VII. ix. 21
Ariminum, city of northern Italy,
Vil. xi. 32; besieged by Vittigis,
VI. xvi. 3; its relief advocated by
Narses, VI. xvi. 5 ff.; messenger
sent thence to Belisarius, VI. xvi.
14; saved for the Romans, VI. xvi.
21-xvii. 22; entered by Narses,
vI. xix. 10; Sabinianus and
Thurimuth flee to, vil. xi. 30;
distance from Urbinus, VI. xix. 1;
three women cannibals in its
vicinity, VI. xx. 27 ff.
Armenia, Valerian General of, VII.
xxvii. 3
Armenians, serving in the Roman army,
ὙΠ. vi. 10, xxvi. 24, xxvii. 3, 10;
render signal service at Auximus,
VI. xxvii. 16; the following
Armenians are mentioned : Arsaces,
VII. xxxii. 1; Artabanes, VII. xxxii:
11; Artabazes, VIT. iii. 10; Chana-
ranges, VII. xxxii. 11; Gilacius,
Vil. xxvi. 24; Isaac, vil. xiii. 20;
Narses, VI. xxvi. 3; Varazes, VII.
xxvii. ὃ: the Armenian language,
VII. xxvi. 24
Arsaces, an Armenian, of the Arsa-
cidae, VII. xxxii. 1, 3 ; had made
overtures to Chosroes, VII. xxxii. 2;
mildly punished by Justinian, VII.
xxxii. 3; plots against Justinian,
VII. xxxii. 4-51; instigates Arta-
banes, VII. xxxii. 5-11; enlists
Chanaranges, VII. xxxii. 11, 31;
seeks in vain to enlist Germanus
through his son Justinus, VII. xxxii.
13-21, 28; confers with Artabanes,
VII. xxxii. 22; his escape feared
by Marcellus, VII. xxxii. 24
Arsacidae, descendants of Arsaces,
King of Armenia, among whom
was Arsaces, VII. xxxii. 1
Artabanes, an Armenian; General of
Libya, VII. xxxi. 4; slayer of
Gontharis, VII. xxxi. 2; desires to
marry Preiecta, do.; secures his
recall, VII. xxxi. 4, 7; admired by
the Byzantines, VII. xxxi. 8, 9;
honoured by the emperor, VII. xxxi.
9, 10; not permitted to marry
Preiecta, VII. xxxi. 11; had left a
former wife, VII. xxxi. 11-13;
whom he is forced to take back,
470
vil. xxxi. 14; outraged thereby,
vil. xxxi. 15; sends his wife away
again, VII. xxxi. 16;
VII. xxxii. 5-51; consulted
Chanaranges, VII. xxxii. 31; Mar-
cellus shows concern for him,
xxxii. 40; imprisoned by Justinia
and examined, VII. xxxii. 4;
mildly punished, vil. xxxii. 51
a relative of Arsaces, VII. xxxii. 1
Artabazes, an Armenian; leads an
advance party into Verona, VIL.
iii. 10 ff.; escapes with difficulty, iy
VII. iii. 21;
manders, VII. ili. 22; a
speech, VII. iv. 2-8; fights in singy
combat with Valaris, VII. iv. 22 {τς
sustains a severe wound, ὙΠ. iv.
26 ff.; his death, VII. iv. 29
Artasires, a Persian, guard of Beli
sarius; sent to Rome, Vil. xi. 375)
makes a sally, Vil. xiii. 2-4
Arufus, commander of Eruli;
with John, VII. xxvi. 23;
Dryus, VII. xxvi. 28
escapes ἢ
flees to}
by Totila, vil. xi. 39; surrenders
to him, ΥἹΙ. xii. 12
Asinarian Gate, in the wall of Rome
betrayed by four Isaurians,
xx. 4-15; opened to the Gothic:
army, VII. xx. 14, 15
Asise, town in Tuscany; besieged by
Totila, vit. xii. 12; surrendered tom
him, VII. xii. 18
Atalaric, King of the Goths;
benefactions to the Romans,
xxi. 12
Athanasius, Roman envoy; returned
by the Goths, VI. xxii. 23; madeg
pretorian prefect by the emperor,
VI. xxii. 24; returns to Italy, VI.
xxix. 30; father-in-law of Leontius
VII. xxxii. 94
Audouin, ruler of the Lomba
vil. xxxiv. 4/ regent for Valda
VII. xxxv. 17; assumes the royal
power, VII. Xxxv. 18;
surrender of Ildiges, VII. xxxy.
Auximus, first city of Picenum; its
strong position, VI. xNiii. 6, ΚΕ]
strongly garrisoned | by the Goths:
VI. xviii. 19 ff., xx. 2, xxiii. 8, xxv
13; well provisioned, VL xx. 23
INDEX
its garrison feared by the Romans,
VI. xvi. 3, 8, 17; held in check by
Aratius, VI. xvi. 18-20; besieged by
Belisarius, VI. xxiii. 1, 5-xxiv. 17,
xxvi. 2-xxvyii. 24, 27; surrenders
to him, VI. xxvii. 28-34; besieged
by the Goths, vir. xi. 19; fighting
around it, VII. xi. 19-31; its spring
and cistern, VI. xxvii. 2; con-
sidered the key to Ravenna by
Vittigis, VI. xxiv. 7, 10, xxvi. 13;
distance from Firmum, vi. xvi. 1;
from Ravenna and the Ionian Gulf,
VI. xxiii. 6
)Barbation, a Thracian; guard of
Belisarius, vil. xi. 37; makes a
sally from Rome, VII. xiii. 2—4;
sent forward with troops, vu.
xxviii. 5; returns with news of
defeat, vil. xxviii. 17
| Basilius, a patrician; escapes from
commander-in-chief οὗ
Roman armies in Italy; joins
forces with Narses, VI. xvi. 1; they
hold a council, vi. xvi. 2 ff.;
receives ἃ message from Ariminum
and arranges for its relief, vI. xvi.
14, 17 ff; advances through the
mountains, VI. xvii. 12 ff.; arrives
at Ariminum, VI. xviii.2; becomes
suspicious of John, VI. xviii. 3;
his plans blocked by Narses, vI.
xviii. 4-11; protests in a speech,
VI. xviii. 12-22; displays a letter
from Justinian, vi. xviii. 27, 28;
accused by Narses, VI. xviii. 29;
marches against Urbinus and
besieges it, VI. xix. 1 ff.; abandoned
by Narses with part of the army,
vi. xix. 8, 9; takes Urbinus by
surrender, VI. xix. 17; stations
Aratius at Firmum, vi. xx. 3;
marches against Urviventus by the
advice of Peranius, vt. xx. 3, 4;
lays siege to the place, vi. xx. 5 ff.;
sends troops against Uraias, ΥἹ.
xxi. 1, 16; receives a letter from
Martinus, vi. xxi. 13; orders John
and Justinus to Milan, VI. xxi. 16;
writes a letter to Narses, VI. xxi.
17-22; moves into Picenum, v1.
xxii. 1; hears of the fall of Milan
and reports to the emperor, VI.
xxii. 2, 8; made sole commander,
VI. xxii. 4; tries in vain to keep the
Bruliin Italy, vi. xxii.5; Justinian
wishes to send him against the
Persians, VI, xxii. 21; holds the
Gothic envoys, VI. xxii. 23; plans
to capture Auximus and Fisula,
VI. xxiii. 1 ff.; lays siege to the
former, VI. xxiii. 5—-xxiv. 17, xxvi.
2-xxvii. 24, 27; takes it by sur-
render, VI. xxvii. 28-34; hears of
the arrival of the Franks, VI. xxv.
15 ; writes to Theudibert, VI. xxv.
19-23; narrowly escapes a serious
wound, VI. xxvii. 13, 14; lays siege
to Ravenna, VI. xxviii. 1 ff.; sends
envoys to Vittigis, VI. xxviii. 8 ff. ;
sends Vitalius into Venetia, VI.
xxviii. 24; sends Thomas to take
over the strongholds of the Cottian
Alps, VI. xxviii. 29 ff.; refuses to
sanction the terms of peace made
by the emperor’s envoys, VI. xxix.
4, 5; addresses the officers, ΥἹ.
xxix. 7-14; secures a written
statement from them, VI. xxix.
16; offered the kingship of the
West by the Goths, VI. xxix. 18;
unwilling to accept, VI. xxix. 19,
20; but uses the opportunity to
take Ravenna, VI. xxix. 20 ff.;
calls a second council, VI. xxix. 22;
writes to Vittigis to make good his
promise, VI. xxix. 24; receives
envoys from the Goths, VI. xxix.
26-28; sends unfriendly com-
manders away from Ravenna,
VI. xxix. 29; enters Ravenna with
his army, VI. xxix. 30 ff.; guards
Vittigis not in disgrace, VI. xxix.
35; preserves the Goths from
harm, VI. xxix. 38; receives the
surrender of several strongholds,
VI. xxix. 39-41; receives envoys
from Ildibadus, VI. xxix. 41;
slandered to the emperor, VI. xxx.
1; summoned to Byzantium, VI.
xxx. 2, 3; again invited by the
Goths to remain as king in Italy,
VI. xxx. 24-27; his refusal, VI. xxx.
28; proceeds to Byzantium, VI.
xxx. 30; vil. i. 1, 25, 81; denied
a triumph by the emperor, VII. i. 3;
his popularity with the people,
vit. i. 4, 5; his prominent position
471
INDEX
in Byzantium, vil. i. 17-22;
Justinian forced to send him
against Totila, VII. ix. 23, x. 1;
relieves Dryus, VII. x. 6, 7, 12;
moves to Pola, VII. x. 13; feigned
letter of Bonus to, VII. x. 15;
receives the spies to Totila, VII. x.
17; sends an answer to their forged
letter, VII. x. 18; reaches Ravenna,
Vil. xi. 1; delivers a speech, VII. xi.
1-9; sends a force into Aemilia,
vil. xi. 11; to Auximus, VII. xi. 19;
seizes Pisaurus, VII. xi. 33, 34;
sends a force to Rome, VII. xi. 37;
his forces not a match for the Goths,
vil. xi. 38; sends John to Byzan-
tium with a letter, VIT. xii. 1-10;
hostile to Herodian, vil. xii. 16;
regrets his decision to operate from
Ravenna, VII. xiii. 13, 14; proceeds
to Epidamnus, VII. xiii. 19; writes
to Justinian, do.; receives rein-
forcements, VII. xiii. 21; sends a
force to Portus, VIl. xv. 1; rein-
forced by John and Isaac, VII. xviii.
1; disapproves John’s plan, VII.
xviii. 1, 2; his concern for Rome,
VII. xvili.3 ; sends John to Calabria,
and sails for Rome, VII. xviii. 5;
leaves Dryus, VII. xviii. 8; arrives
at Portus, VI. xviii. 11; awaits
John in vain, VII. xviii. 25, 29;
attempts to get provisions into
Rome, Vil. xix. 1ff; leaves
Antonina with Isaac in Portus,
VII. xix. 7; which he protects by a
special force, VII. xix. 25; instructs
Bessas to divert the barbarians,
VII. xix. 12; sets fire to a tower,
vil. xix. 18, 19; and captures the
bridge, vil. xix. 21; report of his
success reaches Portus, VI. xix.
23; hears of Isaac’s rashness, VII.
xix. 29; abandons the attack, vi,
xix. 30; falls sick, VII. xix. 32, 33;
Justinian refers Totila to him,
VII. xxi. 25; dissuades Totila by
letter from destroying Rome, VII.
xxii. 7-17; held in Portus by a
Gothic garrison at Algedon, VII.
xxii. 18; permits Martinianus to
feign desertion, VII. xxiii. 1;
receives captives from Spolitium,
Vil. xxiii. 7; makes a visit of
inspection to Rome, YII. xxiii.
472
oh
-----
ints
8-11; ambushed by the Goths,
but defeats them, VII. xxiii. 10, 11;
reoccupies Rome, VII. xxiv. 1, 2;
repairs its defences, VII. xxiv. 3-65
provisions the city, vil. xxiv. 7;
successfully defends it against
Totila’s attacks, VII. xxiv. 8-26;
fits gates to the walls of Rome and
sends the keys of the city to
Justinian, VII. xxiv. 34; “ sus-
picious ” of John, Vil. xxv. 22-24;
urges the emperor to send rein-
forcements, VII. xxvii. 1; receives
a letter from the emperor, VII. xxvii.
12; sails to Sicily, vit. xxvii. 16;
thence for Tarentum, VII. xxviii. 1;
puts in at Croton, VU. xxviii. 3;
makes a camp and sends the larger
part of his force forward, VII.
xxviii. 4, 5; hastily sails back to ©
Messana, VII. xxviii. 18; joined —
by Valerian, VII. xxx. 2; summons —
John and sails for Rusciane, ὙΠ.
xxx. 9; decides to go to Rome,
Vil. xxx. 15; respected and feared
by the Goths, VII. xxv. 14; sum-
moned to Byzantium, VII. xxx. 25;
his inglorious return, VII. xxxy. 1;
abandons Perusia to its fate, VI.
xxxy. 2; his return to Byzantium
expected, VII. xxxii. 19, 38, 42;
feared by conspirators, VII. xxxii.
38; who desire to kill him, vil.
xxxii. 39; takes up residence in
Byzantium, VII. xxxv. 3; i
wealth and fame, VI. xxxy. oa
ἀφ ὅν in! A ert tl tit ta
ames St oe ee
owned property in a suburb of
Byzantiuin, VIL. xxxv. 4; his good
fortune foretold by a sign, VII.
xxxy. 3-8; his qualities as a man
and as a commander, VII. i. 6-16; _
his wife Antonina, VII. xix. 7, 30,
xxviii. 4, sxx. 2, 3, 25; served by
Demetrius, navigation officer, VII.
vi. 20; had captured Sisauranon, —
vil. iii. 11; the “teaching of
Belisarius,” VI. xxi. 30; his guards,
Artasires, VII. xi. 37; Barbation,
Vit. xi. 37, xxviii. 5, 17; Indulf,
VII. xxxv. 23; Phocas, Vir. xy. 13
Ricilas, VII. xi. 19; Sabinianus, do. ;
Thorimuth, do.; Unigastus, VI.
xxvii. 14; his ‘‘ household,” VI.
Xxviii. 8; VII. i. 20, 21
Beneventum, town in Samnium; its
ἢ INDEX
defences destroyed by the Goths,
ΒΕ Vil. xxv. 11
Besi, a barbarian tribe, VI. xxvi. 3
Bessas, Roman general; sent away
from Ravenna, VI. xxix. 29; with
others left in charge of Italy, VI.
xxx. 2; confers with other com-
manders, VII. iii. 2, 3; with others
leads an army to the relief of
Florentia, Vit. v. 4; holds Spolitium,
Vil. vi. 8; then Rome, VU. xi. 37;
disapproves a sally, VII. xiii. 2;
refuses to support a Roman sally
from Portus, VII. xv. 2-6; appealed
to by the citizens, VII. xvii. 2-8;
replies thereto, VII. xvii.8; hoards
and sells grain, VII. xvii. 10, 16,
xix. 13, xx. 1; instructed by
Belisarius to attack the barbarian
camps, VII. xix. 12; his failure to
obey on this and other occasions,
vi. xix. 13; neglects discipline,
ΥΙἜ. xx. 1, 2; questions Gothic
} _ captives, VII. xx. 10, 11; disregards
_ their warning, VII. xx. 12; escapes
from Rome by flight, VII. xx. 18,
20; his accumulated wealth falls
to Totila, VII. xx. 26; his guards,
vil. xvii. 12
Bleschames, a Persian; sent to
Byzantium by Belisarius, VII. iii. 11
Boethius, husband of Rusticiane,
ὙΠ. xx. 27, 29
Bononia, city in Aemilia;
by Vitalius, vil. xi. 12
Bonus, nephew of John; commander
_ of the garrison in Genua, VII. x.
14, 16, 1
Boraides, brother of Germanus and
nephew of Justinian, VII. xxxi. 17,
᾿ xxxil.18
‘Bouzes, Roman commander; sent
to help the Lombards, VII. xxiv.
40; confided in by Germanus,
Vil. xxxii. 41; testifies in his
favour, VII, xxxii. 45
Brundisium, city in Calabria, vir.
xviii. 11; Goths retire to, VII.
xviii. 0: Verus encamps near,
Vil. xxvii. 6; distance from Cannae
vit. xviii. 18; from Dryus, VII.
xviii. 6
Bruttium, gained by Totila, vit. vi. 5;
captured
Ls
influence of Tullianus in, VII. xviii.
20; John in, VII. xviii.25; guarded
by Rhecimundus, VII. xvili. 26;
Lucanian mountains extend to,
VII. xxviii. 7
Burcentius, Roman soldier; sent as
a messenger by the Goths, VI. xxvi.
3 Ν᾿, 14,15; denounced to Valerian,
VI. xxvi. 25; confesses and is
killed, VI. xxvi. 26
Burgundians, a barbarian people of
Gaul; subjugated by the Tranks,
VI. xxviii. 17; reported to be in
Liguria, VI. xxi. 13; rewarded for
their alliance with the Goths,
VI. xxi. 39
Byzantines, inhabitants of Byzan-
tium; their admiration of Beli-~
sarius, Vil. i. 5; mock Alexander,
VI. i. 30; make direful forecasts,
Vir. xxix. 17; Martinianus a
Byzantine, VII. xxiii. 1
Byzantium, capital of the empire,
mentioned frequently throughout;
its suburb Panteichion, VI. xxxv.
4: its palace, Vil. i. 3; xxxii. 22,
89, 48, 51; visited by earthquakes,
Vit. xxix. 4, 5, 17; harassed by a
whale, VII. xxix. 9
Caesena, fortress in northern Italy;
John sent thither by Narses, VI.
xix. 19; attacked unsuccessfully
by him, VI. xix. 20, 21; taken over
by Belisarius, VI. xxix. 40; cap-
tured by Totila, VII. vi. 1
Calakpia, provisions brought thence
by the Romans, VI. xxiv. 14;
gained by Totila, vir. vi. 5; held
by the Goths, VII. x. 4; mentioned,
VII. xviii.2, 7, 8, 11, xxiii.18, xxvii.
ἜΝ its city *Tarentum, VII. xxiii.
Calabrians, won over by John, VII.
xviii. 17; plan revolt from the
Goths, VII. Xxiii. 17; a Calabrian
accuses a Gothic soldier, VII. viii.12
Campania, entered by Totila, vir. vi.
1; held by the Goths, vir. x. 4;
John rescues senators from, VII.
xxvi. 2-13; mentioned, ΥἹἜΙ. xxii.
20, xxiii.18
Oannae, town in Apulia; scene of the
great battle, VII. xviii.19; distance
from Canusium, do.
Canusium, town in Apulia; taken by
John, VII. xviii. 18; distance from
473
INDEX
Brundisium, do.;
VII. xviii. 19
Capua, town in Campania; garrisoned
by Totila, VIL. xviii. 24,29; Roman
senators rescued from, VII. xxvi.
4 ff; distance from Minturnae,
VII. xxvi. 4
Oatellus, an Italian notables slain by
the Goths, VII. x.
Cavallarius, envoy “of
Justinian, VIT. ii. 16
Centumeellae, town in Btruria, vit.
xiii. 12
Cephallenian, Demetrius a Cephallen-
ian, VII. vi. 20
Cercyra, legend as to its inhabitants,
VII. xxvii. 19
from Oannae,
iraric to
Cervarium, town in Apulia, VII.
xviii. 29
Cethegus, a patrician of Rome;
suspected by the commanders, he
goes to Centumcellae, VII. xiii. 12
Chalazar, a Massagete; guardsman,
in command of Illyrians, VIT. xxx.
6; mutilated and killed by Totila,
VII. xxx. 20, 21
Chanaranges, a Persarmenian, VII.
xxxii. 11; his unstable character,
VII. xxxii. 12; involved in a plot
against Justinian, VIT. xxxii. 11-51;
entrapped by Justinus, VII. xxxii.
29-40; consults Artabanes, VII.
xxxii. 81
Chilbudius (a), Roman general, VII.
xiii. 26; his services to the empire,
VII. xiv. 1-6; impersonated by a
barbarian of the same name, VII.
xiv. 7 ff.
Chilbudius (b), one of the Antae;
captured in battle, vit. xiv. 8;
serves his master well, VII. xiv. 9,
10; ransomed and taken home to
the Antae, VII. xiv. 16 ff.; forced
to pretend to be the Roman general,
Vil. xiv. 31; unmasked by Narses,
VII. Xiv. 35, 36
Chosroes, Persian King; envoys sent
to him by Vittigis, vi. xxii. 17;
he violates the treaty with the
Romans, VI. xxii. 20, 21; receives
overtures from Arsaces, VII. xxxii. 2
Christians, the Franks mentioned
as such, VI. xxv. 10; Christian
Scriptures, VII. xxxii. 9; Christian
dogmas, VII. xxxy. 11
474
Classes, harbour of Ravenna, VI
xxix. 31
Claudian, commander of Salones;
sends a force against Indulf, vil.
XXXv. 27
Clementinus, a patrician; refuses to
follow John, VII. xxvi. 13
Conon, commander of Naples;
besieged by Totila, vil. vi. 2 ff.;
sends Demetrius to the Roman
fleet, VII. vi. 22; urges Maximinus
to relieve Naples, Vil. vii. 2;
allowed his liberty by Totila, VII.
vii. 16; treated kindly by him,
VII. viii. 6-9: commander of
Rome; appealed to by the citizens,
Vil. xvii. 2-8; hoards and sells
grain, VII. xvii. 10; disregards
warning of captives, VII. xx. 12;
flees from Rome, VII. xxiii. 1; left
in command of Rome by Belisarius,
VII. xxvii. 16; killed by his soldiers,
VII. Xxx. 7
Constantianus, Roman commander ;
sent from Dalmatia to Ravenna,
VI. xxx. 2; receives offer of sur-
render from Totila, VII. ii. 8;
which he agrees to accept, VII. ii. 9;
confers pee other commanders,
Vil.iii. 2, 3; shares chief command
with Alexander, Vit. iii. 4; holds
Ravenna, VII. vi. 8;
Justinian, VII. ix. 5;
confidence of Germanus, VII. Xxxii.
41; testifies in his favour, VI.
xxxii. 45; sent to help the Lom-
bards, VII. xxxiy. 40
Consul, VII. xxxii. 15, xxxy. 10
Cottian Alps, between Gaul and
Liguria, VI. xxviii. 28; strongholds
in, , partly, taken over by Belisarius,
VI. xxviii. 29 ff.
Croton, city in Bruttium, VII. xxviii.
2, 3, xxx. 12, 14, 23; distance from
Messana, Vil. xxviii. 18
Cumae, town in Campania ; captured
by Totila, VII. vi. 3
Cyprian, Roman commander; sent
against Visula, VI. xxiii. 2: with
Ju ustinus presses its siege, VI. xxiv.
18; receives its surrender, VI.
xxvii. 26; with others leads an
army to ‘the relief of Florentia,
vil. v. 4; holds Perusia, vil. vi. 8:1
ordered by ‘Totila to surrender
Perusia, Vil. xii. 18;
‘Ulifus, ‘vit. xii.
xxy. 21
slain by
19, 20, xxiii. 6,
᾿: ‘Dacia, taken by the Gepaedes, VII.
xxxiii. 8, xxxiv. 17, 35; parts of,
taken by the Eruli, VII. ‘exxiii. 13's
formerly under Gothic power, VII.
xxxiv. 10; Goths driven from,
VII. xxxiv. 15
Dalmatia, S ianaared by the Lom-
bards, VII. xxxiii. 12; visited by a
- Gothic fleet, Vit. xxxv. 24-29;
mentioned, VI. xxi. 41, xxviii. 2,
oe Xxx. 2, VII. xiii. 19
} Decius, a patrician;
Ἢ Rome, VII. xx. 18
ἶ Demetrius (a), Roman commander
᾿
δ
escapes from
of infantry, VI. xxiii. 2; sent to
Italy, VII. vi. 13, 14; endeavours
in vain to relieve Naples, VII. vi.
15-24; escapes capture, VII. vi.
25; sent by Maximinus to Naples,
Vil. vii. 3; captured by the Goths,
vit. vii. 6; forced by Totila to
advise Neapolitans to surrender,
VII. vii. 8-10
Demetrius (Ὁ), a Oephallenian;
- Governor of Naples, vil. vi. 20;
his wanton abuse of Totila, VII. vi.
21; goes secretly to the Roman
fleet, VII. vi. 22, 23; captured and
mutilated by the Goths, VII. vi.
26
Deopheron, a notable Italian, vit.
_ xxx. 6; brother of Tullianus, do. ;
Γ sent as envoy to Totila, VII. xxx. 19
Dog’s me eastern point of Cercyra,
VII. xxvii. 19
Domnicus, comes as an envoy from
Justinian to Vittigis, VI. xxix. 1, 7
Dorthon, town on the Po, Vi. xxiii. 5
_ Dryus, town in Calabria ; "besieged by
the Goths, vit. ix. 22 x. 8; its
garrison parley with ‘the Goths,
Vil. x. 5; relieved by Valentinus,
VII. x. 6, 1, 9; lg LN es by the
Goths, VIL. xviii. only city of
southern Italy hei | by the Romans,
Vil. xxii. 22, xxiii. 13; distance
from Brundisium, Vil. xviii. 6;
from Rome, Vit. xviii. 4; from
Tarentum, Vit. xxiii. 12; men-
tioned, VII. xviii. 5, 8, xxij. 20,
xxvi. 28, xxvii.4, xxx. 2, 9
4
:
γὴν ὦ
’ INDEX
Wpidamnus, city in Ilyricum; reached
by Lombard invasions, VIT. xxxiii,
12; by an invasion of the Sclaveni,
Vil. xxix. 1; mentioned, VII. xiii.
19, 21, xviii. 1
Epirus, in northern Greece, VII. vi.
11
Traric, one of the Rogi; serving in
the Gothic army, VII.ii.1; declared
king of the Goths by the Rogi,
vil. ii. 4; hated by the Goths, vit.
ii. 10; who plot his destruction,
vit. ii. 12, 13; sends envoys to
Justinian, vit. ii. 15-17; slain by
the Goths, vit. ii. 6, 18, ili. 1
Bridanus, river in northern Italy,
VII. iii. 22; Placentia situated on,
VII. xiii. 9. See also “ Po.”
γα], a barbarian nation; some-
times serving in the Roman army,
VI. xix. 20; VII. xxvii. 3, xxxiii. 13;
counted as followers of Narses,
VI. xviii. 6; refuse to remain with
Belisarius, VI. xxii. 5; meet the
army of Uraias, VI. xxii. 6; reach
Venetia, and go thence to Byzan-
tium, VI. xxii. 7, 8; follow Narses
into Thrace, VIT. xiii. 21, 22; defeat
the Sclaveni, vil. xiii. 25; receive
parts of Dacia from the emperor,
VII. xxiii. 13, xxxiv. 37; overrun
Illyricum and Thrace, VII. xxxiii.
13, 14; receive payments from
the Roman emperor, VII. xxxili.
14; arrayed with Roman forces
against Gepaedes, VII. xxxiy. 42;
side with Gepaedes, VII. xxxiv.
43; with their leader Aordus,
defeated by the Romans, VII.
xxxiv. 44, 45; feared by Roman
commanders, VIT. xxxiv. 46; com-
manded by Arufus, VII. xxvi. 23;
by Verus, VII. xxvii.8; by Vitalius,
Vil. i. 34, 35
Wuxine, Sea, Vil. xxix. 11
Vanus, fortress on the Adriatic, VIL.
xi. 32; dismantled by Vittigis,
Vite xi, 82) oxy. 7418
Faventia, city in Aemilia;
from Ravenna, Vit. iii. 22
Firmum, city on the Adriatic, VI.
xvi. 1; Aratius stationed there
to hold Auximusin check, VI. xx. 3;
besieged by Totila, vil. xi. 39;
475
distance
INDEX
surrenders to him, VII. xii. 12;
distance from Auximus, YI. xvi. 1
Fisula, town in Btruria; Belisarius
plans its capture, VI. xxiii. 1;
besieged by Cyprian and Justinus,
View soil. 825 excxiv. 185 πχῪν 1/9);
surrenders to the Romans, YI.
xxvii. 25-27
Florentia, city in Btruria; besieged
by the Goths, VII. v. 1; relieved
by a Roman army, VII. v. 4, 53
held by Justinus, VII. vi. 8; distance
from Mucellis, VII. v. 5
Toederati, foreign bands in the Roman
army, VII. xxxi. 10, »oxxiii. 13
Forocornelius, ancient town in
northern Italy, VI. xix. 22
Franks, ‘‘modern’’ name for the
Germans (Y. xi. 29); their reported
alliance with the Goths, VI. xviii.
21; distrusted by the Goths, ΥἹ.
xxii. 10; regardless of treaties,
VI. xxy. 2; decide to enter the war,
VI. xxy. 1; their fighting equip-
ment, VI. xxv. 3, 4, 12; their
atrocities at Ticinum, VI. xxy. 9;
attack and rout a Gothic and a
Roman force, VI. xxv. 11-14;
suffer from lack of food, VI. xxv.
16-18; their previous alliance
with the Romans, VI. xxv. 21;
retire from Italy, VI. xxv. 24, xxvi.
12; feared by Belisarius, VI. xxvii.
30; send envoys to Vittigis without
success, VI. xxviii. 7-23; seek the
emperor’s approyal of their occu-
pation of Gaul, VII. xxxiii. 4;
conduct themselves as equals of
the Romans, VII. xxxiii. 5; issue
gold coinage, VII. xxxiii. 5, 6;
acquire most of Venetia, VII. xxiii.
7; received lands from Justinian,
Vil. xxxiv. 37; Milan a bulwark
against them, VI. xxi. 6; adherents
of Christianity, but retaining much
of their pagan religion, VI. xxv. 10
Garganon, mountain in Apulia, VI.
xxii. 24
Gaul, ‘separated from Italy by the
Alps, VI. xxv. 5, xxviii, 28; the
Gothic portion of, offered to the
Franks as the price of alliance with
Theodatus, VI. xxviii. 19; vm.
xxxiii. 2; occupied by them, VII.
476
xxxiii. 4; gold mined in, VII.
ΧΧΧΙΙΙ. 5
Gelimer, King of the Vandals, VII.
i. ὃ, xxxy. 4
Genua, city in Liguria;
by Bonus, Vil. x. 14
Gepaedes, a barbarian nation; take
possession of Dacia, VII. xxxiii.
8, xxxiv. 17, 35; oppress the
population, VII. xxxiii. 8; long
received pay from the Roman
emperor, VII. xxxiii. 9; in alliance
with the Romans, VII. xxxiy. 10,
31; received gifts from the emperor,
Vil. xxxiy. 10; Lombards settle
near them, VII. xxxiii. 11; become
ISG SIAES to the Lombards, VII. xxxiy.
1, 2, xxxv. 19; whom they out-
number, VII. xxxivy. 3, 28; seek
an alliance with Justinian, VII.
xxxivy. 4-39; who rejects their
proposal, VII. xxxiy. 40; a Roman
army sent against them, VII. xxxiv.
41; have most of the Eruli as
allies, VII. xxxiy. 43; make hasty
settlement with Lombards, VII.
xxxiv. 45; feared by Roman
commanders, VII. xxxiy. 46; some
of them follow Ildiges, VI. xxxy.
21; a Lombard flees to them, VII.
xxxy. 12 ff.; ruled by Thorisin,
VII. xxxiv. 4
Germans, called also ,Franks, q.v.3;
receive from the Goths a portion
of Gaul, VII. xxxiii. 2
Germanus, nephew of Justinian,
VII. Xii. 11; his daughter marries
John, do.; brother of Boraides,
Vil. xxxi. 17; father of Justinus,
Vil. xxxii. 14; and of Justinian,
Vil. xxxii.17; vexed by interference
of Justinian in settling the estate
of his brother, VII. xxxi. 18;
attempt to involve him in plot
against Justinian, VII. xxxii. 10,
se 21; confers with Marcellus,
VII. xxxii. 22, 24-27; through his
son entraps Chanaranges, VII. xxii.
27-88; plot to name him emperor,
VII. xxxii. 38; reveals plot to
Bouzes and Constantianus, VII.
xxxii.41; involvedin an accusation
of conspiracy, VII. xxxii. 44;
successfully defended by Marcellus
before the senate, do.; and by
commanded
Constantianus and Bouzes, VI.
xxxii.45; experiences the emperor’s
anger, VII. xxxii. 47; saved by
Marcellus, VII. xxxii. 48
ilacius, an Armenian; (General in
the Roman army, VII. xxvi. 24,
26; captured and put to death by
the Goths, VII. xxvi. 25-27
izeric, King of the Vandals, Vi. i. 4
ontharis, tyrant of the Vandals;
slain by Artabanes, VII. xxxi. 2,
xxxii. 6; slayer of Areobincus,
VII. xxxi.
othigus, a patrician and ex-consul;
urges Justinian to defend Italy,
VII. xxxy. 10
oths, used throughout to indicate
the Ostrogoths, often coupled with
“Ttalians’’ (VI. xxix. 26, etc.);
raise the siege of Ariminum, VI.
xvii. 21, 22; control Aemilia, VI
xviii. 25; surrender Urbinus to
Belisarius, VI. xix. 17; take Milan
by surrender, VI. xxi. 38 ff.; become
masters of Liguria, VI. ksi. 42;
seek the alliance of the Lombards,
γι. xxii. 9-12; decide to stir up
Chosroes against the Romans,
vi. xxii. 17; besieged in Auximus,
VI. xxiii. 9—xxiv. 17, xxvi. 2—xxvii.
24, 27; surrender to Belisarius,
VI. xxvii. 28-34; surrender Fisula,
VI. xxvii. 25, 26; disappointed in
their hopes of the Franks, VI. xxv.
6 ff.; many Goths in the Cottian
Alps submit to Belisarius, VI.
xxviii. 28-35; accept the terms
offered by Justinian, VI. xxix. 3;
distrust the Romans, VI. xxix. 6;
dissatisfied with Vittigis, wish to
make Belisarius King, VI. xxix.
17 ff.; arrange to receive Beli-
sarius into Ravenna, VI. xxix. 24 ff. ;
attempt a new national movement,
VI. xxx. 3ff.; their power re-
organized by Ildibadus, VI1.i. 25 ff. ;
take Placentia by surrender, VII.
xvi. 3; capture Rome, VII. xx.
14 ff.; capture the fortress of
Rusciane, Vil. xxx, 21; give the
Franks a portion of Gaul, vit.
xxxiii. 2; unable to hold back the
Franks, VII. Xxxiii. 7; dreaded by
the Gepaedes, Vil. xxxiy. 10;
capture Perusia, VII. xxxy. 9:
INDEX
formerly held Dacia, VII. xxxiv.
10; which was taken from them by
Justinian, VII. xxxiii. 8, xxxiv. 15;
Gothic captives of Belisarius, VII.
i. 12; in the retinue of Belisarius,
vil. i. 6; the Gothic language, VII.
xxvi. 24; the Gothic War, VII.
xxxili. 1
Greece, yIl. vi. 11
Greeks, contemptuous name for the
armies of the WHastern Empire,
vil. ix. 12, xxi. 4, 12, 13
Qudilas, a Thracian; Roman com-
mander, VII. xxx. 6; a guardsman;
sent as envoy to Totila, VII. xxx. 19
Hannibal, Carthaginian General; his
memorable defeat of the Romans,
Vil. xviii. 19; his camp used by
Totila, VII. xxii. 24
Herodian, Roman commander of
infantry, VI. xvi. 21; accompanies
Belisarius to Byzantium, VII. i. 1;
commander of Thracians, VII. vi.
10; sent to Naples, vil. vii. 3;
escapes capture, VII. vii. 7; com-
mander of Spolitium, VII. xii. 12);
parleys with the Goths, VII. xii. 13:
surrenders the town, Vu. xii. 15,
xxiii. 3; his fear of Belisarius,
vu. xii. 16; praised by ‘otila,
VII. xxi. 15, ic
Huns, invade Illyricum, vi. xi. 15;
frequent invasions of, VII. xiv. 2;
Justinian tries to block them by
means of the Antae, VII. xiv. 33;
in the Roman army, VII. vi. 10;
Hunnic soldiers asked for by
Belisarius, VII. xii. 10; the Hunnic
character, VII. xiv. 28; Odolgan a
Hun, vil. xxiii. 6
Hypatius, brother of Pompeius and
uncle of John, VII. xxxi, 14
Iberians, Phazas an Iberian, VII. vi.
10, xxviii. 5
Iidibadus, Gothic commander of
Verona; sends envoys to Belisarius,
VI. xxix. 41; suggested for the
kingship of the Goths, VI. xxx. 14;
summoned from Verona, VI. xxx.
16; declared king, VI. xxx. 17;
addresses the Goths, VI. xxx. 18 ff.;
sends enyoys to Belisarius, promis-
ing to obey him as king, VI. xxx. 25,
477
INDEX
26; receives the report of his
envoys, VI. xxx. 29; his children
taken to Byzantium by Belisarius,
vil. i, 1; reorganizes the Gothic
power, VII. i. 25-27, iv. 12; defeats
Vitalius, vit. i. 34, 35; increasing
his fame thereby, ὙΠ 1 obs
becomes hostile to Uraias, VII. i.
37 ff.; slays him, vil. i. 41; re-
proached by the Goths, VII. i. 42;
offends Velas, vir. i. 43 ff.; slain
by him, vil. i. 47-49, ii. 4, ug} 10;
hopes of the Goths in him, VII. ii. 5;
they sorrow for his loss, VI. ii. 11:
nephew of Theudis, vi. xxx. 15;
uncle of Totila, ὙἹΙ..11. 7
Ildiger, Roman commander; sent in
command of a fleet to Ariminum;
VI. xvi. 22; takes possession of the
Gothic camp, VI. xviii. 1; slighted
by John, vi. xviii. 2, 3; sent to
guard the Po, VI. xxviii. 24;
accompanies Belisarius to Byzan-
tium, ὙΠ. 1. 1
Ildiges, a Lombard prince; son of
Risiulfus; flees to the Sclayeni,
VII. χχχυ. 16; and thence to the
Gepaedes, VII. xxxy. 19; his
surrender demanded by Audouin,
Vil. xxxy. 20; returns to the
Sclaveni, VII. xxxy. 21; starts to
join Totila, VII. xxxv. 22; defeats
a Roman force and recrosses the
Danube, do.
Illyrians, their land at the mercy of
the barbarians, VII. xxix. 3, xxxiii.
1; in the Roman army, VII. x. 2,
xi. 11, xxx. 6; abandon Vitalius,
VII. xi. 18, 14, 16; commanded by
Nazares, VII. xi, 18
Ilyricum, invaded by the Huns,
VII. xi. 15; canvassed for recruits
by Belisarius, vil. xii. 4; Totila
threatens to carry the war into
Illyricum, VII. xxi. 19; devastated
by the Sclaveni, VII. xxix. 1-3;
Belisarius reported in Ilyricum,
Vil. xxxii, 19; plundered by the
Lombards, VII. xxxiii. 12; overrun
by the Eruli, vit. xxxiii. 13; at the
mercy of the barbarians, VII. xxiv.
46
Indulf, guard of Belisarius; deserts
to Totila, VII. xxxy. 23; sent to
Dalmatia with an army and fleet,
478
VII. xxxv. 24; raids Mouicurum,
VII. xxxv. 25, 26; and Laureate,
VII. xxxv. 26-29
Innocentius, commander of Portus,
Vil. xv. 1, 7; receives reinforce-
ments, VII. xv. 1
Tonian Gulf, the modern Adriatic;
controlled by the Romans, VI.
xxviii. 6; mentioned, VI. xvi. 1,
xx. 21, xxiii. 65 VII. xi. 32, xviii.
2, 23, xxii. 22, xxvii. 13, xxx. 17
Isaac, the Armenian, brother of
Aratius and WNarses; sent to
Belisarius, VII. xiii. 20; joins forces
with him, VII. xviii. 1; placed in
command of Portus, VII. xix. 7;
disobeys JBelisarius’ instructions,
VII. xix. 24, 32; crosses the river
and attacks a Gothic camp, VII.
xix. 24-28; captured by the Goths,
VII. xix. 29, 30; executed by
Totila, vit. xix. 34
Isaurians, in the army of Belisarius;
sent against Fisula, VI. xxiii. 2;
sent to destroy the cistern at
Auximus, VI. xxvii. Off; in
Conon’s garrison of Naples, VII. Vie
2; form the garrison of Tibur, VII.
x. 19-21; four Isaurians negotiate
with Totila, vo. xx, 4-10, 12, 13;
open the Asinarian Gate to the
Gothic army, VII. xx. 14, 15, xxi.
15, 16
Ister River, the modern Danube};
the Sclaveni settled near its banks,
VI. xxvi. 19; crossed by the
Sclaveni, VII. xiii. 24; guarded by
Chilbudius, VII. xiv. 2, 3; crossed
by the Sclaveni, vil. xxix. 1; by
the Lombards, VII. xxxiii. 11;
recrossed by Ildiges, VII. xxxv. 22;
mentioned, VII. xiv. 30, 32, xxxiy.
10, 13
Italians, separated from Gaul by the
Alps, VI. xxv. 5; oppressed by
Alexander, VII. i. 32, 33; said to
repent “* betraying ” the Goths,
vil. iv. 16; suffer grievous hard-
ships during the war, YII. vi. 7;
ix, 2-4, xviii. 20; their condition
improved, VII. xviii. 22, 23; at
Rusciane, spared by Totila, VII.
xxx. 24; in Byzantium, urge
Justinian to defend Italy, VII. xxxy.
9; Deopheron an Italian, VII. xxx.
John the Glutton,
Sp σατο στὸ {τ
ΠΣ a pas
INDEX
19; often coupled with ‘‘ Goths,”
VI. xxix. 26, etc.
Italy, scene of the Gothic War;
desired by the Franks, VI. xxv. I,
xxviii. 7, 15; invaded by Theudi-
bert, VI. xxy. 2-23; Theudibert
retires thence, VI. xxvi. 1; Beli-
sarius commander in Italy, VII.
i. 16 etc.; its revenues taken by
Totila, VII. xii. 6, xiii. 1; lost to
the Romans, VI. xxxiii.1
Roman com-
mander; sent to the Po, VI. xxiii.
3-5; accompanies Narses, VII.
xiii. 23
John, son of Pompeius, nephew of
Hypatius;
xxxi. 14
marries Preiecta, VII.
_ John, nephew of Vitalian, Roman
commander; leads his command
into Picenum (VI. vii. 25); his
action discussed by a council of
war, VI. xvi. 4ff.; his friendship
with Narses, VI. xvi. 5; writes to
Belisarius, VI. xvi. 14-16; his
sufferings in the siege of Ariminum,
VI. xviii. 2; his reply to Belisarius,
VI. xviii. 3; becomes suspicious
towards him, do.; sides with
Narses against Belisarius, VI. xviii.
6; accompanies Belisarius to
Urbinus, VI. xix. 1; had previously
failed to capture Urbinus, VI. xix.
8; sent by Narses against Oaesena,
VI. xix. 19; makes an unsuccessful
attack upon it, VI. xix. 20, 21;
occupies Forum OCornelii and
recovers all Aemilia, VI. xix. 22,
xxi. 14; refuses to obey Belisarius,
VI. xxi. 16, 25; sent by Narses to
Milan, VI. xxi. 19, 23; later sent
to bring boats, VI. xxi. 24; sent to
the Po, VI. xxiii. 3-5; feared by
Vittigis, vI. xxiv. 12; his force
routed by the I'ranks, VI. xxv. 14,
19; returns with Martinus, ΥἹ.
xxvi. 1; comes to the relief of
Thomas, VI. xxviii. 33-35; Gothic
soldiers desert to him, VI. xxviii.
35; sent away from Ravenna,
Vl. xxix. 29; with others left in
charge of Italy, VI. xxx. 2; confers
with. other commanders, ὦ Vil. iii.
2,3; leads an army to the relief of
Florentia, vit. v. 4; chosen by lot
to lead an advance party, VII. v. 8,
9; engages with the enemy and
is repulsed, vil. v. 10-12; false
report of his death, Vil. v. 14, 17;
holds Rome, vil. vi. 8; prevents
Romans from answering Totila’s
letter, VII. ix. 20; sent ‘to Byzan-
tium ‘for reinforcements, VII. xii.
1; marries the daughter of Ger-
manus, VII. xii. 11; sent to Beli-
sarius from Byzantium, VII. xiii.
20; joins forces with him, VII.
xviii. 1; urges a land march on
Rome, VII. xviii. 1, 2; sent to
Rome, VII. xviii. δ; awaited in
vain by Belisarius, VII. xviii. 11,
29; surprises the Goths at Brundis-
ium, Vil. xviii. 11-16; wins
Calabria, VII. xviii. 17; takes
Canusium, VII. xviii. 18; admon-
ished and assisted by Tullianus,
VII. xviii. 20-22; his route to Rome
blocked at Capua, VII. xviii. 24, 265;
disperses a Gothic force in Rhegium,
VII. xviii. 27, 28; sends Antae to
Tullianus, VII. xxii. 3; ‘Totila
marches against him, VII. xxii.6,18;
retreats to Dryus, VII. xxii. 20;
Antae return to him, VII. xxii. 21;
intercepts foraging parties, VII.
xxii. 23; fortifies Tarentum, VII.
xxiii, 12-17; “suspicious” of
Belisarius, VII. xxv. 22-24; fails
to capture Acherontis, VII. xxvi. 1;
rescues Roman senators, VII. xxvi.
1-13; sends them to Sicily, VII.
xxvi. 14; ‘Totila marches against
him, VII. xxvi. 15; encamps in
Lucania, VII. xxvi. ‘16; surprised
and routed by Totila, VII. xxvi.
17-23; flees to Dryus, VII. xxvi.
28; at Dryus, VII. xxvii. 4;
marches to Tarentum, VII. xxvii.
11; receives a small detachment
sent by Valerian, VII. xxvii. 15;
had garrisoned fortress near
Rusciane, Vil. xxviii. 8; summoned
by Belisarius to Dryus, VI. xxx. 9;
disembarks and marches to Pice-
num, VII. xxx. 15, 17, 18; sent
with an army to help the Lombards,
vil. xxxiv. 41; had returned from
aly, do.; uncle of Bonus, VII. x.
479
INDEX
Justinian, Roman Emperor; sends
a letter to the army in Italy regard-
ing Narses, VI. xviii. 27, 28; recalls
Narses and makes Belisarius sole
. commander, VI. xxii. 4; decides
to summon Belisarius and attack
Chosroes, VI. xxii. 21; Belisarius’
loyalty to him, VI. xxix. 20, xxx. 28;
returns the envoys of Vittigis, VI.
xxii. 22; sends envoys to conclude
peace with him, VI. xxix. 1; sum-
mons LBelisarius from Italy, VI.
xxx. 2; treats him coldly, VII. i. 2,
3; not loved by the Italians, VII.
i. 33; receives envoys from Eraric,
VII. ii. 15-18; provoked at the
commanders, VII. iii. 1; appoints
Maximinus pretorian prefect, VII.
vi. 9; sends an army to Italy, VII.
vi. 10; sends Demetrius to Italy,
Vil. vi. 13; forgives Illyrian soldiers,
Vil. xi. 16; appealed to by Beli-
sarius, VII. xii. 1-10; sends troops
to him, VII. xiii. 20; sends Narses
to the Hruli, VII. xiii. 21; offers
Turris to the Antae, VI. xiv. 32-34;
summons Vigilius, VII. xvi. 1;
intimate with Pelagius, VII. xvi. 5;
receives envoys and a letter from
Totila, VII. xxi. 18-25; sends
reinforcements requested by Beli-
sarius, VII. xxvii. 1-3; writes a
letter to him, VII. xxvii. 12; his
unsuccessful attempts to capture
the whale, VII. xxix. 10; sends
further reinforcements to Sicily,
VII. xxx. 1; forgives the garrison
of Rome for killing Conon, VII. xxx.
8; summons Belisarius from Italy,
VII. xxx. 25; plot against his life,
Vil. xxxi. I—xxxii. 61: recalls
Artabanes and appoints a new
general of Libya, VII. xxxi. 7;
honours Artabanes, VII. xxxi. 9, 10;
incurs the hostility of Artabanes,
VII. xxxi. 15; and of Germanus,
VII. xxxi. 18; alters the will of
Boraides, do.; had punished
Arsaces mildly, VII. xxxii. 3;
imprisons conspirators, VII. xxxii.
42; assembles the senate, VII.
xxxii. 43; angry with Germanus,
ὙΠ. xxxii. 47; persuaded by
Marcellus, VII. xxxii. 48-50;
punishes the conspirators mildly,
“480
σ
VII. xxxii. 51; approves the cession
of Gaul to the Franks, VII. xxxiii. 3,
4; had taken Dacia from the Goths,
VII. xxxiii. 8; withholds payments
from the Gepaedes, VII. xxxiii. 9;
gives certain towns to the Lom-
bards, VII. xxxiii. 10; makes
payments to the Eruli, Vil. xxxiii.
14; his alliance solicited by both
Lombards and Eruli, vil. xxxiy.
3-39; favours the former, YII.
xxxiv. 40; had given lands to
Franks, Eruli, and Lombards, VII.
xxxiv. 37; sends a force to support
the Lombards, VII. xxxiy. 40;
urged to defend Italy, VII. xxxy. 9,
10; but devotes himself to Christian
dogmas, VII. xxxy. 11; a student ~
of the Scriptures, VII. xxxii. 9;
his ‘‘ household,” VII. xiv. 1; uncle
of Germanus and Boraides, VII.
xii. 11, xxxi. 17; and of Prefecta,
VII. xxxi. 2
Justinian, son of Germanus, brother
of Justinus, VII. xxxii. 17
Justinus, General of Ilyricum; sides
with Narses against Belisarius,
VI. xviii. 6; accompanies John’s
troops, VI. xix. 21; in Aemilia,
VI. xxi. 14; refuses to obey Beli-
sarius, VI. xxi. 16; sent by Narses
to Milan, VI. xxi. 19, 23; sent
against Fisula, VI. xxiii. 2; with
Cyprian presses its siege, VI. xxiv.
18; receives the surrender of
Fisula, vi. xxvii. 26; besieged in
Florentia, VII. v. 1; sends for relief,
Vil. v. 2; relieved by a Roman
army, VII. v. 5, 6; holds Florentia,
VII. vi. 8; left in command of
Ravenna, VII. xiii. 19
Justinus, elder son of Germanus, an
ex-consul, VII. xxxii. 14, 15;
brother of Justinian, VII. xxxii. 17;
Arsaces endeavours in vain to
involve him in a plot against
Justinian, VII. xxxii. 14-21, 28;
reports to his father, VII. xxii. 225
entraps Chanaranges, VII. XxxXxii.
27-88; involved in an accusation of
conspiracy, VII. xxxii. 44; success=
fully defended by Marcellus, do.
Latin tongue, VI. xxvi. 24, xxviii. 7;
spoken by Chilbudius, VII. xiv. 36
aureate, a stronghold in Dalmatia;
raided by a Gothic force, VII. xxxy.
26-29
Lavula, pass between Lucania and
_ Bruttium, Vil. xxviii. 7
Lazarus, Roman commander ;
defeated by Ildiges, VII. xxxv. 22
Leontius, son-in-law of Athanasius;
assists in detecting a plot, VII.
xxxii. 34-37; reports to Marcellus,
VII. xxxii. 40; exonerates Germanus,
ΝΕ Vit. xxxii. “ἃ
1 bya, northern Africa, VII. i. 16,
Wis) 20) sosxv. 3), 4; Artabanes
General of, VII. xxxi. 4; a new
general appointed, VIL. xxxi. 7
byans, Hannibal a Libyan, VII.
Β xviii, 19. xxii. 24
‘ iguria, separated from Gaul by the
Cottian Alps, VI. xxviii. 28; occu-
pied by Uraias, VI. xviii. 19, 22
xxiv. 20, xxviii. 35; Franks
reported present in, VI. xviii. 21;
also Burgundians, VI. xxi. 13; falls
under the power of the Goths, VI.
xxi. 42, xxviii. 3; Eruli proceed
thither, VI. xxii.5; entered by the
Franks, VI. XXV. 5, ie gained by
Aldibadus, ΥἹΙ. i. 27
Ligurians, in Milan, slain by the
_ Goths, VI. xxi. 29, 39; in the army
of Uraias, VI. xxviii. 31; sent as
enyoys to Chosroes by’ Vittigis,
VI. xxii. 18, 19
Lombards, their alliance sought by
the Goths, VI. xxii. 11, 12; receive
certain towns from Justinian, VII.
xxxiii. 10; migrate to the south
side of the Danube, VII. xxxiii. 11;
plunder Dalmatia and Illyricum,
Vil. xxxiii. 12; become hostile to
the Gepaedes, VII. xxxiy. 1, 2,
xxxv. 19; seek an alliance with
Justinian, VI. xxxiv. 3-39; who
favours their cause, VII. XXxxiv. 40;
outnumbered by the Gepaedes,
VII. xxxiv. 3, 28; receive lands from
Justinian, VII. xxxiv. 37; Justinian
sends them Roman troops, VII.
xxxiy. 40, 44; make hasty settle-
ment with the Gepaedes, VII. xxxiv.
45, xxxv. 20; their kings, Audouin,
VII, xxxiv. 4; Vaces, VII. xxxv. 13;
and Valdarus, VII. xxxv. 17; a
Lombard fugitive, VU. xxxy, 12 ff.
VOL, IV.
INDEX
Lucania, gained by Totila, vit. vi. 5;
Tullianus influential in, VII. xviii.
20; mountains of, VII. xxviii. 7;
mentioned, VII. xviii. 25; xxii.
1 ff., xxiii. 18, xxvi. 16
Lucanians, Totila marches against
them, VII. xxii. 6, 18
Magnus, Roman commander; sent
to guard the Po, VI, xxviii. 1;
Esiceed in Auximus, VII. xi. 19,
26
Mantua, city in northern Italy;
distance from Verona, VII. iii.5
Marcellus, commander of palace
guards; consulted by Germanus,
VII. xxxii.22; his austere character,
VII. xxxii. 23; advises cautious
action, VII. xxxii. 24-27; wishes
to secure direct evidence, VII. xxxii.
26, 27; gives the services of
Leontius, VII. xxxii. 33, 34; his
death plotted, VII. xxxii. 39;
hearing Leontius’ report, still defers
action, VII. xxxii. 40; reports to
Justinian, VII. xxxii. 42; exoner-
ates Germanus, VII. xxxii. 44;
saves Germanus from the emperor’s
wrath, Vil. xxxii. 48-50; gains a
high reputation, VII. xxxii. 50
Marcian, a man of note in Venetia;
helps the Romans to capture
Verona, VII. iii. 6 ff.
Martinianus, a Byzantine; flees from
Rome, VII. xxiii.1; goes over as a
pretended deserter to Totila, ΨΠΙ.
xxiii. 1, 2; captures the amphi-
theatre at Spolitium from the
Goths, VII. xxiii. 4-7
Martinus, Roman commander; sent
to Ariminum with a land army,
VI. xvi. 23, xvii. 20; sent to
succour Milan, VI. xxi. 1; delays,
VI. xxi. 2 ff.; writes to Belisarius,
VI. xxi. 13-15; John and Justinus
sent to assist him, VI. xxi. 16, 19,
22, 23; marches toward Rome,
VI. xxi. 42; sent to the Po, vi.
xxiii.3-5; defeated by the Franks,
VI. xxv. 14, 19; returns with John,
VI. xxvi. 1; comes to the relief
of Thomas, VI. xxviii. 33; accom-
panies Belisarius to Byzantium,
Vit.i. 1
Massagetae,
a barbarian nation;
481
11
INDEX
their austere life, VII. xiv. 28;
Chalazar a Massagete, VII. xxx. 6
Massilia, city in Gaul; comes under
the power of the Franks, VII. xxxiii.
4; colony of Phocaea, do.
Matasuntha, daughter of Amalasuntha
and wife of Vittigis; suspected of
burning the grain storesin Ravenna,
VI. xxviii. 26
Mauricius, son of Mundus, and father
of Theudimundus, VII. i. 36
Maximinus, comes as envoy from
Justinian to Vittigis, VI. xxix. 1, 7;
appointed pretorian prefect, VII.
vi. 9; sails to Epirus, VII. vi. 11;
a timid warrior, VII. vi. 12, vii. 1;
puts in at Sicily, VII. vii.1; urged
by Roman commanders to come
to their relief, yiI. vii.2; sends his
force to Naples, VII. vii. 3
Maximus, a Roman; takes sanctuary,
ὙΠῸ ax 119
Medes, see ‘‘ Persians ”
Messana, city in Sicily, VII. xxviil.18;
distance from Croton, do.; opposite
Rhegium, do.
Milan, city in northern Italy ; besieged
by Uraias, VI. xvili.19, 22, 24, xxi,
1ff.; Paulus seeks relief for the
city, VI. xxi. 38-11; John and
Justinus ae to relieve it, VI. xxi.
16, 19, 22, 23; surrenders to the
Goths, VI. xxi. 38, xxii. 2; razed
to the ground, VI. xxi. 39; held by
Uraias, VI. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 9; dis-
tance from the Po, VI. xxi. 2;
second only to Rome among the
cities of the West, VI. xxi. 6;
bulwark against the Franks, do.
Minturnae, town in Latium, VII. xxvi.
4, 8; distance from Oapua, VII.
xxvyi. 4
Moors, their power destroyed by
Belisarius, VI. xxii. 16; in the
retinue of Belisarius, VII. i. 6;
deserters in the Gothic army,
VII. xviii. 26, 28; a Moor dis-
tinguishes himself at the siege of
Auximus, VI. xxiii. 36-39
Moras, commander of the Gothic
garrison in Urbinus, VI. xix. 10
Mouicurum, town near Salones; raided
by a Gothic force, VII. xxv, 25
Mucellis, town in upper Italy;
distance from Tlorentia, VII. v. ὃ
482
Mulvian Bridge, over the ‘Tiber, .
VII. xxiv. 32
Mundilas, guard of Belisarius; sends +
from Milan for relief, VI. xxi. 3-9;
agrees to surrender the city on
certain conditions, VI. xxi. 27-29; >:
addresses the soldiers, VI. xxi. .
29-37; kept under guard by the
Goths, VI. xxxi. 39
Mundus, father of Mauricius, VI. i. 36° ;
Naples, city in Campania; besieged |
by Totila, vil. vi. 2 ff.; its relief
attempted by Demetrius, VII. vi..
15 ff.; governed by another:
Demetrius, VII. vi. 20; second
attempt to relieve it, VII. vii. 3 ff.;:
inhabitants addressed by Totila,
Vil. vii. 11-16; surrendered to»
Totila, VII. vii. 20, xiii. 6; its
defences partially dismantled by”
him, VII. viii. 10; a fortress near
Naples, VII. xxvi. 13
Narses the Eunuch, imperial steward; ἡ
joins forces with Belisarius, VI.
xvi. 1; they hold a council, VI.
xvi. 2ff.; friendship with John,
VI. xvi. 5; defends him in a speech, ,
VI. xvi. 6-13; accompanies Beli-
sarius to Ariminum, Vie ΧΥὶ- ΘΠ Ὁ
considered by John responsible for
the relief of Ariminum, VI. xviii. 3;
persuaded to separate from Beli--
sarius, VI. xviii. 4-9; blocks the
plans of Belisarius, VI. xvili.10, 11;
replies to Belisarius’ speech of
protest, VI. xviii. 23-26; letter
written by Justinian regarding his
authority, VI. xviii. 28; his per-
verse interpretation thereof, VI.
XvViii. 29; accompanies Belisarius
to Urbinus,. VI. xix. 1; encamps:s
apart from him, VI. xix. 2; aban-
dons him with part of the army,
VI. xix. 8,9; proceeds to Ariminum,
VI. xix. 10; vexed at Belisarius’
success at Urbinus, VI. xix, 80
sends John against Caesena, VI.
xix. 19; receives a letter from
Belisarius, VI. xxi. 17-22; John
awaits his command, VI. xxi. 25;
sends John and Justinus to Milan,
VI. xxi. 23; recalled by Justinian,
VI. xxii. 4, 5; sent by him to the
Eruli, vi. xiii. 21; unmasks the
pretended Chilbudius, VII. xiii,
26-xiy. 36
Narses, an Armenian, brother of
Aratius ; commander in the Roman
army, VI. Xvi. 21, xxvi. 3, xxvii. 16 ;
sides’ with Narses the Eunuch
against Belisarius, VI. xviii. 6;
sent away from Ravenna, VI. xxix.
29; brother of Isaac and Aratius,
Vil. xiii. 20
Nazares, an Illyrian commander;
distinguished for bravery, VII. xi. 18
Neapolitans, approve ‘otila’s pro-
posal, VII. vii. 18
Nile River, its unusual flooding, VII.
xxix. 6-8, 17, 19
Odalgan, a Hun; commander of
Perusia; sends aid to Martinianus,
VII. xxiii. 6
Olyvrius, a Roman; takes sanctuary,
Vitex. 19
VII. xx. 19; unable to flee with
John, VII. xxvi.13 ; an ex-consul, do.
; - Osdas, Gothic commander; burned
to death, VII. xix. 20
Pacurius, son of Peranius; sent to
Italy, VII. xxvii. 2
Panteichion, suburb of Byzantium,
VII. xxxv. 4
Patrician rank, VII. xiii. 12, xx. 18,
xxvi. 13, xxxv. 10
Paulus, messenger of Mundilas, v1.
xxi.3; swims the Po and delivers
his message, VI. xxi. 4-9; returns
to Milan, VI. xxi. 11
Pelagius, a priest of Rome; intimate
with Justinian, VII. xvi. 5; uses
his wealth to relieve suffering in
Rome, VI. xvi.6; goes as an envoy
to Totila, vil. xvi. 7—xvii. 1;
appeals to him to spare the Romans,
Vil. xx. 23-25; entreats him for
the senators, VII. xxi. 17; sent as
envoy to Justinian, VII. xxi. 18
Peranius, Roman general; sent
against Urviventus, VI. xix. 1;
persuades JBelisarius to march
against it, VI. xx. 4; uncle of
Phazas, Vil. vi. 10; father of
Pacurius, VII. xxvii. 2
Persarmenians, Chanaranges a Persar-
menian, VII. xxxii. 11
Orestes, a Roman; takes sanctuary, i
INDEX
Persia, VII. x. 1
Persians, called also Medes, VI. xxii.
15, 16, 17, 21, ὙΠ. αν. 23, xi. 3; in
the Roman army, VII. iii. 11;
Artasires a Persian, VII. xi. 37;
Chosroes King of the Persians,
VII. xxxii. 2; the Persian War,
Mie Sxn25) ΟΠ ocx, 255 the
Persian King issues silver, but not
gold, coinage, VII. xxxiii. 6
Perusia, first city in Tuscany, VIL.
xxxv. 2; held by Cyprian, VII. vi.
8; its surrender demanded by
Totila, iI. xii. 18; support
obtained thence by Martinianus,
VII. xxiii. 5-7; besieged by the
Goths, ὙΠ. xxv. 1, 2; ‘otila
summoned thither, vil. xxv. 19,
20; he moves against it, VII. xxv.
24; abandoned by Belisarius and
captured by the Goths, VII. xxxy. 2
Peter the Apostle, his church in Rome,
VIL. xx. 22
Peter, Roman ambassador; returned
by the Goths, VI. xxii. 23; made
Magister Militum by the emperor,
VI. xxii. 24
Petra, fortress on the Flaminian Way ;
captured by Totila, vi. vi. 1
Phanitheus, an Erulian commander:
slain at Caesena, VI. xix. 20, xxii. 8
Phazas, an Iberian, nephew of
Peranius; commander of Armen-
jans, VII. vi. 10; sent to Naples,
VII. vii. 3; escapes capture, VII.
vii. 7; sent forward by Belisarius,
VII. xxviii.5; dies fighting bravely,
VII. xxviii. 15
Philemuth, succeeds Phanitheus as:
commander of the Hruli, VI. xxii. 8 ::
VII. xiii. 22, xxiv. 42
Phocaea, its colony Massilia,
xxxili. 4
Phocas, guard of Belisarius; sent to
Portus, VII. xv. 1; with Valentinus
plans a sally, VII. xv. 2; not
supported by Bessas, VII. xv. 3, 4;
meets his death in a second sally,
VII. xv. 5-8 "Ὁ
Picenum, raided by John, vi. xvii. 1:
story of an infant abandoned there.
VI. xvii. 2ff.; inhabitants of
Aemilia seek refuge there from
famine, VI. xx. 18; ravages of the
famine therein, VI. xx. 21; scarcity
483
VIt..
ow Ὁ
-
INDEX
of food, VI. xxiv. 15; invaded by
Totila, VII. xi. 39; Totila sends a
force into it, VII. xxx. 18; its
metropolis Auximus, VI. xxiii. 6;
mentioned, VI. xviii. 9, xxii. 1,
VII. xxx. 15,17
Pisaurus, fortress on the Adriatic,
VII. xi. 82; dismantled by Vittigis,
VII. xi. 32, xxv. 7, 8; seized by
Belisarius, VIT. xi. 33, 34
Pisidians, some of them called ‘* Wolf-
Skulls,’ VIT. xxvii. 20
Placentia, first city of Aemilia, on
the Po River, VII. xiii. 9; besieged
by the Goths, vil. xiii. 8-11;
inhabitants hard pressed by the
siege, VII. xvi. 2, 3; surrender to
the Goths, VII. xvi. 3
Po River, distance from Milan, VI.
xxi. 2; spanned by a bridge at
Ticinum, VI. xxv. 8; proposed as
a boundary between Gothic and
Roman territory, VI. xxix. 2;
Vil. ii. 15; remarkable falling of
its water, VI. xxviii. 3-5; Paulus
swims acrossit, VI. xxi.4; Martinus
and Uliaris delay on its banks, VI.
xxi. 2, 13; guarded by Roman
troops, VI. xxiii. 3-5, xxviii. 33;
crossed by Uliaris, VI. xxiv. 21;
by the franks, VI. xxv. 7-11,
xxviii. 19; at Ravenna, guarded
by Magnus and Vitalius, VI. xxviii.
1, 2; and by Belisarius and Ildiger,
VI. xxviii. 24; mentioned, VI. xxix.
35, xxx. 3. See also ‘‘ Wridanus ”
Pola, city in Illyricum, VII. x. 13
Pompeius, father of John and brother
of Hypatius, VII. xxxi. 14
Porphyrius, the whale which harassed
Byzantium, VII. xxix. 9 ff.
Portus, town at the mouth of the
Tiber; receives reinforcements,
VII. xv. 1; sally from, VII. xv. 7, 8;
Roman ships intercepted at, VII.
xy. 11-13; shut off from communi-
cation with Rome by Totila, VII.
xviii. 10; protected by a special
force, VII. xix. 6; held by Isaac,
Vil. xix. 7; report of Belisarius'’
success reaches it, VII. xix. 23; its
loss feared by Belisarius, VII. xix.
30; Belisarius returns thither, VII.
xix. 32; checkmated by a garrison
at Algedon, VII. xxii. 18; guarded
484
ἢ
Ἷ
by the Romans, VII. xxiy. 25)
refuge of Roman fugitives, vit,
xxvi. 12; the road between Portus —
and Rome, VII. xix. 11, 18
Preiecta, niece of Justinian; be-
trothed to Artabanes, VII. xxxi. 2;
to whom she owes a debt of grati-
tude, VII. xxxi. 3; wife of Areo- —
bindus, do.; sent to the emperor
by Artabanes, VII. xxxi. 4; Arta-
banes unable to marry her, ΥἹΙ.
xxxi. 11; married to John, son
of Pompeius, VII. xxxi. 14
Procopius, writer of the history of
the Gothic War, VI. xxii. 25, xxx,
30; VII. i. 49, v. 19, vii. 20, ix. 23)
mi. 39, xv. 16, xxiv. 34, xxix. 21)
Xxxy. 29; witnesses the infant
reared by a goat, VI. xvii. 10;
makes a useful suggestion to
Belisarius, VI. xxiii. 23-28
Ravenna, city in northern Italy;
held by the Goths and Vittigis,
VI. Xvi.—xxix.; besieged by Beli-
sarius, VI. xxviii. 1 ff.; its stores
of grain burned, VI. xxviii. 25, 26;
entered by Belisarius and his army,
VI. xxix. 30 ff.; left by Belisarius,
Vil. i. 25; administration of
Alexander in, VII. i. 32; held by
Constantianus, VII. vi. 8; head-
quarters of Belisarius, VII. xi. 1 ff.;
found by him unsuitable for this
purpose, VII. xiii. 13, 14; left in
charge of Justinus, VII. xiii. 19;
its harbour Classes, VI. xxix. 31;
its palace, VI. xxix. 37; Auximus
considered its key by Vittigis,
VI. xxiv. 7, xxvi. 13; distance from
Auximus, VI. xxiii. 6; from
Faventia, VII. iii. 22
Reparatus, pretorian prefect; his
death, VI. xxi. 40
Rhecimundus, a Gothic notable; in
command of Bruttium, Vil. xviii. |
26; his force attacked and dis-
persed by John, VII. xviii. 27, 28
Rhegium, city in Bruttium, ὙΠῸ
xvili. 27, xxiii. 12; oppositel
Messana, VII. xxviii. 18
Ricilas, guard of Belisarius; sent to-
Auximus, VII. xi. 19; his rash
encounter with the Goths, vil. xi.
22-24; his death, VII. xi. 25
Risinlfus, a Lombard; nephew of
Vaces and heir to the throne, VII.
xxxy. 13; banished by him, ΥἹΙ.
xxxy. 14; flees to the Varni, VII.
xxxy. 15; his two children, VII.
xxxv. 15, 16
Rock of Blood, pass between Lucania
and Bruttium, VII. xxviii. 7
Rogi, a Gothic nation, vit. ii. 1-3;
eleyate Eraric to the Gothic throne,
Vit. ii. 4
Romans, (a) subjects of the Roman
empire both in the East and in
the West; mentioned constantly
throughout; their alliance with
the Franks, VI. xxv. 2; in control
of the sea, VI. xxiv. 14, xxviii. 6;
unable to keep out the Iranks
from Venetia, VII. xxxili. 7;
Roman deserters in the Gothic
Aly, Vil. ἈΧΙΤΙ. 9. acyl. a0}:
Roman senators left in Campania
by Totila, vil. xxiii. 18, xxvi. 2;
the Roman emperor alone privileged
to issue gold coinage, VII. xxxiii.
5, 6; (b) the inhabitants of Rome,
Vu. i. 21; send Pelagius as envoy to
Totila, VII. xvi. 7; suffer famine
4 ff, xvi. 7, xvii: 1, 9-19, xx. 3;
appeal to Bessas and Conon, VII.
xvii. 2-8; their attempts to get
away from Rome, VII. xvii. 23-25;
a Roman drowns himself before
his children, ΥἹΙἝ. xvii. 20-22; only
five hundred left when Totila
captured the city, VII. xx. 19;
reduced to beggary, VII. xx. 27, 28
Rome, avoided by Totila, vit. vi. 1;
held by John, vil. vi. 8; garrison
6-9; placarded by Totila, vit. ix.
21; Belisarius sends a small force
thither, VII. xi. 37; besieged by
Totila, vit. xiii. 1ff.; Vigilius
seeks to send in provisions, VII.
xv. 9ff.; sufferings of the popu-
4 ff., xvi. 4, 7, xvii. 1, 9-25, xx. 3;
concern of Belisarius for it, ΥἹἽΙ.
xviii. 3; its approaches guarded
by Totila, vil. xviii. 8; captured
by him, Vil. xx. 16 ff.; its walls
partly razed by Totila, vii. xxii. 7,
xxiv. 3; saved from destruction
during the siege by Totila, VII. xiii.
of Naples repairs thither, vir. viii.
lation during the siege, vit. xiii.
INDEX
by a letter from Jelisarius, VII.
xxii. 8-17; left utterly without
inhabitants by Totila, vil. xxii. 19;
visited by Belisarius, VII. xxiii. 8;
reoceupied and held by him, VII.
xxiv. 2-26; its walls hastily
rebuilt by him, VII. xxiv. 3, 4; its
keys sent to Justinian by Belisarius,
VII. xxiv. 84; its garrison kills
Conon, VII. xxx. 7; at the mercy of
the Goths, VII. xxxy. 2; its chief
priest Vigilius, VII. xv. 9, xxxv. 9;
its priest Pelagius, VII. xvi. 5; the
road between Rome and Portus,
Vil. xix. 11, 18; its harbour, VII.
vi. 18; distance from Algedon, VII.
xxii. 18; from Dryus, VI. xvili. 4
Ruderic, Gothic commander, VII.
v. 1; defeated by Isaac, VII. xix.
25, 26; dies of wounds, VII. xix. 34
Rusciane, harbour of Thurii, VIT.
xxviii. 8; strong fortress near it,
do.; which is besieged by Totila,
Vit. xxix. 21; makes terms with
the Goths, VII. xxx. 5; Belisarius
attempts to relieve it, VIT. xxx.
9-14; surrenders to Totila, VII.
xxx, 19-21
Rusticiane, daughter of Symmachus
and wife of Boethius; reduced
to beggary, VII. xx. 27, 28; hated
by the Goths, VII. xx. 29; protected
by Totila, VII. xx. 30
Sabinianus, guard of Belisarius; sent
to Auximus, VIT. xi. 19; decides
to leave Auximus, VII. xi. 26, 27;
attacked by Totila, but escapes,
VII. xi. 29-31; sent to Pisaurus,
VII. xi. 34
Salones, city in Dalmatia, VII. x.
8, 12; near Mouicurum, VIT. xxxv.
25; commanded by Clandian,
VII. XXxv. 27
Samnium, entered by Votila, vit. vi.1
Sangarius River, in Bithynia, VII.
xxix, 12
Sclaveni, a barbarian nation, VI.
xxvi. 18; settled near the Ister,
vi. xxvi. 19; formerly called Spori,
Vil. xiv. 29; hold extensive terri-
tory, VII. xiv. 30; their frequent
invasions, VII. xiv. 2; defeat
Chilbudius, vit. xiv. 4, 6; make
war on the Antae, VII. Xiv. 7; cross
485
INDEX
the Danube, VII. xiii. 24; defeated
by the Hruli, VI. xiii. 25; invade
Illyricum, VII. xxix. 1-3; Ildiges
flees to them, VII. xxxv. 16; many
of them follow him, VII. xxxy. 19;
Ildiges returns to them, VII. xxxv.
21, 22; - their Glam ale govern-
ment, ὙΠ. xiv. 22; religious beliefs,
customs, language, etc., VII. xiv.
23-28; one of them renders a
service to JBelisarius, VI. xxvi.
20 ff.
Scylaeum, place in Sicily, VII. xxvii.17
Scylla, fabled monster in Sicily,
VII. xvii. 17; the Strait of Scylla,
VII. xviii. 26
Senate, Vil. xxi. 19, xxii.19, xxiii. 18,
xxvi. 1, 2, 14, xxii. 43, 46
Sergius, nephew of Solomon;
to Italy, Vu. xxvii. 2
Sicilians, marked for vengeance by
Totila, yu. xvi. 14-21, 31
Sicily, had been captured by an
insignificant Roman force, VII. xvi.
18, 19; important source of sup-
plies for Rome and all Italy, VI.
xxiv. 14; VU. vi.15, xiii. 7, xvi. 20,
xix.13; mentioned, VI. xviii. 9;
Vil. vi. 14, 16, vii. 1, xv. 9, xvi. 1,
Xvili. 26, xxvi. 14, xxvii. 16,
xxviii. 18, xxx. 1
Singidunum, city in Moesia; towns
near it given to the Eruli, Vi.
xxxiii.13
Sirmium, city in Pannonia, taken by
the Gepaedes, VII. xxxiii. 8; held
by them, VII. xxxiv. 17, 35
Sisauranon, city in Mesopotamia;
captured by Belisarius, Vil. iii. 11
Sisifridus, a Goth; commander of
the Roman garrison of Asise, VII.
xii. 12; killed in a sally, VII. xii. 17
Sisigis, commander of a Gothic
stronghold in the Alps; submits
to Belisarius, VI. xxviii. 30, 32;
besieged by Uraias, VI. xxviii. 33
Solomon, uncle of Sergius, VII. xxvii. 2
Spolitium, city in Tuscany; held by
Bessas, VII. vi. 8; besieged by
Totila, VII. xii. 12; surrendered to
him, VII. xii. 15, 16, xxi. 15; its
walls razed by the Goths, Vil.
xxiii. 3; Roman prisoners sent
there, VII. xxiii.2; its amphitheatre
used as a garrison by the Goths,
486
sent
Vill. xxiii. 3; captured by Ma
tinianus, VII. xxiii. 4~7
Spori, ancient name of the Antae a
Sclaveni, VII. xiv. 29
Symmachus, father of Rusticia
Vil. xx. 27, 29
Syracuse, city in Sicily, VI. vii. 1
Tarbesium, stronghold in Venetia;
surrenders to Belisarius, VI. xxix.
40; Vitalius defeated near it,
i. 35; commanded by Totila, y
ii. 7; who proposes to surrender it,
VII. ii. 8, 9
Tarentum, city in Calabria; fortifi
by John, Vil. xxiii. 12-17; its
harbour, VI. xxiii.14; ats location
VII. xxiii. 14, xxviii. 2; distance
tioned, VII. xxvii. 11, 17, xxviii.1l
Thebes, city in Aegypt, VII. xxix.6 _
Theodatus, King of the Goths,
nephew of Theoderic, VI. xxx. 5;
VII. viii, 21
Theoderic, King of the Goths, uncl
of Theodatus, VI. xxx. 5; V
i. 4, 21, 32; conciliates the R
Vil. ii. Ὡς; begged to send only Ἢ
small garrison to Sicily, ὙΠ. Xv
17; benefits of his reign, VI. ix. 10,
xxi. 12, 23; his wealth carried to
Byzantium, yan >t, 5)8 if
Theoderic destroyed, VI. xx. 29
Theodora, wife of Justinian, Roman
Empress; compels Artabanes to
take back his wife, VI. xxxi. 14
her death, VII. xxx. 4
Theodorus, an orator in Rome;
as envoy to Justinian, VII. xxi. 18
Theodosius, head of the household
of Belisarius, VI. xxviii.8
Theudibert, Frankish King; le
an army into Italy, VI. xxv. 2—
receives a letter from Belisar:
VI. xxy. 19-23; retires from Ita
VI. xxv. 24, xxvi.1, 12
Theudimund, son of Mauricius;
escapes from peril, VII. i. 36
Theudis, King of the Visigoths; uncle
of Ildibadus, VI. xxx. 15
Thomas, Roman commander; s
by Belisarius to take over
strongholds of the Cottian Alp
VI. xxviii. 29ff.; besieged f
Urafas, VI. xxviii. 33
᾿
.
he
Thorisin, ruler of the Gepaedes, VII.
xxxivy. 4
Thrace, soldiers recruited thence by
Belisarius, VII. x. 1, 2, xii. 4;
Narses leads the Eruli thither,
VII. xiii. 22; invaded by the Antae,
vul. xiv. 11; overrun by the Eruli,
vil. xxxiii. 13; Chilbudius General
of Thrace, VII. xiv. 2; mentioned,
vil. xxxii. 38
Thracians, at the mercy of the
barbarians, VII. xxxiii. 1; in the
Roman army, VII. vi. 10; the
following Thracians are mentioned :
Barbation, VII. xi. 37; Gudilas,
VII. xxx. 6
Thurii, city in Bruttium, VII. xxiii.
12; between Croton and Tarentum,
Vil. xxviii.3; its harbour Rusciane,
VII. xxviii. 8
Thurimuth, guard of DBelisarius;
sent into Aemilia, VII. xi. 11; with
Vitalius defeats the Goths, VI. xi.
17; returns to Ravenna, VII. xi.
18; sent to Auximus, VII. xi. 19;
defeats the Goths, VII. xi. 25;
decides to leaye Auximus, VII. xi.
26. 27; attacked by Totila, but
escapes, VI. xi. 29-31; sent to
Pisaurus, VII. xi. 34
Thuringians, subjugated by the
Franks, VI. xxviii. 17
Tiber River, its-bridge, VII. xvii. 22;
guarded by a bridge built by
Totila, VII. xviii. 9, 10, xix. 16;
the most of its bridges destroyed
by the Goths, VII. xxiv. 31, xxv.
22; mentioned, VII. vi. 1, x. 23,
xix. 5, 6, xxiv. 10
Tibur, town in Latium; taken by
Totila, VII. x. 19, 21, xi. 1; its
inhabitants slain, VII. x. 22; held
by the Goths as a check on Rome,
VII. x. 23; its defences destroyed,
VII. xxiv. 33; occupied by Totila,
vil. xxiv. 31; strengthened by
him, VII. xxiv. 32
Ticinum, city in northern Italy;
Uraias proceeds thither, vI. xxiv.
20, 21, xxx. 4; a bridge there over
the Po, VI. xxv. 8; held by the
Goths, VIL. i. 27, iii. 3, iv. 12
Totila, nephew of Ildibadus, VII. ii. 7;
offers to surrender Tarbesium to
Constantianus, VII.ii. 8, 9; invited
INDEX
to the Gothic throne, VI. ii. 11;
his conditions, VII. ii. 12; assumes
the power, VII. ii. 18, iii. 1; in
Ticinum, VII. iii. 3; moves against
the Romans, VII. iv. 1; addresses
his army, VII. iv. 10-18; crosses
the Po and defeats the Romans,
Vil. iv. 19 ff.; sends a force against
Florentia, VII. v. 1; treats Roman
captives kindly, VII. v. 19; cap-
tures Caesena, Petra and Bene-
venttum, VII. vi. 1; lays siege to
Naples, VII. vi. 2 ff.; takes by
surrender a fortress near Naples,
VII. xxvi. 13; captures Cumae,
VII. vi. 3; his chivalrous treatment
of the senators’ wives, VII. vi. 4;
gains Bruttium, Lucania, Apulia,
and Calabria, VII. vi. 5; feared
by Roman soldiers, VII. vi. 19;
insulted by Demetrius, VII. vi. 21;
intercepts a relieving fleet, VII. vi.
24; humiliates Demetrius, VII.
vii. 8,9; addresses the Neapolitans,
VII. vii. 11-16; receives the sur-
render of Naples, VII. vii. 18-20;
his humane treatment of the
Neapolitans, VII. viii. 1-5; and
kindness to the Roman garrison,
VU. viii. 8, 9; partially dismantles
the defences of Naples, VII. viii. 10;
imprisons one of his guards, VII.
viii. 13; appeases the Gothic
notables, VII. viii. 14-24; executes
the guard, VII. viii. 25; writes a
letter to the Roman senate, ὙΠ.
ix. 19; has Rome placarded, VII. ix.
20, 21; sends a force against Dryus,
and moves to Rome, VII. ix, 22;
receives a report from Dryus,
Vil. x. 9; sends spies to Belisarius’
army, VII. x. 14-18; takes Tibur,
VII. x. 19-21; sends an army to
Bononia, VII. xi. 16; eluded by
the Romans, VII. xi. 20; ambushes
the Romans, Vil. xi. 28-30;
threatens Pisaurus, VII. xi. 35, 36;
attacks several towns, VII. xi. 38,
389; besieges Tuscan towns, VII.
xii.12; takes Pirmum and Asculum
by surrender, ΥἹΙ. xii. 13; receives
the surrender of Spolitium, VII.
xii. 15; and of Asise, VII. xii. 18;
demands the surrender of Perusia,
do.; has Cyprian murdered, VIL.
487
INDEX
ΧΙ]. 19, 20; besieges Rome, Vit.
xiii. 1 ff; urges the farmers to
cultivate the land, VII. xiii. 1;
takes the revenne, do.; sends a
force into Aemilia, Vi. xiii. 8-11;
ambushes a Roman force, VII. xv.
7, 8; puts to death a Roman
bishop, VII. xv. 14, 15; treats with
Pelagius, VII. xvi. 7—xvii. 1;
receives news of Belisarius’ arrival
at Dryus, VII. xviii.6; guards the
approaches to Rome, VII. xviii. 8;
constructs a bridge over the Tiber,
Vil. xviii. 9, 10, xix. 16; receives
remnants of a force from Brundis-
ium, VII. xviii. 16; sends a
force to Capua, VII. xviii. 24; ap-
points Rhecimundus commander of
Bruttium, VI. xviii. 26; executes
Isaac, VII. xix. 34; negotiates with
four JIsaurians, VII. xx. 413;
captures Rome, VII. xx. 14 ff.;
satisfied to have the Romans flee,
Vil. xx. 20, 21; prays in the church
of Peter the Apostle, VII. xx. 22;
appealed to by Pelagius, VII. xx.
23-25; orders the slaughter of
Romans to cease, VII. xx. 25;
secures the accumulated wealth
of Bessas, VII. xx. 26; protects
Rusticiane and other Roman women,
Vit. xx. 30, 31; addresses the Goths,
vit. xxi. 1-11; and the Roman
senate, VII. xxi. 12-16; persuaded
by Pelagius to spare the senators,
Vil. xxi. 17; sends envoys with a
Jetter to Justinian, VIT. xxi. 18-24;
referred by Justinian to Belisarius,
Vil. xxi. 25; sends Roman senators
to Campania, VII. xxvi. 2; sends a
force against Tullianus, VII. xxii.
4; decides to dismantle Rome,
Vil. xxii. 6; does so in part, VII.
xxii. 7, xxiv. 3, 9; dissuaded by a
letter from Belisarius, VII. xxii.
8-17; garrisons Algedon and
marches against John, VI. xxii. 18;
disposes of his prisoners, VII. xxii.
19; persuades the Roman farmers
to return to their work, VII. xxii. 20,
21; becomes master of southern
Italy except Dryus, VII. xxii. 22;
encamps at Mt. Garganon, VII.
xxii. 24; receives Martinianus
kindly, VIT. xxiii. 1, 2; captures
488
Acherontis and goes to Ravenna
Vil. xxiii. 18; attacks Belisarius i
Rome unsuccessfully, VIT.
8-26; reproached by the Gothie
notables, VII. xxiv. 27; worshipped
by them while successful, VIT. xxiv
29; retires to Tibur, VII. xxiv. 31
had sent an army against Perusia
Vil. xxv. 1; requested to assist in
its siege, ‘VIL. xxv. 2; addresses
the Goths, VII. xxv. 3-24; moves
against Perusia, VII. xxv. 24
sends a force into Campania, VII.
xxvi. 3; receives report of its
defeat, VII. xxvi.9; vows vengeance
on John, and marches against him
Vil. xxvi. 15; surprises and ronts
him, Vil. xvi. 17-23; surprises a
force under Verus, VII. xxvii. 6-9;
frightened away by a Roman flees
Vil. xxvii. 10; sends troops to
Rusciane, VII. xxviii. 9; who
return defeated to him, VII. xxviii.
11; surprises and overwhelms the
* Roman force, VII. xxviii. 13-15
besieges a fortress near Rusciane
VII. xxix. 21; prevents a Roma
fleet from landing, VII. xxx. 13, 14
the Romans unsuccessfully attempt
to draw him away from Rusciane
VII. xxx. 16, 18; sends a force into
Vil. xxx. 19-9]- 1
in treating the captives, ὙΠ. Xxx
21. 225 Tldiges plans to join him
VII. Xxxv. 22: ; receives Induli as a
deserter, VII. xxxy. 23; sends him
to Dalmatia, VIT. xxxy. 24: Indulf
returns to him, VII. xxxy. 29
Trajan, Roman Emperor; founded
Turris, VII. xiv. 32
Tullianus, son of Venantius;
admonishes and assists John,
Xviii. 20-22;" exercised grea
influence in Bruttium and Lucan
VII. xviii.20: brother of Deopheron,
Vil. xxx. 6; ronuses the rustics,
VII. xxii.2; defeats a Gothic force,
Vil. xxii. 4-6; makes off in flight,
VII. xxii. 21
Turris, ancient city founded by
Trajan, VII. xiv. 32
Tuscany, famine in, vi. xx. 19%
Romans flee thither, VI. xxv. 145
entered by Totila vir. vi. 1; shut
off from Rome, VII. x. 23; invaded
by Totila, vir. xii. 12; its chief
city Perusia, VII. xxxv. 2
‘ Uliaris Roman commander, VI. xvi.
21; sent with Martinus against
Uraias, VI. xxi. 1ff.; urged by
Mundilas to hasten, VI. Xxi. 5-9;
continues to delay, VI. xxi. 10, 12;
John and Justinus sent to assist
them, VI. xxi. 22, 23; marches
toward Rome, VI. xxi 42; for-
bidden to come before Belisarius,
_ VI. xxii. 3
)Uliaris, Gothic commander, vit. v. 1
Ulifus, guard of Cyprian; kills him
at the instigation of Totila, vir.
xii. 19, 20
| Unigastus, guard of Belisarius; saves
him from a serious wound, VI.
xxvii. 14
)Uraias, nephew of Vittigis, vi. xxx.
4, 12; besieges Milan, VI. xviii.
19, xxi. 1; makes terms with the
Eruli vi. xxii. 6; held in check by
John and others, VI. xxiii. 4; sent
to Ticinum, VI. xxiv. 20-22;
summoned by Vittigis, VI. xxvi. 9;
leads a relief expedition to Ravenna,
VI. xxviii. 31; turns aside to the
Alps, VI. xxviii. 33; unable to
continue, VI. xxviii. 35; invited
to assume the kingship of the
Goths, VI. xxx. 4ff.; declines the
offer, VI. xxx. 11ff.; becomes
hostile to Iidibadus, vit. i. 37 ff.;
slain by him vit.i. 41 49
\Urbinus, city in Picenum; its
Situation, VI. xix. 3, 4; distance
from Ariminum, VI. xix. 1; be-
sieged by Belisarius, VI. xix. Ἴ fies
failure of its water supply, VL. xix.
12, 13; captured in mid-winter,
VI. Xix. 17; ΠΌΣΟ ἢ
\Urvisalia, town in Picenum;
destroyed by Alaric; an infant
reared there by a goat, VI. xvii. 1 ff.
᾿ Urviventus, town near Rome;
guarded by the Goths, Vi. xviii.19;
its situation, VI. xx. 7-10; Peranius
sent against it, VI. xix. 1; Beli-
sariug marches. against it by the
advice of Peranius, VI. xx. 8, 4;
besieged by him, VI. Xx. 5 ff.
INDEX
Vaces, ruler of the Lombards, vI-
xxii. 11; Viv. xxxy. 13; friend of
the emperor, VI. xxii. 12; uncle of
Risiulfus, vil. xxxv. 13; father
of Valdarus, VII. xxxv. 17; banishes
Risiulfus, VII. xxxvy. 14; bribes
the Varnito kill him, Vl. xxxv. 16;
dies of disease, VII. xxxv. 17
Valaris, a Goth; challenges the
Roman army, VII. iv. 21; fights
with Artabazes, VII. iv. 23; slain
by him, vit. iv. 24, 28
Valdarus, son of Vaces;
king of the Lombards,
17
Valentinus, Roman commiencer _sent
to relieve Dryus, VI. x. 6, his
men defeated, VII. x. 10,” hls
returns to Salones, VII. x. 12:
to Portus, VII. xv. 1; with Phocas
plans a sally, VII. xv. 2; not
supported by Bessas, VII. xv. 3, 43
meets his death in a second sally,
VII. xy. 5-8
Valerian, Roman commander; assists
Belisarius at Auximus, VI. xxvi.
17 ff.; accompanies Belisarius to
Byzantium, VII. i. 1; General of
Armenia; sent to Italy, VII. xxvii.
3; hesitates to cross the Adriatic,
VII. xxvii. 13, 14; sends a small
detachment, VII. xxvii. 15; ordered
by Justinian to proceed, VII. xxx.
1; crosses to Dryus, VII. xxx. 2;
accompanies Belisarius to Rusciane,
VII. xxx. 9; arrangements made
for him to disembark and march
to Picenum, VII. xxx. 15, 18;
instead sails to Ancon, VII. xxx, 17
Vandals, in Africa; their overthrow,
Vie) Soci.) 6 ΥἹΙ. 15 GIS pool Ghee)
retinue of Belisarius, Vardi Gls vas
captives of Belisarius, vit. i. 12
Varazes, an Armenian, commander
in the Roman army; sent to Italy,
VII. xxvii. 3; unexpectedly rescues
Verus, VII. xxvii. 10; lands and
marches to Tarentum, VIT. xxvii. 11
Varni, a barbarian tribe; Risiulfus
flees to them, VIT. xxxy. 15
Velas, a Goth; offended by Ildibadus,
vit.i. 43 ff.; slays him, vit.i. 47, 48
Venantius, father of Tullianus, vir.
xviii. 20
Venetia, Vitalius sent
becomes
VII. XXXV.
thither, VI.
489
INDEX
Xxvili. 24; gained by Ildibadus,
VI. 1. 27; partly acquired by the
Franks, VII, xxxiii. 7; its towns,
Tarbesium, VI. xxix. 40; Verona,
VII. iii. 3; mentioned, γί. Xxi. 41,
ΣΟ ΠΟ {0 Vu. 1. 34, xxxv. 22
Vergentinus, Roman senator; pro-
ceeds to Dalmatia, VI. xxi. 41
Verona, city in upper Italy; com-
manded by Ildibadus, VI. xxix. 41,
xxx. 16; VII.iii. 3: attacked by a
Roman army, VII.iii. 4 ff.; entered
by Artabazes, VIT.iii. 14; recovered
by the Goths, VII. iii. 16, iv. 18;
many of its garrison summoned by
Totila, VII. iv. 1; distance from
Mantua, VII.iii. 5
Verus, commander of the Eruli; sent
to Italy, VII. xxvii. 3; arrives at
Dryus, VII. xxvii. 4; his uncon-
trolled nature, VII. xxvii. 5, 6;
almost captured by Totila, VII.
xxvii. 9; rescued by Varazes,
VII. xxvii. 10
Veyon, placein Bruttium, VII. xviii.27
Vigilius, chief priest of Rome; sends
supplies to Rome, VII. xv. 9 ἢ:
goes to Byzantium, VII. xvi. 1;
urges Justinian to defend Italy,
VII. xxxy. 9
Visandus, Zrulian commander; left
in Venetia, VI. xxii. 8; killed in
battle, VII. i. 35
Visigoths, in Spain;
Theudis, VI. xxx. 15
Vitalian, the tyrant: uncle of John,
VI. XXViii.53; VIL.iii. 2, v. 4, xii. 1,
xiii. 20, xxvii. 11, xxxiy. 41
Vitalius, General of Illyricum, VII.x. 2;
meets the Hruliin Venetia, VI. xxii.
7; guards the Po near Rayenna, VI.
XXvili. 2; sent into Venetia, VI.
xxviii. 24; defeated by Taibanus
Vil. i. 34, "35; escapes, VI. i. 36;
confers with’ other commanders,
VII. iii. 2, 3; returns from Italy
and accompanies Belisarius through
their king
MADE AND PaintEp in Great ΒΠΙΤΑΙΝ. Rriowarp Ciay & Sons, Lrp.,
Printers, BuNGAY, SUFFOLK.
Vittigis, King of the Goths; places
Viledas, Gothic commander, VII. v.
Thrace, ὙΠ. x. 2ff.; persuades
him to proceed to Ravenna, VII.
xiii. 14; repulses an attack of the
Goths, VII. xi. 16, 17; sent into
Aemilia, VII. xi. 11; captures ©
Bononia, VII. xi. 12
a very strong garrison in Auximu 5
VI. xxiii. 8; learns from Gothic
fugitives of the approach of Beli-
sarius to Ariminum, VI. xvii. 17,
18; holds Ravenna, VI. xviii. 19, —
xxiii.1, xxiv. 24; seeks the alliance |
of the Lombards, VI. xxii. 9-12;
persuaded to stir up Chosroe
VI. xxii. 13 ff.; his envoys retu
by Justinian, VI. xxii.22; appeale
to in vain by the Goths in Auximus,
VI. xxiv. 1-16, xxvi. 2, 5-15; a
by those in Fisula, VI. xxiv. 193
sends Uraias to Ticinum, YI. xxiv
20; besieged in Ravenna, Y
xxviii. 1 ff.; receives envoys from
the Franks and from Belisariu
VI. xxviii. 7-22; favours the latte
VI. xxviii. 23; despairs of succes
VI. Xxviii.27; agrees tomake pea
VI. xxix. 2,3; VIl.ii.15; the Goths
dissatisfied with his rule, VI. 3
17; encourages Belisarius to 8006)
the kingship, VI. xxix. 21; invit
by Belisarius to make good his
promise, VI. xxix, 24: places
himself in the hands of the Romans,
VI. xxx. 21; guarded by Belisarius,
VI. xxix. 35; taken to Byzantium
by Belisarius, Vitsids ais ad
dismantled Pisaurus and Panu
suntha, Vi. * exviii. 26; Vvu.i. 2
waar! name applied to certail
of the Pisidians, VII. xxvii. 20
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EURIPIDES. Trans. by A. S. Way. 4 Vols. (Vols. I, 11 and 1V
3rd Linpression. Vol. 111] 2nd Jmpression.)
GALEN: ON THE NATURAL FACULTIES. Trans. by A. J. Brock.
THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY. ‘Trans. by ΝΥ. R. Paton. 5 Vols.
(Vols. I and 11 2nd Luzpression.)
THE GREEK BUCOLIC POETS (THEOCRITUS, BION, MOS.
CHUS). Trans. by J. M. Edmonds. (4¢/: Lizfression.)
HERODOTUS. Trans. by A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. Vols. I to III.
HESIOD AND THE HOMERIC HYMNS. Trans. by Η. G. Evelyn
White. (2nd [nipression.)
HIPPOCRATES. Trans. by W. H. S. Jones. 4 Vols. Vols. I and 11.
HOMER: ODYSSEY. Trans. by A.T.Murray 2 Vols. (Vol. 1. 2 7772.)
JULIAN. Trans. by Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols.
LUCIAN. Trans. by A. M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I to III. (Vols.
Land 11 2nd Limpression.)
LYRA GRAECA. Trans. by J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. Vols. I and II.
MARCUS AURELIUS. Trans. by C. R. Haines. (2nd linpresston.)
MENANDER. Trans. by F. G. Allinson.
PAUSANIAS: DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. Trans. by W. H. 5.
Jones. 5 Vols. and Companion Vol. Vol. 1.
PHILOSTRATUS: THE LIFE OF APOLLONIUS OF TYANA,
Trans. by F. C. Conybeare. 2 Vols. (2d /mtpression.)
PHILOSTRATUS anpo EUNAPIUS, LIVES OF THE SOPHISTS,
Trans. by Wilmer Cave Wright.
PINDAR. Trans. by Sir J. E. Sandys. (37d Jaupression.)
PLATO: EUTHYPHRO, APOLOGY, CRITO, PHAEDO, PHAED-
RUS. Trans. by H. N. Fowler (37a /inpression.)
PLATO: THEAETETUS AND SOPHIST. Trans. by H. N. Fowler,
PLUTARCH: THE PARALLEL LIVES. Trans. by B. Perrin.
τι Vols. Vols. 1 to X.
POLYBIUS. Trans. by W. R. Paton. 6 Vols. Vols. I to III.
PROCOPIUS: HISTORY OF THE WARS. Trans. by H. B. Dewing.
7 Vols. Vols. I to IIT.
QUINTUS SMYRNAEUS. Trans. by A. S. Way.
SOPHOCLES. Trans. by F. Storr. 2 Vols. (Vol. 1 st Jspression.
Vol. 11 22d Linpression.)
ST. JOHN DAMASCENE: BARLAAM AND IOASAPH. Trans. by
the Rev. G. R. Woodward and Harold Mattingly.
STRABO: GEOGRAPHY. Trans. by Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols.
Vols. I and IL.
THEOPHRASTUS: ENQUIRY INTO PLANTS. Trans. by Sir Arthur
Hort, Bart. 2 Vols.
THUCYDIDES. Trans. by C. F. Smith. 4 Vols.
XENOPHON: CYROPAEDIA. Trans. by Walter Miller. 2 Vols
XENOPHON: HELLENICA, ANABASIS, APOLOGY, ano SYM-
POSIUM. Trans. by C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 53 Vois.
XENOPHON: MEMORABILIA ann OECONOMICUS. Trans. by
i. C. Marchant.
2
IN PREPARATION
Greek Authors.
ARISTOTLE, NICOMACHEAN ETHICS, H. Rackham.
ARISTOTLE, ORGANON, W. M. L. Hutchinson.
ARISTOTLE, POETICS, anp LONGINUS, W. Hamilton Fyfe.
ARISTOTLE, POLITICS ann ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION,
Edward Capps.
ATHENAEUS, C. B. Gulick.
DEMOSTHENES, DE CORONA ann DE FALSA LEGATIONE
C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince.
DEMOSTHENES, PRIVATE ORATIONS, G. M. Calhoun.
DIO CHRYSOSTOM, W. E. Waters.
DIOGENES LAERTIUS, R. D. Hicks.
EPICTETUS, W. A. Oldfather.
EUSEBIUS, Kirsopp Lake.
GREEK IAMBIC AND ELEGIAC POETS, E. D. Perry.
HOMER, ILIAD, A. T. Murray.
ISOCRATES, G. Norlin.
MANETHO, 5. de Ricci.
PAPYRI, A. S. Hunt.
PHILOSTRATUS, IMAGINES, Arthur Fairbanks.
PLATO, ALCIBIADES, HIPPARCHUS, ERASTAI, THEAGES,
CHARMIDES, LACHES, LYSIS, EUTHYDEMUS, W. R. M.
Lamb. .
PLATO, LAWS, R. G. Bury.
PLATO, PARMENIDES, PHILEBUS ano CRATYLUS, H. N.
Fowler.
PLATO, POLITICUS, H. N. Fowler.
PLATO, PROTAGORAS, GORGIAS, MENO, W. R. M. Lamb.
PLATO, REPUBLIC, Paul Shorey. \
PLATO, SYMPOSIUM, W. R. M. Lamb.
PLUTARCH, MORALIA, F. C. Babbitt.
ST. BASIL, LETTERS, R. J. Deferrari.
SEXTUS EMPIRICUS, A. C. Pearson.
THEOPHRASTUS: CHARACTERS; HERODAS; CERCIDAS,
etc.; HLEROCLES, PHILOGELOS, etc., A. D. Knox.
XENOPHON, SCRIPTA MINORA, E. C. Marchant.
Latin Authors.
AULUS GELLIUS, J. C. Rolfe.
BEDE, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, Rev. H. F. Stewart.
CICERO, CATILINE ORATIONS, B. L. Ullman.
CICERO, DE NATURA DEORUM, H. Rackham.
CICERO, DE ORATORE, ORATOR, BRUTUS, Charles Stuttaford,
CICERO, DE REPUBLICA anp DE WUICAOIETSD Clinton Keyes.
, CICERO, PHILIPPICS, W. Ὁ: Kerr.
CICERO, AD FAMILIARES, W. Glyn Williams.
CICERO, PRO CAECINA, PRO LEGE MANILIA, PROCI.UENTIO
PRO RABIRIO, H. Grose Hodge.
CICERO, TUSCULAN DISPUTATIONS, Sir J. 6. Frazer.
FRONTINUS, DE AQUIS ann STRATEGEMATA, C. E. Bennett.
HORACE, EPISTLES anp SATIRES, H. R. Fairclough.
LUCAN, S. Reinach.
LUCRETIUS, W. H. D. Rouse.
OVID, FASTI, Sir J. G. Frazer. .
OVID, TRISTIA ann EX PONTO, A. L. Wheeler.
ST. AUGUSTINE, MINOR WORKS, Rev. P. Wicksteed.
SENECA, MORAL ESSAYS, J. W. Basore.
STATIUS, H. G. Evelyn White,
TACITUS, ANNALS, John Jackson.
TACITUS, HISTORIES, C. H. Moore.
VALERIUS FLACCUS, A. F. Scholfield.
VELLEIUS PATERCULUS AND RES GESTAE DIVI AUGUSTI,
F. W. Shipley.
DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION
London - - WILLIAM HEINEMANN
New York - - G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS
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